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FRANK BAKER, Smithsonian Institution, Washington ; FRANZ BOAS, American 
Museum of Natural History, New York ; STEWART CULIN, University of 
Pennsylvania, Philadelphia ; GEORGE M. DAWSON, Geological Survey of 
Canada, Ottawa ; GEORGE A. DORSEY, Field Columbian Museum, 
Chicago ; ALICE C. FLETCHER, Peabody Museum, Cambridge ; 
W. H. HOLMES, U. S. National Museum, Washington ; J. 
W. POWELL, Bureau of American Ethnology, Wash- 
ington ; F. W. PUTNAM, Harvard University, 

F. W. HODGE, Secretary and Managing Editor, 1333 F Street, Washington, D. C. 







Ube Knicftecboclicr press, f^cw JSorft 



The Lessons of Folklore. J. W. Powell .... i 

Aboriginal Quarries and Shops at Mill Creek, Illinois. W, A. 

Phillips 37 

Mayan Time Systems and Time Symbols. Cyrus Thomas . -53 
Linguistic Families of Mexico. Otis T. Mason . . . -63 
Oriental Influences in Mexico. Walter Hough . . . .66 
The Study of Primitive Music. Charles K. Wead . . .75 
The New-fire Ceremony at Walpi. J. Walter Fewkes . . 80 
The Toara Ceremony of the Dippil Tribes of Queensland. R. H. 

Mathews ■ . • i39 

The Lords of the Night and the Tonalamatl of the Codex Bor- 

bonicus. C. P. Bowditch i45 

Morphology of the Chinook Verb. John R. Swanton . . 199 

Oraibi Marriage Customs. H. R. Voth 238 

The Department of Anthropology of the Field Columbian 

Museum. George A. Dorsey 247 

Basketry Designs of the Maidu Indians of California. Roland B. 

Dixon .... 266 

Mythical Monsters. D. S. Lamb 277 

A Remarkable Counterfeiter. Albert Ernest Jenks . . . 292 
Preliminary Notes on Explorations among the Amoor Tribes. 

Berthold Laufer ........ 297 

Physical and Physiological Observations on the Navaho. Ales 

Hrdlicka 339 

The Hudson Collection of Basketry. Otis T. Mason . . . 346 

In Memoriam : Frank Hamilton Cushing 354 

The Obsidian Mines of Hidalgo, Mexico. W. H. Holmes . . 405 
The Obsidian Razor of the Aztecs. George Grant MacCurdv. 417 
Pueblo Ruins near Flagstaff, Arizona. J. Walter Fewkes . . 422 
The Aborigines of the Canary Islands. Alice Carter Cook -451 
The Wombya Organization of the Australian Aborigines. R. H. 

Mathews .......... 494 

Giuseppe Mazzini — Idealist. A Chapter in the Evolution of Social 

Science. Swan M. Burnett 502 



Grammatic Sketch of the Catawba Language. Albert S. 

^^ Gatschet 527 

Points of Difference between Norse Remains and Indian Works 

most closely Resembling them. Gerard Fowke . . . 550 
Archeological Investigations on the North Pacific Coast in 1899. 

Harlan I. Smith 563 

The Sedna Cycle : A Study in Myth Evolution. H. Newell 

^VAkDLE 56S 

Philology, or the Science of Activities Designed for Expression. 

J. W. Powell 603 

A Two-faced Navaho Blanket. Washington Matthews . . 638 
Philippine Games. Stewart Culin ...... 643 

Traps of the Amerinds — A Study in Psychology and Invention. 

Otis T. Mason 657 

Faith as a Factor in the Economic Life of the Amerind. Albert 

Ernest Jenks 676 

Property-right in Eagles among the Hopi. J. Walter Fewkes . 690 
Sketch of the Kwakiutl Language. Franz Boas .... 708 
A Mazahua Catechism in Testera-Amerind Hieroglyphics. Nicolas 

Leon ........... 722 

Proceedings of the American Ethnological Society . . . 785 


Brigha.m : Hawaiian Feather Work {Holmes) .... 155 
~^IcGuiRE : Pipes and Smoking Customs of the American Abo- 
rigines ( Ty/tJwaj-) 159 

Balfour : The Natural History of the Musical Bow {Mason) . 164 
Moorehead : The Bird-Stone Ceremonial (7y/<7/;/<7.j) . . .166 
Charencey : L'Historien Sahagun et les Migrations Mexicaines 

{Ga/sc/iet) 166 

Codex Telleriano-Remensis. Reproduit en photochromographie 
aux frais du Due de Loubat et precede d'une Introduction par 

\e'Dr E.T. H:\my {Galsc/iet) 167 

Pepper: Ceremonial Deposits Found in an Ancient Pueblo Estufa 

in Northern New .Mexico, U. S. A. {Hodge) . . . .169 

Payne: History of the New AN'orld Called America, vol. 11. 

{Mason) . . . . . . .170 

Haberlandt : Ethnology. Translated by J. H. Loewe {Mason) 381 
FiNCK : Primitive Love and Love Stories {Hojvard) . .381 

Lehmann : Overtro og Trolddom {Keller) 383 

Boyle: Archaeological Report, i^()() {T/iomas) .... 385 



Moore : Certain Antiquities of the Florida West Coas,t {Hol?>ies) . 581 
Strack : Das Blut im Glauben und Aberglauben der Menschheit 

{Mooney) . . . . . . . . . .583 

Deniker ; Les races de I'Europe. i. L'indice c^phalique en 

Europe (/<?« A'fl!/^) ......... 584 

Friederici : Indianer und Anglo- Amerikaner {Mooney) . . 585 
Schmidt : Chronological Flistory of Ancient Egypt {Gatschet) . 585 
Campbell : Decipherment of the Hieroglyphic Inscriptions of 

Central America {BowditcJi) . . . . . . .741 

Hariot : A Brief and True Report of the New Found Land of 

Virginia ( Winship) . . . . . . . . -745 

F'letcher : Indian Story and Song from North America {Mat/hews) 748 
^Udden : An Old Indian Village {Hodge) ..... 749 

James: In & Around the Grand Canyon {Hodge) . . .751 

-Jenks : The Childhood of Ji-shib', the Ojibwa {Hodge) . . 753 


The international congresses, 180. Mexicans and fatalism, 182. Polynesian ethnol- 
ogy. 183. Divisions of some West Australian tribes, 185. Deaths, 187, 188, 
Indian canoe making, 188. The Codex Cospianus, 189. Sir Hans Sloane, igo. 
Borgiano Mexican codex, 191. Dresden Museum, 192. Hindu superstitions, 
193. White Mountain Apache baskets, 193. Dr Fewkes' researches, 194. 
Anthropology in England, 194. The Vai or Vei, 195. An Ostiak custom, 195. 
Minor notes, 195. Osage Indians in France, 395. Explorations in Mexico, 400. 
Dr Fewkes' researches, 401. Pennsylvania University lectures, 401. Preserva- 
tion of prehistoric remains, 402. Deaths, 402. Mrs Hearst's expeditions, 403, 
New York Academy of Sciences, 403. Cannibalism in Sarawak, 403. Hender- 
son Maya dictionary, 403. Minor notes, 404. Meeting of the American Associa- 
tion, 590. The name Cherokee and its derivation, 591. The Buffalo Exposition, 
593. Field Museum and Pennsylvania University expedition, 594. Brinton 
memorial chair, 595. Jesup North Pacific expedition, 596. Pueblo ruins re- 
served, 597. Trumbull's Natick dictionary, 598. Seler's " Eighteen Annual 
Festive Periods," 599. Berendt catalogue, 600. Flinders Petrie's plan for 
housing collections, 600. Colorado Cliff-Dwellings Association, 600. Dr David 
P. Barrows, 601. Chilean-Spanish dictionary, 601. Dr John R. Swanton, 601. 
Brinton bibliography, 601. The Weems collection, 602. G. B. Gordon's explora- 
tion, 602. Minor notes, 602. Anthropology at Baltimore, 765. Frank Hamilton 
Gushing, 768. Woven basketry, 771. Etymology of the name Acta (Eta, Ita), 
773. Hartman Central American collection, 774. Preparation of acorn meal by 
Porno Indians, 775. Frederick Max Miiller, 776. Tepoka-Cocopa expedition, 
777. Pueblo ruins in Kansas, 778. Anthropology in Australia, 779. Legend of 
the Klickitat basket, 779. Osage Indians in France, 780. Ethnology of India, 
780. The Serpent mound of Ohio, 781. Anthropological teaching, 781. An 
Algonquian series, 782. Huxley memorial lecture, 7S2. A so-called aboriginal 
tool, 782. Minor notes, 782. 

American Anthropologist 


Vol. 2 January, 1900 No. i 


The study of folklore is the study of superstitions. Super- 
stitions are opinions which stand over from a lower into a higher 
state of culture. 

There are people who can move their ears at will; the lower 
animals can do this, but only a few human beings can wink their 
ears. Organs that are useful in lower species may remain in an 
imperfect and practically useless state in a more highly developed 
species ; they are then called vestigial organs. As there are 
vestigial organs, so there are vestigial opinions. These vestigial 
opinions are commonly called superstitions. When we come 
to investigate vestigial opinions and treat them as objects of 
science, we no longer call them superstitions but we call them 
all folklore. 

The science of folklore may be defined as the science of 
superstitions, or the science of vestigial opinions no longer held 
as valid. Yet such erroneous opinions that hold over from the 
days of greater ignorance to the era of modern scientific research 
are found to be of profound interest in the revelations which 
they make of the nature of superstitions themselves. We might 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2 — I. 


neglect them or seek to substitute for them vahd opinions. 
However, science does not hesitate to investigate any question, 
and even the natural history of superstitions has come to be a 
profoundly interesting and instructive science. 

Some years ago a movement was made in Europe and 
America to investigate superstitions themselves on the theory 
that they are valid. Societies were organized in London, Paris, 
Berlin, and New York for the purpose of determining whether 
or not there is substantial truth in error itself. This is the func- 
tion of the Societies for Psychical Research, the purpose of which 
is to discover the truth of dreams, the validity of necromancy, 
and the reality of ghosts. I have a suspicion that the Societies 
for Psychical Research are rather instrumental in increasing 
superstitions than in dispelling them, and that we reap the 
natural fruit of these researches in the increased prevalence of 
such abnormal cults and arts as christian science, mind healing, 
spirit rapping, and slate juggling. Be this as it may, there is one 
result growing out of the modern Societies for Psychical Re- 
search which I hail with pleasure: In the transactions of these 
societies there is put on record a great body of superstitions, all 
of which are valuable material as folklore. 

There is also a great body of material for use in folklore 
which is usually called mythology. Until of late years myth- 
ology has been studied rather for literary purposes, for it has 
been abundantly used in poetry, as the similitudes, allegories, 
and tropes of poetry and other kinds of polite literature are 
derived largely from mythology. From this standpoint mythol- 
ogy has been extensively investigated, and all its material is avail- 
able for the purposes to which folklore is relegated. 

In addition to these subordinate materials, the folklore stu- 
dents of the world are actively engaged in collecting material 
among all the people of the world. Already these researches 
are yielding abundant fruit, and the time has come when the 
facts of folklore can be put into orderly arrangement and the 

powicll] the lessons OF FOLKLORE 3 

principles discovered upon which folklore itself may be organized 
into a science. It is my purpose at this time to present a sketch 
or outline of this new science. 

Remember it is the science of superstitions, and the science 
must deal with the fundamental errors of mankind (as the 
phenomena of nature have been interpreted by savage and barbaric 
peoples), and how these errors as vestigial phenomena have 
remained over in civilization and are still entertained. Of course 
the ignorant entertain them by wholesale ; but it is not the 
ignorant alone who entertain superstitions. Superstitions are 
domiciled in many parlors, they are paraded on many platforms, 
they are worshiped in many temples, and they lurk even in 
scientific haunts and appear in scientific publications and are 
taught by scientific men. There is much folklore in this world, 
and sometimes it may be found in strange company. 

The most fundamental elements of folklore may be set forth 
in an intelligible manner by explaining the erroneous opinions 
held by mankind in the stage of savagery about the cosmology 
of the visible world and about the world of ghosts. I shall 
therefore try to present the cosmology of savagery with some 
reference to its appearance in modern times in vestigial forms, 
and I shall try also to present the savage theory of ghosts and 
how this theory still remains in vestigial forms in the higher 
culture which we call civilization. 

To the wildwood man who roams the prairie and haunts the 
forest the world is the grand domicile of beasts. Beasts are men, 
and men are but beasts. To his mind the beasts are rather 
superior to men. The beasts have more magical power and 
hence are oftentimes immeasurably superior to human beings. 
The savage admires the superiority of the beast and longs for his 
activities ; he is forever contemplating the accomplishment of 
beasts — the wonders which they can perform — and is envious of 
their skill in what he supposes to be magic. He sees the trout 
dart from bank to bank in the brook and is amazed at its magical 


powers, and from admiration he often proceeds to adoration. 
He sees the serpent ghde over the rock, swift without feet and 
having the sting of death in his mouth ; in this respect he seems 
superior to man. He sees the chameleon gliding along the 
boughs of trees in sport with rainbow hues, and is delighted with 
its magical skill. He sees the eagle sail from the clifT to the 
cloud region, at home in wonderland. He sees the lion walk 
forth to conquer with occult majesty. Yes, all of the animal 
world is magical and men are but degenerate animals. Inspired 
with wonder he is filled with adoration, and the beasts are gods. 
The world is thus the home of men and gods, and the gods are 
the beasts. 

This home itself is a tabernacle of wonderful structure with 
the sky above and the earth beneath — the sky of solid crystal, 
the plane of the earth with mountains and valleys, with hills and 
plains, with forests and prairies, with rocks and deserts, with lakes 
and rivers. What a tent is this. The blue dome over the green 
earth, the mighty structure of the solid crystalline sky, a stupen- 
dous vault over a vast floor. This is the chamber of the world — 
a tent with a canopy of heaven and a floor of earth. 

In this world sun and stars are but shining magical beasts 
that travel by appointed paths along the face of the sky. No 
hint of astronomy has been given to savagery. No scientific 
research has revealed the structure of the heavenly orbs. The 
sky as a dome and the earth as a floor constitute a chamber in 
which dwell the star beasts, the prowling beasts, the bird beasts, 
the reptile beasts, the fish beasts, and the insect beasts. In this 
magical temple they are engaged in magical activities. A vast 
chamber with the sky above and the earth beneath is the theater 
of a world of magical beings. 

Some men there are — so thinks the savage — who also at 
times have magical powers. These are the shamans, as we often 
call them, — the priests. They call them Jossakeeds, or by some 
other name, for there are a multitude of languages in savagery. 


and every language has its name for these wonder-working men. 
All tribes have jossakeeds, and the savage believes that all tribes 
of beasts have jossakeeds; even the stars have jossakeeds. 

These wonderful beasts, the stars, have to travel by appointed 
paths along the lower surface of the crystalline dome ; but there 
are stars of greater magical powers — jossakeeds of flashing light 
— meteors of the sky. So lions have jossakeeds, so eagles have 
jossakeeds, so humming-birds have jossakeeds, so serpents have 
jossakeeds, so trees have jossakeeds, and so rocks have jossa- 
keeds. The savage distinguishes between common people and 
priests, common people and wonder-makers; and trees, rocks, 
waters, animals, and stars are all common people and priests. 

Now, we must see how this world is enlarged in the mind of 
the savage. There is still the dome above and the world below ; 
but still as men travel from land to land arid meet with tribe after 
tribe and return to tell of their journeyings, gradually the notions 
about the world are enlarged and men come to talk about the 
world in terms of direction. They speak of the world above and 
the world below in reference to the world here or the midworld, 
for every tribe believes itself to inhabit the center of the world; 
thus we have a zenith world, a midworld, and a nadir world. 
Then they speak of a world to the north, of a world to the south, 
of a world to the east, and of a world to the west, for men think of 
the world in terms of the cardinal points. Chained to this mode 
of thinking by the terms of language, the three worlds are multi- 
plied and seven worlds are known : the midworld, the under 
world, the upper world, the north world, the south world, the 
east world, and the west world. All tribal peoples, savage and 
barbaric alike, believe in these seven worlds as departments or 
pavilions to the world of firmament and earth. 

It is still a folk habit among civilized people to classify good 
and evil by regions. The good is from above and the evil is 
from below ; the good belongs to heaven, the evil to hell. Let us 
expand this way of classifying things and consider every attribute 


as belonging to or coming from one or another of the seven 
regions. Let us say that the gopher is proper to the lower 
world, the eagle proper to the sky. Let us classify all birds by 
regions and all prowling beasts by regions; let us classify trees 
by regions; let us classify colors b\' regions. Ah, there we have 
it, colors are yet classified by regions, and when we speak of 
seven colors we use the vestigial classification of savagery. Sci- 
ence no longer classifies colors in sevens ; but folklore still classi- 
fies them in this manner, and this is the classification which has 
held over since tribal opinions were formed. In tribal society all 
objects and all attributes as properties or qualities are classified 
in this seven-fold manner, and every body and every attribute of 
a body is believed to be proper to some region, so that the idea 
of seven worlds is extended to all things, for everything is proper 
to some world. In savagery the folk think of bodies and proper- 
ties in a cosmological scheme, just exactly as you think that a lie 
comes from hell and the truth from heaven, as though these 
qualities were proper or appropriate to a particular region. A 
man may know that a lie comes from the tongue and is proper to 
a false heart, yet from immemorial habit he will use the expres- 
sion, " a lie from hell." As everyone who knows quite well that 
truth comes from correct reasoning may still affirm that some 
particular truth in which he is interested is a truth from heaven, 
so the savage considers that red is from the west world, is the 
color proper to a particular region. The red of the crest of the 
woodpecker he believes to be the red of the west world, which is 
the red sunset. So he will say the red of the west world is on 
the crest of the woodpecker, as you would say the light of the 
upper world irradiates the brow of the saint, or as you would say 
the anger of hell is on the face of the assassin. In like manner it 
must be understood to be universal in savagery to attribute all 
bodies, properties, and qualities severally to the cosniical regions. 
It is the universal opinion in savagery that the world is a hol- 
low chamber between a solid dome and a flat earth, ami that in 


this world there are seven regions, — the region where the tribe 
lives, which is spoken of as a midworld ; a region above, or upper 
world ; a region below, or under world ; a region to the east, 
another to the west, one to the south, and one to the north, 
which are the cardinal worlds, and that everything in nature is 
assigned to one or the other of these worlds, and everything of 
which man may speak is proper to or belongs to some world and 
that it has been derived from that world. It is thus that the 
cosmology of savagery is the theory of its classification. 

In the last stages of savagery and on to early civilization this 
cosmology is gradually changed into a new theory. The cardinal 
worlds become cardinal elements. In the primordial cosmology 
earth, soil, or dirt belongs to the midworld. In the same manner 
in savagery the air is supposed to be the breath of animals, and so 
the winds are supposed to come from the cardinal worlds and to 
be proper to the cardinal worlds ; but when the atmosphere is 
discovered as something universally present and ambient over the 
surface of the earth, new concepts about the air spring up. 

In the same way in savagery fire is proper to or comes from 
the south in the northern hemisphere, or from the north in the 
southern hemisphere ; but in early civilization men gradually learn 
that fire is proper to combustible material, and they gradually ac- 
quire new concepts about it. Among savage people water be- 
longs to the region of the direction in which the sea was known 
to the particular tribe ; but gradually, in early civilization, men 
learn that the sea is everywhere beyond the land, and they learn 
that water is evaporated from the sea and falls upon the land, and 
gradually they acquire new opinions about water; so earth, air, 
fire, and water, that once were supposed to be regional things, are 
gradually transformed into elemental things, and men believe that 
everything is composed of four substances, — earth, air, fire, and 
water. They gradually give up their opinions about the cardinal 
worlds and speak now of cardinal substances, though they still 
adhere to the three worlds, — the upper world, the midworld, and 

8 AMERICAN AA'TNA'OPOLOG/ST [n. s., 2, 1900 

tlie lower world. This is the cosmology of earl)' civilization, in 
which we find men speculating about the proportions in which 
earth, air, fire, and water are mixed in the different things. Thus 
the cardinal regions become cardinal elements. In savagery 
everything is attributed to some region ; in early civilization 
everything but good and evil is attributed to elements, while good 
is still attributed to the upper world and evil to the lower world, 
and we still think of heaven as above and of hell as below — a 
survival from savagery. 

Good comes from the mind of man, not from the clouds ; from 
human purposes, not from heavenly regions. It is not an attri- 
bute of space, but an attribute of mind. In the same manner evil 
is proper to the mind ; evil is in the soul. Evil is not devised in 
hell as a place ; it is not an attribute of space, but it is an attri- 
bute of purpose. Hell and heaven are in the souls of men. Think- 
ing men clearly understand this, though they may use language 
which implies that good and evil are properties of space. The 
ignorant misunderstand this language, and still believe that good 
is in heaven and evil in hell, and that by magic they come among 

I say that the sun comes up, though I know that the earth 
turns down toward the east. This habit of expression does not 
deceive the astronomer who understands the rotation of the earth 
upon its axis ; but the ignorant man may be deceived thereby. 
I say that the sun goes down, but the astronomer knows that the 
earth turns round, and he interprets the expression which I make 
as a symbol of the truth ; but the ignorant man ma}- be deceived. 
In like manner all folklore is ancient error still believed b}' the 
ignorant. Often the ancient errors still remain in the usages of 
language, but are properly interpreted by wise men. So wise 
men often say foolish things, but they understand them as sym- 
bols, while ignorant men believe them. 

All of the bodies of the world — stars, waters, rocks, and 
plants — arc animals, so the tribal man thinks. This doctrine is 


hylozoism. Animals live in generations, so he believes that all 
bodies live in generations, that generation itself is something 
magical, and that magic is the cause of reproduction. The sav- 
age man is forever speculating how this or that thing is generated, 
or, as they say. Who is the mother of this thing ? Who is the 
mother of the rock? Who is the mother of the rain? Who is 
the mother of the lake? In this manner they speak of the origin 
of things. 

In barbarism the expression is changed. The barbarian asks, 
Who is the father of this thing? Who is the father of fire ? Who 
is the father of water? Who is the father of the cloud ? Who is 
the father of the sun ? Not only do tribal men speak of bodies 
having mothers or fathers, but they speak of properties and 
qualities as having parents, for this is their theory of causation. 
In all speculation and in all controversy about causation, the 
cause is always considered as the parent and the effect as the 
child, so causes and effects are conceived in terms of generation 
or of parenthood and offspring. This is a good trope, but it is 
bad logic. That early civilization which has come down to us 
through the Greek language inherited this method of looking at 
cause and effect as if they were different generations of things. 
Having resolved the multitudinous properties of the world into 
simple concepts, they speculate as to how one produced the other 
and disagree about the ultimate parent. Some say number 
is the father of all things, others that form is the father of all 
things, others that force is the father of all things, others 
that being is the father of all things, and, finally, that mind 
is the father of all things. This controversy has been con- 
tinued even unto the present time. The speculations on this 
matter are called metaphysic. In the literature of these specula- 
tions we find a large body of valuable material ready for the use 
of the folklore student. 

As tribal man believes that all causation is magic and that 
causation is also magical generation, he universally believes in 


some method of reincarnation. The same bodies appear again 
and again in different generations. Among the Aryan peoples of 
India this is systematized into a doctrine of reincarnation by 
which men are rewarded for the good and evil done in life by 
being transmuted into other species at death. 

IMetaphysic is the modern doctrine of metempsychosis ; it is a 
learned explanation of magic ; it is sometimes called philosophy, 
then it is a philosophy of the occult. There are two very distinct 
schools of metaphysic : the one believes that all material things 
are creations of the mind, that stars, rocks, and rivers are only 
thoughts ; the other, that all material things are derived from 
force and that thoughts are only forces. The one believes in the 
dynamic origin of the universe, the other believes in the psychic 
origin of the universe. These two primitive doctrines of worlds, 
which are regions instead of stars, and of the origin of all bodies, 
properties, and qualities by magical generation, is the cosmology 
which comes to us from savagery. These doctrines are still be- 
lieved as vestigial opinions, and we call such vestigial opinions 
folklore. Cosmology is thus a theory about the regions of the 
world and how things are created by magic. 

Having thus briefly explained primeval cosmology, the pri- 
meval ghost theory must be set forth. Tribal man believes in 
ghosts, and this theory is called animism. The science of eth- 
nology teaches the nature and origin of the ghost theory ; that is, 
it discovers the nature of ghosts and explains how men come to 
believe in them. There are a good many people who believe in 
ghosts, the opinion being a survival from primitive society; but 
with tribal men the belief is universal. 

We must first consider what ghosts are supposed to be and 
what they are supposed to do. I have already explained the 
primitive world as a domed firmament over a horizontal earth, 
and that all the bodies seen by men are supposed to inhabit this 
vaulted tabernacle — to dwell in the tent of the sk}-. Tiie savage 
believes also that the stars are living bodies that pass along the 


sky by appointed paths. He sees the heavenly orbs move along 
the crystalline surface above, every one by a definite way and 
every one at a definite time. So he sees the heavenly bodies as 
animals compelled to Journey by appointed times and ways in 
obedience to some spell or magical influence; they cannot move 
at will, because they are under the power of magic. In the same 
manner trees and all plants are living beings struck motionless by 
magic and fixed to the soil. He believes that rocks are living 
beings rendered motionless by magic. All bodies of water are 
fixed to the earth in springs and lakes, but free to travel by 
appointed ways in streams. Every drop of water which is 
gathered in dew and every drop of rain is a living being under 
the spell of magic. Every one of the lower animals and every 
human being may move from place to place at his own 

With this theory of the nature of the bodies found in the 
domed world the savage has a further theory that bodies and 
ghosts have distinct existences. Bodies are composed of solid 
substance ; they can be touched, heard, and seen. On the other 
hand, ghosts have a tenuous or spectral existence and they are 
often called specters and sometimes haunts. Bodies do not have 
life, only ghosts have life. Bodies do not have mind, only ghosts 
have mind ; however, ghosts dwell in bodies, though they may 
leave them at will. A ghost may choose its own body whenever 
it finds one unoccupied, and ghosts sometimes quarrel with one 
another if by chance they wish to inhabit the same body. Ghosts 
can travel in the world as thought journeys ; ghosts can go to the 
moon and back again in twice the twinkling of an eye. Ghosts 
are magicians ; they can do anything that is wonderful and occult, 
but they must be freed from their bodies in order to be wonder- 
makers. A ghost may cause a man to shout, and then instantane- 
ously may go out among the rocks and repeat the call and come 
back into the man's body, or other ghosts may repeat his words. 
Such magical wonders the savae;e sees in ever\' echo. All the 

12 AMKA'/CAX A.VTI/K'OPOI.OGJS'r [n. s., 2, 1900 

life and mind exliibitcd by animal and human bodies are attributed 
to their ghosts, for every bod)* is inert and mindless. 

Now we can understand what the jossakeeds are supposed to 
be. They are persons who can communicate with and have 
power to control the action of ghosts. It is only in the Algon- 
quian languages that they are called jossakeeds. They are called 
adiuveJic in the Cherokee. In the huiulreds of Amerind tongues 
there are an equal number of names by which they are known. 
Scientific men usually call them .shamans, but by those who have 
some acquaintance with the savage tribes of America they are 
sometimes called medicine-men, and perhaps more often they 
are called priests. How they come to have these popular names 
is made plain when we understand the offices which they perform 
in tribal society. In every tribe in America there are societies 
called fraternities, as the members of such a society constitute 
a brotherhood. Among the ancient Greeks and Romans they 
were called phratries, as we call them fraternities. 

Fraternities arc organized to control ghosts, the ghosts being 
considered the active principle in every body. Ghosts control the 
production of all the fruits of plant bodies, and it is to them that 
appeal is made for natural fruits ; they control the harvests of 
grass-seeds, nuts, and berries; they control the production of 
game, and the ghosts of the game birds and beasts are appealed 
to by these fraternities. In the same manner fraternities are 
organized to produce abundance of fish. In regions where insects 
are important portions of the daily food, fraternities are organized 
to secure their abundance. Grasshopper fraternities are formed 
in America, grub fraternities in Australia. There is no article of 
food which may not have its fraternity organized to secure its 
abundance. Especially in arid lands the relation between rainfall 
and food leads to the organization of fraternities for the production 
of rain. 

In savage society, disease, even though it may be due to acci- 
dent, is believed to be the work of ghosts. If a man stumbles he 


is supposed to be deceived by a ghost, and if a man is wounded it 
is the gliost of the tomahawk to which the deed is attributed. 

Among many tribes in America a cough is believed to be caused 
by insects, the toothache by worms, rheumatism by snakes, head- 
ache by birds. Every crudely distinguished symptom of disease 
has a name which is derived from the object whose ghost is 
supposed to cause the disease ; thus there is the bear disease, the 
elk disease, the rabbit disease. Perhaps it would be a better 
translation of these terms to speak of them as the bear evil, the 
elk evil, the rabbit evil, the deer evil, the antelope evil, the turtle 
evil, the frog evil, the birch evil, the oak evil, the rock evil, the 
fire evil. Good and evil are clearly differentiated as magical 
powers, and witchcraft or sorcery is distinguished from shaman- 
craft or jossakeedcraft. Hence fraternities are organized to secure 
health and to prevent disease and injury. 

War-clubs have ghosts. The power of the club is the ghost of 
the club. Spears have ghosts, and the ghosts of spears have eyes. 
The warrior who throws a spear must control its ghost. The 
ghost of the spear must have unerring aim, or the aim of the 
thrower is in vain. Arrows have ghosts, and arrows will not hit 
the mark unless their ghosts are controlled. Bows also have 
ghosts, and bows will fail unless their ghosts are nerved to the task. 

It is thus that fraternities are organized to influence the 
ghosts of food, the ghosts of evil, and the ghosts of weapons. 

The jossakeeds are the headmen or chiefs of the fraternities; 
hence they are sometimes called medicine-men, because some- 
times medicine is their office ; sometimes it is food, sometimes it 
is war power, sometimes it is hunting power, sometimes it is fish- 
ing power. A shaman is a person who has the power to control 
ghosts through magic for any or every purpose. 

With this understanding of the nature of the fraternity and 
the chief of the fraternity as a jossakeed or shaman, we are pre. 
pared for the explanation of the methods by which the fraternities 
perform their tasks. 


As ghosts are magical beings and perform their wonders by 
necromancy, so ghosts can be influenced or made to subserve 
human purposes by magic. Savage man finds his greatest delight 
in music and dancing. As his own ghost takes supreme pleasure 
in revelry, so, he reasons, other ghosts love music, dancing, and 
feasting. Hence festivals are organized by fraternities, and the 
leaders in these festivals are the shamans. A man is made a 
shaman because of his supposed skill in organizing the festivals 
and in conducting their exercises in the manner most pleasing to 
ghosts. Before the festivals take place, the shamans prepare them- 
selves by various agencies. These methods of preparation are 
numerous when we consider all the tribes of America, and still 
more when we consider all the tribes of the world. It will there- 
fore be impossible to set forth all of these preparations ; time will 
not permit ; but I will mention some that are common. 

It is usual for the shamans to fast during one or more days 
before the festival takes place, and sometimes the most active 
participants in the festival take part in the fast. Fasting is almost 
a universal preparation for a festival among tribal peoples. 
Puking and purging are also extensively employed. It seems to 
be universal also that intoxicants are used either by eating or 
drinking them. This is the primeval habit out of which the 
modern custom of using intoxicating beverages has sprung. It 
is a survival of one of the shamanistic rites of savagery which 
has produced an appetite for intoxicants in the human race. 
After due preparation by the shaman and other celebrants, the 
people are assembled in tiie dance. The shaman usual!}' makes 
instrumental music, while he may chant some fragments of folklore, 
parts of which the dancers may repeat in a refrain which is com- 
posed largely of unmeaning syllables. Men, women, and children 
all dance. Hoary-headed grandfathers; old, wrinkled, ugly hags; 
stalwart and battle-scarred men, earnest matrons, lithe youths, 
lissome lassies, and prattling children all dance, their naked, 
swart bodies shuffling and flitting in the torchlight that glints 


amonfT the trees and reveals weird shapes in the forest, while 
over all the stars twinkle and the moon sheds her weird light. 
The dancing is often interrupted by dramatic performances. The 
shaman or chief actor relates an appropriate myth, while the mem- 
bers of the fraternity aid him as dramatis persoiKJS. Sometimes 
the performers are masked to represent animals or other 
mythic personages who are concerned in the myth. Besides 
masks other heraldic devices are used in ornamentation. The 
man who represents the bear may have a mask of the skin taken 
from the head of the bear, or he may be enveloped in a bearskin, 
or he may decorate his body with paintings to represent the bear 
or to represent parts of the bear. The man who represents the 
goose may have the skin of a wild goose stretched over his head, 
or he may be decorated with the feathers of a goose, or he may 
have goose emblems painted on his face and body. The man who 
represents the serpent may have snakes or snakeskins wound 
about his neck or body, or he may be variously ornamented with 
symbols of snakes ; the actor who represents fire may flourish 
brands of fire ; the actor who represents the sun may have the 
sun's face painted on his cheeks or his body. Strange and multi- 
farious are the devices used to symbolize the characters which the 
actors impersonate. So the members of the fraternity are be- 
decked with masks and skins and feathers and tails and all 
manner of symbolic paraphernalia. 

The leading shaman may intone the myth and himself take 
part in the acting, while the other members of the fraternity, in 
panoply of symbolism, perform acts and assume attitudes as they 
are suggested by the theme of the shaman, though they them- 
selves may speak no words. 

The most important ceremonies of every festival are those 
which have come to be known as altar rites. They are dramatic 
performances illustrated by altar symbols. The ceremony is a 
performance founded on some myth about the article of food 
which they desire or the ghosts which they wish to invoke. The 

1 6 AMERICAN AXTlIROPOLOGISr [n. s., 2, iqoo 

actors in the drama are the members of the fraternit)-, and the 
leading actors are the shamans, while in the dancing, music, and 
feasting all of the members of the tribe usually take part. 

The altar may be a cleared space on the ground, before which 
the fraternity acts, or it may be elevated upon a table. The 
objects upon the altar are many, and from tribe to tribe they differ 
very greatly, though they may briefly be characterized. First 
upon the altar they place the object desired, the securing of 
which is the purpose of the fraternity. It may be corn. We 
know these festivals among the tribes of America as corn dances. 
They place ears of corn upon the table, and the shaman prays 
for corn ; then they place vases of meal, and the shaman prays 
that they may have an abundance of meal ; then they place 
sheets of bread upon the table. Among many of the tribes of 
North America these sheets of bread are as thin as wafers and 
are folded and piled one upon another. Then they place a casket 
of jewels on the altar — crystals of quartz, beads of turkis, carne- 
lians, garnets, and other hard fragments of rock ; then the shaman 
prays that the corn may be allowed to ripen and become as hard 
as the jewels upon the altar. Then they place birds carved of 
wood or modeled of clay or formed of cotton, all painted to 
resemble the most remarkable species of the region, and the 
shaman prays that the harvest may be so abundant that the birds 
will be made glad. There may be a special fraternity to bring 
rain ; but sometimes the Corn clan will pray for rain, then a ewer 
or flagon of water will be placed upon the altar, and the shaman, 
with a brush made of the bright feathers of some bird, will 
sprinkle the water over the altar and pray that the rain may in 
like manner descend upon the earth and cause the corn to grow. 
Then the>' paint hieroglyphs of clouds upon tablets and stand 
them upon the altar, and the shaman prays that the clouds may 
come in due season to bring rain upon the earth. 

Festivals are held at certain times of the year and in certain 
phases of the moon, and especially at certain times indicated by 


the signs of the zodiac. Among the higher tribes calendars are 
kept for this purpose in which the days of the year are counted 
off by various hieroglyphic devices. 

In conjunction with the symbolic numerals indicating the 
sign of the zodiac or period of the festival, the ceremonies are 
symbolized in many quaint ways. No field in ethnology is of 
greater interest than that of the study of ancient calendric sym- 
bols. It is these rites of the fraternities for game, harvest, and 
weather that are regulated by the calendar, because they must be 
conducted at the proper season. 

The medicine rites are not calendric, but the time of their per- 
formance is determined mainly by the illness of some individual 
or by the prevalence of an epidemic. Of course they are not 
connected with festivals. Notwithstanding this, the shaman 
must prepare himself with fasting and vigil. Sometimes he 
resorts to puking and purging; often he takes some narcotic or 
stimulant which produces stupor, in which the nature and cause 
of the evil may be revealed. Sometimes he retires to the sweat 
house, or sudatory, where he is put en rapport with ghosts. 
Sometimes the medicine-man may be initiated by a festival with 
its ceremonies, the most important element of which consists in a 
device to produce that ecstasy which is necessary to ghost com- 
munication. When the medicine-man appears before the patient 
— the person possessed of an evil, — he, with the members of his 
fraternity, may first resort to an intoxicant or narcotic to produce 
not complete ecstasy but a favorable state of mind. Then he 
shakes his rattle, and the brethren and sisters dance, while he 
howls and produces weird ululations in which the fraternity take 
part at intervals as a refrain. Then he proceeds by various means 
to extract the evil or devil of which the patient is possessed. 
The most common practice in America is to extract the evil by 
sucking it from the body, and especially is it common to draw it 
out by suction from the top of the head. This may require many 
efforts and repeated resort to intoxicants with music and dancing. 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2 — 2. 


It nia\' require many days to eradicate tlie evil in tliis manner, 
especially if the patient is an important man in tiie tribe and the 
evil is attributed to some ghost controlled by a powerful enemy 
of the man. In the metaphysic of savagery no man dies a natural 
death ; death is always produced by sorcer}- or evil magic, for 
there are bad shamans and good shamans. The good jossakeed 
finds it hard to contend with the bad jossakeed. 

War and the implements of warfare lead to the organization of 
fraternities which have many rights. These are often festivals. 
Some are called, by people who witness them among the tribes 
of America, war dances; others are called scalp dances, because 
often the scalps of enemies are used as decorative emblems or as 
altar symbols. In these ceremonies the preparation of the cele- 
brants is of great significance, for they submit themselves to self- 
inflicted torture, such as swinging on hooks thrust into the body 
and attached by ropes to a central post around which the members 
of the fraternity leap and shout and howl. They knock out their 
teeth, they cut gashes in their bodies, they cut off their fingers or 
toes, and they do many acts of torture, while with singing and 
leaping and howling they finally exhaust themselves and produce 
a state of ecstasy. In this state the ceremonies are believed to be 
most potent. Then come the dancing, singing, and charming of 
weapons, all of which is a highly ceremonial affair. This latter 
part consists of elaborate rites, the purpose of which is to inspire 
the ghosts of the weapons with anger at the foe. 

The symbolism used on the altars at war festivals is very 
elaborate, for the ghosts of weapons have passions like human 
beings, and the)- see and hear like human beings. The weapons 
themselves are fashioned and decorated with such altar symbols 
to make them potent. The weapons themselves are potent be- 
cause of their symbols, and symbolic weapons are constructed to 
be used on altars and to be used also by shamans who are leaders 
in the war and in the chase. It is a significant fact of the symbol- 
ism pertaining to weapons and implements of the chase, that it is 


more highly developed than that of any other department of 
symbolism found among the Amerinds, as it testifies to the 
supreme interest which these people take in war and hunting. 
The symbolism of the weapons of tribal men is already becoming 
a science. 

Thus tribal men believe in ghosts; they believe that ghosts can 
be controlled, and they organize societies for their control. 
These societies are called fraternities ; they are found not only in 
America but wherever tribal men are found. We have suf^ciently 
set forth the nature of ghosts as they are conceived to exist in 
the minds of tribal men, and we have also set forth the method 
pursued in tribal society to control them. It now remains for us 
to explain the origin of the notion of ghosts. 

Ghosts first come from dreamland, then they come from ecsta- 
tic-land, then from hypnotic-land, then from intoxication-land, 
and finally they come from insanity-land. We cannot enter into 
the extensive subject of the psychology of the notion of ghosts. 
I have done that elsewhere. Here I can take only the time 
to show how ghosts come from dream visions, ecstatic visions, 
hypnotic visions, drunken visions, and insane visions. Science calls 
all such visions hallucinations, hence I must show that ghosts are 
the product of hallucinations. 

Dreams we know to be real, for every human being has dreams 
and every rational human being knows it. At the same time he 
knows that the notions he entertains in dreams are fallacious. 
Dreams are realities, for there are such things as dreams ; the 
notions of dreams are not realities, for they are hallucinations. 
The dream is a reality to which every man of common sense 
readily assents. The notions of dreams are fallacies to which 
every man of common sense also assents. Shall we believe in 
dream notions, or shall we believe in the concepts of waking 

The notions of dream life are operations of the mind, just as 
the concepts of waking life are operations of the mind ; they are 


woven into the structure of the brain in the same manner, and 
hence they can be remembered in the same manner. Dream 
action in the mental constitution is less vivid than waking action, 
and yet there are not many of the thoughts which we produce in 
waking life that are afterward remembered. Dream thought 
occurs when the body is at rest, while waking thought occurs 
when the body is more active ; and taking it altogether it is fair 
to say that waking thought is much more vivid than dream 
thought. Were this not the case, then we would have the same 
aptitude to be governed by dream thought as we are by waking 
thought, but waking life is controlled largely by the concepts 
developed in waking thought. Dream notions would have little 
effect on our waking activities were such notions not organized 
into a system to control waking action. This is accomplished in 
tribal life by the organization of fraternities; so that there is 
a special method of perpetuating the notions of dreams. There 
is abundant literature about dream visions, and the subject is 
undergoing special investigation by scientific methods. 

The dreamer sees strange sights, and strange histories are 
inacted in his imagination. The dead appear and the living are 
seen as they appeared in years agone. The personages with 
which the dreamer was acquainted at different periods of life and 
at different places widely apart are associated in common trans- 
actions. The old soldier dreams of battlefields; not of a specific 
battlefield on which he fought, but of a battle in which some of 
the actors are of his immediate acquaintance. His wife is fight- 
ing by his side, his daughter is in the ranks of the enemy, or his 
father is slain. Perhaps feats are performed which in waking 
hours would cause unbounded astonishment, but which in his 
dream seem to be natural and commonplace ; so dreams are often 
imaginary histories. As the dream goes on, transformations go 
on, perhaps by dissolving views. The father becomes a tree, 
the mother a spring, the daughter a rosebush, and the battle- 
field a meadow ; perhaps the transformation seems not to be a 

powf.ll] the lessons of folklore 21 

gradual change. Somehow the new scene replaces the old ; but 
the change causes no astonishment; all seems natural and com- 

There is nothing in romance more marvelous than a dream. 
Listen for a moment to the dreams of Alice in Wonderland : 

Alice was beginning to get very tired of sitting by her sister on the 
bank, and of having nothing to do : once or twice she had peeped into 
the book her sister was reading, but it had no pictures or conversations 
in it, "and what is the use of a book," thought Alice, " without pictures 
or conversations ? " 

So she was considering in her own mind . . . whether the 
pleasure of making a daisy-chain would be worth the trouble of getting 
up and picking the daisies, when suddenly a white rabbit with pink eyes 
ran close by her. 

There was nothing so very remarkable in that ; nor did Alice think 
it so very much out of the way to hear the Rabbit say to itself, " Oh 
dear ! Oh dear ! I shall be too late !"...; but when the Rab- 
bit actually took a watch out of its waistcoat-pocket, and looked at it, and 
then hurried on, Alice started to her feet, for it flashed across her mind 
that she had never before seen a rabbit with either a waistcoat-pocket 
or a watch to take out of it, and, burning with curiosity, she ran across 
the field after it, and was just in time to see it pop down a large rabbit- 
hole under the hedge. 

In another moment down went Alice after it, never once considering 
how in the world she was to get out again. 

The rabbit-hole went straight on like a tunnel for some way, and 
then dipped suddenly down, so suddenly that Alice had not a moment 
to think about stopping herself before she found herself falling down 
what seemed to be a very deep Avell. 

Either the well was very deep or she fell very slowly, for she had 
plenty of time as she went down to look about her, and to wonder what 
was going to happen next. First, she tried to look down and make out 
what she was coming to, but it was too dark to see anything : then she 
looked at the sides of the well, and noticed that they were filled with 
cupboards and bookshelves : here and there she saw maps and pictures 
hung upon pegs. She took down a jar from one of the shelves as she 
passed ; it was labelled "orange marmalade," but to her great disap- 
pointment it was empty : she did not like to drop the jar for fear of 
killing somebody underneath, so managed to put it into one of the 
•cupboards as she fell past it. 

22 AMERICAX AXTIl KOPOLOGI ST [n. s., 2, 1900 

" Well I " thought Alice to herself, "after such a fall as this, I shall 
think nothing of tumbling down stairs I How brave they '11 all think me 
at home ! Why, I would n't say anything about it, even if I fell off the 
top of the house ! " . 

Down, down, down. Would the fall nri'cr come to an end ? "I 
wonder how many miles I 've fallen by this time?" she said aloud. " I 
must be getting somewhere near the centre of the earth. Let me see : 
that would be tour thousand miles down, I think " — . . . '' — yes, 
that 's about the right distance — but then I wonder what Latitude or 
Longitude I 've got to ? " 

Presently she began again. " I wonder if I shall fall right through 
the earth ! How funny it '11 seem to come out among the people that 
walk with their heads downwards ! The Antipathies, I think — " . . . 
" — but I shall have to ask them what the name of the country is, you 
know. Please, Ma'am, is this New Zealand or Australia ? " . . . 
" And what an ignorant little girl she '11 think me for asking ! No it 'II 
never do to ask : ])erhaps I shall see it written up somewhere." 

Down, down, down. There was nothing else to do, so Alice soon 
began talking again. " Dinah '11 miss me very much to-night, I should 
think ! " (Dinah was the cat.) *' I hope they '11 rememljer her saucer 
of milk at tea-time. Dinah, my dear ! I wish you were down here with 
me ! There are no mice in the air, I 'm afraid, but you might catch a 
bat, and that 's very like a mouse, you know. But do cats eat bats, I 
wonder?" And here Alice began to get rather sleepy and went on 
saying to herself, in a dreamy sort of way, " Do cats eat bats ? Do cats 
eat bats?" and sometimes, "Do bats eat cats?" for, you see, as she 
could n't answer either question, it did n't much matter which way she 
put it. She felt that she was dozing off, and had just begun to dream 
that she was walking hand in hand with Dinah, and was saying to her 
very earnestly, " Now, Dinah, tell me the truth : did you ever eat a 
bat?" when suddenly, thump ! thump! down she came upon a heap 
of sticks and dry leaves, and the fall was over. 

Alice was not a bit hurt, and she jumped uj) on to her feet in a 
moment : she looked up, but it was all dark overhead ; before her was 
another long passage, and the White Rabbit was still in sight, hurrying 
down it. There was not a moment to be lost : away went .Alice like the 
wind, and was just in time to hear it say, as it turned a corner, " Oh my 
ears and whiskers, how late it 's getting ! " She was close behind it when 
she turned the corner, but the Rabbit was no longer to be seen : she 
found herself in a long, low hall, which was lit up by a row of lamps 
hanging from the roof. There were doors all round the hall, but they 


were all locked, and when Alice had been all the way down one side 
and up the other, trying every door, she walked sadly down the middle, 
wondering how she was ever to get out again. 

Suddenly she came upon a little three-legged table, all made of 
solid glass ; there was nothing on it but a tiny golden key, and Alice's 
first idea was that this might belong to one of the doors of the hall ; 
but alas ! either the locks were too large, or the key was too small, but 
at any rate it would not open any of them. However, on the second 
time round, she came upon a low curtain she had not noticed before, 
and behind it was a little door about fifteen inches high ; she tried the 
little golden key in the lock and to her great delight it fitted ! 

Alice opened the door and found that it led into a small passage 
not much larger that a rat-hole ; she knelt down and looked along the 
passage into the loveliest garden you ever saw. How she longed to get 
out of that dark hall, and wander about among those beds of bright 
flowers and those cool fountains, but she could not even get her head 
through the doorway ; " and even if my head would go through," 
thought poor Alice, " it would be of very little use without my shoul- 
ders. Oh, how I wish I could shut up like a telescope ! I think I 
could, if I only knew how to begin." For, you see, so many out-of-the- 
way things had happened lately that Alice had begun to think that 
very few things indeed were really impossible. 

If we consider dreams to be onnens and recall them to divine 
the future, this constant familiarity with them makes the absurd 
itself seem real. Then if we practice the methods of hallucina- 
tion, visions become realities. Poets, philosophers, statesmen, 
warriors, and religious zealots are peculiarly liable to such visions, 
and to them visions are realities. One of the most common 
methods of producing visions is by crystal-gazing. When 
rational judgment is overturned and false judgments are made, 
the realm of ecstasy, like the realm of dreams, is a home of hallucina- 
tions. In civilization crystal-gazing is an art of mountebanks, but 
in the earlier stages of civilization men resorted habitually to the 
practice of ecstasy by a great variety of methods. 

So hypnotism is a source of hallucination. In civilization it 
may be practiced as a curative agency, but mountebanks some- 
times practice it for purposes of deception. In tribal society 

24 AMERICAN' ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

hypnotism is a customary agency to secure communication with 
ghosts. In civlHzation intoxication has become a remedial agent 
and is universally practiced to relieve pain and to produce uncon- 
sciousness during surgical operations ; but intoxicants and narcotics 
are used in savagery as an agency by which men may communi- 
cate with ghosts. Oftentimes disease subverts the intellectual 
faculties and men become insane, and they are treated for insanity 
as for other diseases ; but in tribal society the insane are supposed 
to be possessed of foreign ghosts — that is, ghosts not proper to 
their bodies. So the realm of ghosts is the land of dreams, the 
land of ecstasy, the land of hypnotism, the land of intoxication, 
and the land of insanity. Ghost notions are produced by visions. 
To confound the notions of visions with the concepts of wak- 
ing reality is to pass into the land of mystery — the uncanny 

It is thus that the study of folklore has come to be the most 
practical and valuable of all the sciences, for it reveals the origin 
and nature of superstitions and makes the grand scientific dis- 
tinction between valid concepts and uncanny visions. 

The habit of believing in the impossible, of expecting the ab- 
surd, and of attributing phenomena to the occult, gives rise to 
two classes of magical agencies which, from savagery to the high- 
est stages of culture, have played important roles in the explana- 
tion of magic. These are the beliefs in mascots and taboos. 

Those who dwell on the mysteries of life, especially as they 
are revealed in ecstasy, hypnotism, intoxication, and insanity, are 
forever looking for mascots or mysterious causes. Such occult 
agencies are sweet morsels to superstitious people, just as scien- 
tific men delight in the discovery of scientific facts. What a 
wonder it was to scientific men to discover that bones could be 
photographed through their covering of flesh ! The discovery of 
the Roentgen rays was held to be so important that the discoverer 
was awarded a great meed of praise. But the potency of the left 
hintl f<5ot of a graveyard rabbit plucked in the dark of the moon 


is held by superstitious people to be of more importance than the 
Roentgen rays. More people believe in mascots than believe in 
telephones, and those who believe in mascots believe that tele- 
phones are magical. In the same manner taboos perform won- 
derful magic feats in the notions of many persons. In savagery 
there are many taboos, and men must not do this thing nor that 
thing lest their enterprise should fail. Survival of taboos still ex- 
ists ; e.g., thirteen persons must not sit at the table lest one should 
die. So mascots and taboos still have their influence in civilized 

I have already explained the origin of the seven regions or 
worlds existing in the notions of savagery, and how four of these, 
the cardinal regions, were transmuted into the cardinal substances 
— earth, air, fire, and water. I have also explained that still 
three of the regional worlds remain in folklore — earth, hell, 
and heaven. Then I have explained the nature of ghosts 
and how the notion of ghosts springs from dream visions, 
ecstatic visions, hypnotic visions, drunken visions, and insane 
visions, and have still further explained how magical causation still 
lives in folklore by pointing out the influence which mascots and 
taboos exert in society. 

I have yet to point out one more source of folklore to which 
allusion has already been made. The habit of explaining mysteri- 
ous phenomena from visions has developed a special learning or 
cult which is known as metaphysic. This I must now set forth. 
In so doing I shall show that the belief in magic still exists in 
very highly cultured quarters. Metaphysic is a system of ex- 
plaining how the properties of bodies are generated one from an- 
other. In modern times there has come to be two very distinct 
schools of metaphysic — the one called idealism and the other 
materialism. The idealists believe that the properties of bodies 
are all generated from mind ; the materialists believe that the 
properties of bodies are all generated from force. 

A third school remain who believe that the psychic properties 


of bodies and the physical properties of bodies are derived from 
distinct substances: the physical properties of bodies are derived 
from a substance that can be tasted, touched, felt, heard, and 
seen, while the psychical properties of bodies are derived from a 
tenuous or spectral substance which can be manifested to the 
senses of certain persons only under certain conditions. This 
third doctrine is the survival in modern times of the ancient doc- 
trine of animism. It is only with idealism and materialism that 
we are here to deal. 

On my table there lies a knife made by one of the ancient in- 
habitants of America from a bowlder of clay sandstone. I can 
break it into pieces, that is, dissect it into parts, and put these 
parts in different bottles, or I can analyze it into different sub- 
stances and put these substances into different bottles. For sim- 
plicity's sake let us say that it is composed of oxygen, silicon, 
aluminum, hydrogen, and iron. By analysis I can separate these 
substances and put each one in a different bottle. This same ab- 
original knife has properties ; but I cannot separate them from 
the knife and put them into distinct bottles. I cannot dissect 
them into properties, nor can I analyze them into properties, and 
yet tile properties are realities. While they are not discerpible,. 
they are still concomitant and may be considered severally, 
although they cannot exist severally. Bodies can be generated 
one from another, animals may be generated from other animals, 
plants may be generated from other plants, rocks may be gener- 
ated from other rocks; but essential properties cannot be gener- 
ated from other properties, affinity cannot be generated from 
persistence or causation, persistence cannot be generated from 
force, force cannot be generated from form, form cannot be gen- 
erated from number. Properties cannot exist apart ; although 
they are concomitant they can be considered severally. Ladd ' 
says, " All the essential factors which belong to the conception of 

' A Theory of Reality, New York, 1899. 


a thing are harmoniously present to our cognitive experience in 
every concrete thing." In tiiis he affirms that the essential prop- 
erties of things are concomitant, and that one cannot exist with- 
out the other; and he goes on in many chapters of his new book 
to prove this concomitancy of properties and the impossibility of 
their dissolution. Some of tlic Greeks thought the property, 
which is the father or ancient {o-pxv) of all others, to be 
number. This is the doctrine ascribed to Pythagoras. Plato 
thought the father or ancient of all properties to be form. Aris- 
totle thought the ancient of all properties to be energy or force ; 
others of the Greeks thought the ancient of all properties to be 
being. In modern times two schools have been developed — one 
which claims that the ancient of all properties is mind, the other 
that tlie ancient of all properties is force. Thus we have idealism 
and materialism, which are theories not of the origin of bodies by 
genesis one from another, but of the origin of properties by 
genesis one from another. 

In the earHer controversies on this subject — and they 
have been many and bitter, for the opinions held about them are 
supposed to come from those regions which we call hell and 
heaven, — a peculiar theory of properties is taught. All bodies 
are supposed to be porous and to be composed of unknown and 
unknowable matter, and the properties are supposed to be held 
in their pores. This doctrine took on the most extreme notions 
about the nature of magic. The matter or substance of a body 
could give out an inexhaustible supply of these properties, or they 
could absorb an inexhaustible supply. Substance, or substrate, 
according to this theor)', is endowed with magic as the inexhaust- 
ible cause of properties. The flint knife has number ; it is many 
in one, but you cannot gather the knife into one bottle and the 
number into another. The same piece of quartzite has form, 
wiiich is its structure and shape, but you cannot take its form and 
put it into a distinct bottle. The same fragment of rock has 
motion —the motion of the earth about its axis, the motion of the 


earth about the sun, and tliat motion which wc call heat, — but }-ou 
cannot take this motion called force and put it in a distinct 
bottle. This same bit of rock has persistence, or being, or causa- 
tion, but you cannot take this being away from the flint knife and 
put it by itself in a distinct bottle. The same bit of quartzite is 
composed of different chemical substances that have af^nity one 
for another, but you cannot take this af^nity away from the 
molecules of the knife and put it in a bottle by itself. Here we 
have five properties of things, — number, form, force, persistence, 
and af^nity, — but they are inseparable. A survival of this doc- 
trine existed in science up to the days of Newton, for he believed 
that heat, which is a mode of motion or force, could be indefinitely 
added to or taken out of a body. The greatest work of the 
greatest philosopher of time was marred by this superstition — a 
survival from an earlier day. His successors in scientific research 
have repudiated the doctrine. The same superstition that prop- 
erties may be produced one from another in inexhaustible gener- 
ations still exists, and the lore of these superstitions is called 
metaphj^sic ; but there are two schools of metaphysic, — one be- 
lieving that all other properties are generated by the psychic 
property, the other believing that all other properties are 
generated by the force property. 

At one time in my life I believed in idealism, and for forty 
years I have been a constant reader of its literature. During all 
this time I have never ceased to search for a definition of ideal- 
ism. I have forever been on the lookout for the standard 
concept of the theory, and from time to time I have tried to 
grasp the concept and express it in language. During the 
present year a great scholar has devoted two large volumes 
to the defense of idealism, and I find that there is involved in 
his new book a definition of idealism which is as good as any 
other that I have read, though it is not expressed in affirmative 
and concrete terms so that they can be quoted. I must there- 
fore attempt this definition, premising that I obtain it from what 


seems to be implied by James Ward in his voluminous exposition 
of the subject.' 

Idealism is a theory that all of the material objects of the 
universe, other than human beings, are created or generated by 
mind, and that human beings are the real things and all other 
things are but the concepts of human beings. There are no 
stars, but only human concepts of stars ; there are no waters, but 
only human concepts of waters ; there are no rocks, but ©nly 
human concepts of rocks ; there are no plants, but only human 
concepts of plants ; there are no lower animals, but only human 
concepts of lower animals. However, on this point Ward is 
vague. Either he has not considered the subject, or has not 
committed himself to a doctrine of the reality of the lower 
animals. God and human beings are realities which manifest 
themselves to one another in perception and conception as ideas 
of the objective world. 

He rejects the scientific use of the term phenomenon as a 
manifestation of objective reality, and adopts the use of the term 
as a manifestation of mind. He teaches that science is a method 
of expressing ideas ; it is but a system of language and has no 
other significance than that of a system of language. There is 
no objective concrete world with which science deals ; but there 
are ideas with which science deals, and the whole function of 
science is to reduce these ideas to their simplest expression. 
There is no objective standard of truth ; there is only a subjec- 
tive standard of opinion, and all scientific research is the attempt 
to formulate these opinions or ideas or concepts or perceptions 
in universal terms. 

Science is only a device of language ; mathematics is only 
a device of equations ; chemistry is only a device of atoms ; 
astronomy is only a device of worlds ; geology is only a device of 
formations ; botany is only a device of cells ; biology is only a 

Naturalism and Agnosticism, New York, i{ 


device of organs. All of these devices are useful for linguistic 
purposes ; they do not express objective reality, but only sub- 
jective ideas. The world is a realm of ideas and words. It is 
not a realm of objective real things. This is how I interpret 
idealism as expounded by James Ward and by all other idealists. 

On the other hand materialism is a theory of the existence 
of the world as constituted of forces. This theory is perhaps 
besfc expounded by Boscovich as points of motion, not points in 
motion ; — centers of motion, not centers in motion. There are no 
atoms or molecules in motion, but there are atoms or molecules 
of motion. There are no stars in motion, but there are stars of 
motion. There are no waters or gases in motion, but there are 
gases of motion. There are no rocks in motion, but there 
are rocks of motion. There are no plants in motion, but there 
are plants of motion. There are no animals in motion, but 
there are animals of motion. There are no thoughts that are 
the motions of brain particles, as there are no brain particles, 
for thoughts are motions themselves. 

Usually it suits the logic of idealism to speak of forces as 
usually it suits the logic of materialism to speak of motions. 

Idealism accuses all scientific men of being materialists, and 
it divides mankind into two groups, the good and the evil. The 
good are idealists and the evil are materialists. The idealists are 
from heaven and the materialists are from hell. Idealism accuses 
materialism of ignoring all values in the world ; it forever seeks 
to belittle scientific research. Chemistry is only a controversy 
about words; astronomy is only a disputation about words; 
physics is only a disputation about w^ords ; geology is only a dis- 
putation about words ; botany is only a disputation about words ; 
and zoology is only a disputation about words. 

Materialism accuses idealism, as being the enemy of science, 
of rejecting every scientific discovery until it can be translated 
into terms of idealism, being the great bulwark of ignorance and 
the fortress of superstition. 

powkll] the lessons of folklore 3 1 

As idealism is interpreted by materialism the accusations are 
true, and as materialism is interpreted by idealism the accusations 
are true. Materialism is arrayed against religion, and idealism is 
arrayed against science. 

Both idealism and materialism are fallacious because they both 
attempt to reduce all of the properties of bodies to one, and in so 
doing they transmute the realities of the world into magic and 
continue the superstitions of primeval culture. What these 
superstitions are we have attempted to set forth. The particular 
logic which is used by both parties is called dialectic. This logic 
consists in the use of words with more than one meaning, — the 
habit is universal as trope and upon it the beauty of literature 
largely depends. The origin of trope is found in the concomi- 
tancy of properties. The essentials of all properties are con- 
comitant in every particle of the universe ; so that when one 
property is discovered, then others may be assumed — the dis- 
covery of one implicates the existence of all. If we discover the 
property of number in a body, it implicates that there exists the 
property of form. If we discover the property of form, it impli- 
cates the property of force. If we discover the property of force, 
it implicates the property of causation. If we discover the 
property of causation, it implicates the property of affinity. One 
of these properties cannot exist without them all. This impli- 
cation is a fundamental habit in psychology. When I taste an 
apple, I implicate its touch property, that is, its form. When I 
touch the apple, I implicate its force property, that it has weight, 
or that it has that motion which we call temperature, or that it 
has that motion which is common to all the objects of the earth. 
When I weigh the object in my hand by the sense of strain and 
discover the force property, I implicate the further property of 
causation, that it has the property of cause and effect ; and when 
by my sense of causation I discover cause and effect in the object, 
I implicate that it is composed of particles held together by 


Thus, when we cognize one property in a body, we recognize 
its other properties with which we are familiar, and this engenders 
the habit of figurate expression. The majority of words are used 
with figurate meanings ; but we must not carry such meanings into 
logic ; we must use terms with single meanings. This is the 
fundamental necessity of science. The fallacy of using words 
with different meanings in the same proposition of logic was 
pointed out long ago even by the Greeks and has been con- 
stantly referred to in modern systems of logic, and yet this is the 
primal fallacy of dialectic, or that method of reasoning which is 
used in metaphysic. It is the failure to distinguish figurate from 
fundamental meanings that constitutes the logical source of all the 
fallacies of metaphysic. I speak of a parallelogram of forces as 
if force itself were a property of form. This figure of speech is 
of daily use in the mathematical classroom, and it serves a good 
purpose in presenting the concepts of force by a diagrammatic 
method ; but just as soon as you forget that it is a method of 
figurate expression, and apply it to the equations regularly de- 
veloped in the higher mathematics, and talk of n dimensions of 
space instead of n dimensions of motion, you are in the realm 
of absurdity. iV dimensions maybe used in equations, but there 
is no such thing as n dimensions of space. 

In dialectic logic there is no term which is so tortured with 
diverse meanings d^sform. Form fundamentally means space re- 
lations fixed by structure and externally exhibited as figure, but 
any body which has form must have all other of the properties, 
and so we use the term form with a figurate meaning to apply to 
any one of the properties of a body. This is good trope in 
poetry ; it is good trope in literature ; but it is fallacious in logical 

There are two elements of motion, the one absolute and the 
other relative. Speed is the absolute, path is the relative. Speed 
is the rate of motion ; sometimes velocity is used as a synonym. 
Speed cannot be defined in terms of space and time, but speed 


can be measured in terms of space and time. You cannot re- 
duce speed to space and time, but you can measure speed in terms 
of space and time. Measurement is not reduction. Measure- 
ment is the expression of one thing in terms of another. We 
may use reduction by metonymy for measurement. We may re- 
duce feet to miles or we may reduce cents to dollars; that is, we 
may express feet in terms of miles or we may express cents in 
terms of dollars. We can reduce one quantity to terms of another 
by standard tables or by actual measurement, but we cannot 
change one quantity into another. So we cannot change speed 
into space and time, though we can express the rate of speed in 
terms of space and time. There is no possibility of transmuting 
speed into space and time, one or both, though by a habit of ex- 
pression we may speak of reducing speed to space and time. 
Yet every man must understand that he is using the term reduce 
only as a trope. How often I have listened to the statement that 
motion can be reduced to space and time — by motion the speaker 
meaning speed, and by reduction the speaker meaning the 
annihilation of motion. 

When we use the term form or the term reduce, now in one 
sense and now in another, it confirms the belief in magic that one 
thing can be transmuted into another by occult causation. It 
makes the world a playhouse of legerdemain, and this is just 
the mental attitude necessary to conviction when metaphysical 
propositions are the subjects of discussion. By metaphysical 
propositions I mean those propositions by which the idealist 
attempts to prove that all the properties of bodies are funda- 
mentally ideal, or when the materialists attempt to prove that 
all the properties of bodies are fundamentally dynamic. 

I use metaphysic as the term to indicate that doctrine which 
affirms that one essential property can be derived from another, 
whether it be idealism or materialism, and I use the term to 
distinguish it from such doctrines as are taught by science. 

That bodies and their properties can be produced by magic is 

AM. ANTH. N S., 2 — 3. 

34 AMERICAN AXTI//WPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

one of the oldest errors in human reasoning. This primeval error 
still remains as the essence of modern metaphysic in the doctrine 
that one essential property can be produced from another or be 
transmuted into another, 

I have used the terms idealism and materialism because these 
are the terms by which these theories are usually known, but I 
think that the real nature of materialism would be better ex- 
pressed by calling it dynamism, for that which I have called ma- 
terialism is a theory that all the properties of bodies may 
ultimatel}' be reduced to motion or force, and it would be 
peculiarly apt to call the doctrine dynamism. 

There is a variety of this doctrine of dynamism which cognizes 
that there are other properties which cannot be reduced to force, 
such as mass or number, and extension or form, and time or 
cause, and yet it is believed that mind or consciousness can be re- 
duced to force or motion. In this condition it becomes a dynamic 
theory of mind, but idealism derives all of the properties from 
consciousness or mind. 

All human language is symbolic, for a word is the sign of a 
concept. The spoken word horse is the symbol of the concept of 
a horse. The written word horse is the symbol of the spoken 
word horse. The written word is therefore the symbol of a 
symbol. The written word and the spoken word are alike signs, 
and as linguistic phenomena they are signs of concepts; but the 
signs of the concepts are also signs or symbols of the objective 
reality which they signify. Being symbols of concepts they are 
also symbols of objective realities. There is a concept of a horse 
and there is also the horse itself. The horse is an objective 
reality, the concept is a subjective reality, and the same symbol 
stands for both. The word dream stands for an objective reality 
as an act of the dreamer; it also stands for a subjective reality 
when it stands for the act of the ego who is the dreamer. What 
is objective may also be subjective, for the object and subject 
may be the same person. Unless we understand this we cannot 


understand psychology at all. It is fundamental to scientific 
psychology that the distinction between subject and object 
vanishes when the ego is the object, for the ego is also the sub- 
ject. A word is a sign of a concept, or, as some grammarians tell 
us, it is the sign of an idea; but it is also the sign of the object. 
The history of spoken words seems to teach that the concept is 
rather held in view ; the history of written words seems to teach 
that the objective reality is held in view; but in both cases the 
concept and object must be firmly grasped if we are to have a 
sound psychology. Thus the distinction between concept and 
object vanishes in symbolism, and the distinction between subject 
and object vanishes when the object is also the subject. 

Idealism is a theory that there is no objective reality, or, to 
use the language of modern idealism, there is no trans-subjective 
reality. Symbols are signs of ideas, but not signs of objects. 
The objective world thus becomes the creation of thought. The 
apparent or phenomenal objective world is created magically by 
thought. There are no stars as objective realities ; there are only 
stars by the magic of thought. Astronomy is not a science of 
orbs which depends upon the existence of objective realities ; but 
it is a science of words which depends upon our concepts, and 
contributions to astronomy are only contributions to language 
and consist only in a better method of using symbols as words to 
describe our concepts. There are no atoms or molecules or sub- 
stances as science teaches ; but there are concepts of atoms, 
molecules, and substances, and all contributions to chemistry are 
but contributions to language by which symbols that do not 
represent reality, but only concepts, are made more useful as lin- 
guistic devices. There is no such a thing as motion ; motion is 
but the product of thought. We think there is motion, but it 
has no objective reality, and contributions to dynamics are only 
contributions to language. 

James Ward does not always assert these doctrines, but when 
he does not assert them he assumes them. When he antagonizes 


materialism and substantiates his claim by quoting Boscovich and 
Huxley and other champions of materialism, he makes such asser- 
tions. He is right about the metaphysic of materialism, but he 
does not see that he overthrows metaphysical idealism by the 
same argument. 

When the subject becomes the object, that is, when the 
thinker thinks about himself, the distinction between subject and 
object vanishes. The same principle holds true when we attempt 
to distinguish between mechanism and telism in the universe. 
Changes of dissolution are mechanical ; changes of evolution are 
both mechanical and telic. There can be dissolution without 
telism, but there cannot be evolution without a mechanism which 
is telic. The watch in my pocket runs down by mechanism ; it is 
wound up also by mechanism, but the winding of the watch in- 
volves telism. I cannot telically wind my watch ; that is, I cannot 
wind it with my purpose unless at the same time I resort to the 
mechanism provided for winding the watch. All organic changes 
are controlled by purposes, but inorganic changes may occur 
without a purpose purely through the agency of mechanical laws. 
It is the error of materialism to suppose that all classes of changes 
are mechanical, that all telic changes can be resolved ultimately 
into mechanical changes, for in fact every telic change requires a 
mechanism, but the mechanism does not work without the pur- 
pose. The distinction between purpose and causation vanishes 
when purpose becomes a cause. 




The quarries and shops about the village of Mill Creek, in 
southern Illinois, have been known for many years, but up to the 
present time have received only passing notice. The remains, 
however, indicate an important source of the large flaked imple- 
ments of Mississippi valley, while the material quarried is one 
widely distributed in finished products. Identified with a region 
of unusual interest, the locality ranks with other centers of 
aboriginal flaking which have been recently studied. 

Previous work relating to the subject is apparently covered in 
the following references. In Prof. Cyrus Thomas' description^ of 
remains in Union and Alexander counties an account is given of 
the appearance of the main group of quarry pits west of the 
village and mention made of the prevalence of flaking refuse on 
many sites in the vicinity, notably on the Hale farm. In Pro- 
fessor Thomas' catalogue reference may also be found.^ Another 
description of the mounds, by Mr G. W. Morse, was published 
in volume III of the American Aiitiquarian. 

In 1886 Mr Gerard Fowke visited the locality and inspected 
the quarries, and subsequently described many of the products of 
the shops. In his classification of the types of spades this author 
cites numerous examples from Union county and refers to series of 
unfinished forms obtained at Mill Creek.^ From Mr Fowke and 

' Read before Section H, American Association for the Advancement of Science, 
Columbus meeting, August, 1899. 

'^Report of Mound Explorations of the Bureau of Ethnology , Twelfth Annual 
Report, pp. 148, 154. 

^ Catalogue of Prehistoric Works East of the Rocky Mountains, p. 68. 

* Stone Art ; Thirteenth Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 79, 133-138; 
figs 59, 169, 170. 



from residents of the village I have learned that observation^ 
were also made at this place by Col. P. W. Norris in 1884 and 
later by Messrs R. E. Earll and L. II. Thing. 

A number of Mill Creek rejects collected some years ago by 
Mr R. L.'Fahs and now in the museum of Northwestern Uni- 
versity, led to the present study, which was begun in December^ 
1898, and continued in April, 1899, under the direction of the 
Field Columbian Museum. The writer is especially indebted to 
Dr G. A. Dorse)', curator of anthropology in the last named insti- 
tution, for valuable suggestions and personal assistance in the 
exploration. As the work is not yet finished, only a preliminary 
report can be offered. 

Material and Distribution. — I cannot perhaps do better than 
to point out in the beginning the distribution of products in this 
stone. In collections which represent the general area — south- 
western Illinois and eastern Missouri — several varieties of chert 
or flint reappear constantly as materials used for flaking, and of 
these certain distinguishing shades of color have thus far formed 
the basis of descriptions. They are spoken of as cream-white, 
whitish or light gray, yellow, brown and grayish-brown flint and 
chert, nodular bluish-gray hornstone, etc. The large forms 
classed as agricultural implements commonly occur in the darker 
varieties of rather coarse structure, although materials of finer 
grain corresponding to the lighter colors were shaped into smaller 
examples of the same class. 

The chert obtained from the Mill Creek quarries was the least 
handsome of the flinty stones used for flaking. While generally 
of grayish-brown, an examination of the refuse heaps shows a 
number of colors. Sometimes the material is yellow or again 
brown, red-brown, mottled pink and gray, or gray, but all are of 
the same dirty or dusty cast. A banded arrangement of colors is 
also noticeable. In structure much of the material is coarse, 
fairly smooth on fracture, and with little or no luster. It is also 
soft in comparison with other flints and not remarkably brittle. 


yet in one particular it surpassed all other stones and that was in 
its adaptability for flaking into broad, thin blades. More exact 
characters upon which to establish the identity of the chert 
derived from the Mill Creek diggings with that distributed over the 
region in finished tools will probably develop from microscopic 
sections now being prepared. Along both banks of the Missis- 
sippi to a point considerably north of St Louis, and in the 
opposite direction through the southeastern counties of Missouri, 
blades of this stone are common. As the limestone formation in 
which the chert occurs is of great extent, other sources probably 

Locality. — The village of Mill Creek, Union county, is situated 
on the Mobile and Ohio railroad, half a mile north of the south 
line of the county. The stream of the same name which passes 
out of Union county at this point, becomes the dividing line 
between Alexander and Pulaski counties next adjoining. The 
locality, therefore, includes small portions of three counties. 
The surface is hilly and wooded. In the sketch map (figure i) 
the sites of quarries and shops are indicated. The main group 
of pits is one mile west of the village on portions of Sec. 31, T. 
13 S., R. I W., and Sec. 36, T. 13 S., R. 2 W. There is a smaller 
group two miles north of the village on Sec. 19, T. 13 S., R. 
I W., near the middle of the section. Shops are scattered about 
the hills both near to and at a distance from the quarries. The 
large shop site in Sec. 6, T. 14 S., R. i W. (Alexander county), 
ofTers the greatest visible accumulation of refuse. A railroad cut 
at Weaver hill, about three miles north of the village, and sev- 
eral mounds, are also shown on the map. 

Geology. — Extensive phenomena of rock disintegration are 
met with in this part of the state which lies south of the glacial 
boundary, and it is with one of these that we have to deal in ex- 
amining the source of the chert. The railroad cut at Weaver 
hill furnishes an excellent view of the chert-bearing formation, 
and a study of the soil and rock exposed at this point was of 



[n. S., 2, 1900 

great service in trenching tlie quarries. The section is through 
clay overlying the limestone. In the sides of the cut and in the 
embankment beyond the hill, nodular masses of chert are scat- 
tered in fjreat numbers. Details and measurements taken at the 

I'u;. I — Map of the vicinity of Mill Creek, showing location of quarries and shops. 

middle of the cut were as follows: Fifteen feet of reddish clay 
constitute the upper stratum, which is free from gravel and other 
tjtones with the rare exception of a pebble here and there near 
the bottom of the layer. A broken pavement-like layer of 
chert}' rock, eight inches thick, lies next below, but is poorly 
defined. Twelve feet of clay of a deeper red, mixed with coarse 
sand and many free nodules of chert, complete the section down 


to the limestone. There is no arrangement of the nodules as 
they lie in the clay. The limestone may be seen to a depth of 
nine feet and presents an uneven surface. Cavernous hollows 
and furrows six to eight feet deep, and of irregular width, 
separated by rounded and often fantastic prominences of rock, 
characterize the exposure throughout its length, a distance of 
several hundred yards. The original condition and manner of 
occurrence of the chert are at once apparent. Thin horizontal 
rows of concretions, often regularly spaced and mainly of one 
size in a given layer, stand out of the softer rock in a conspicuous 
manner. Many empty socket-like cavities show where nodules 
have dropped from their places, while loose nodules may be 
rattled about in other cavities which have not dissolved to such 
an extent as to free the stone. A much greater thickness of 
limestone than the twelve feet now represented in mixed clay, 
sand, and chert next above must have existed to supply the 
number of concretions that are found free. 

The conditions here presented probably do not occur within 
the glacial boundary, except in the driftless area, which Mr 
Leverett informs me offers similar phenomena in northern 

There are few nodules to be seen on the surface or in natural 
exposures in the surrounding country, still they were observed in 
stream beds at two points on branches of Mill creek south of 
Weaver hill, and a large block of limestone with a row of pro- 
truding nodules occurs several miles west of the village on a 
branch of Lingle creek. A knowledge of the underlying stratum 
containing free chert concretions might formerly have been 
gained from such occurrences. 

Characters of the Chert Nodules. — Externally the nodules are 
all of a rusty brown color, rough and harsh and slightly encrusted. 
In shape they are usually thin and flat with curved outlines and 
rounded edges, but as with many other nodular formations the 
shapes and sizes are exceedingly varied. The cross-section is 



[n. S., 2, 1900 

generally in the form of an elongated ellipse (figure 2, b), which 
greatly facilitated the flaking of large products. Some masses are 
like flagstones, occasionally two feet long and half as wide, and 

var\- from two to five inches in thick- 
ness. Small nodules are like flat- 
pebbles and cobblestones. Several 
smaller masses are often united by 
arms or extensions, with openings 
between, while the shapes of familiar 
objects, the heads of animals, etc., 
are imitated. 

The Quarry Sites. — The main site 
of ancient quarrying is reached by a 
path along the top of the hill which 
rises directly west of Mill Creek sta- 
tion. The distance is little less than 
a mile to the first of the pits, a group 
covering four or five acres, while 
across a narrow^ valley and on the 
next hill to the west, the pits cover 
an area of ten or twelve acres. The 
land is wooded, but many of the 

Fig. 2 — Outline of Lirge chert nodule and , i. l „ U«„« C^W^A r^,-,A '> 

characteristic cross-section. (One-sixth larger trccs havc becn felled and a 

natural size.) . , i , i r ii 

considerable growth of small trees 
and bushes obstructs a general view. Bowl-shaped depressions, 
twelve to forty feet in diameter, are closely crowded together 
over the top and down both sides^of the hill. Few exceed four 
feet in depth, but accumulations of leaves hide the surface. 
While the exploration was in progress, a fire which burned over 
the area of the smaller group did much to reveal surface ap- 
pearances. Although scattered refuse is fairly abundant, it is in 
great measure imbedded in the soil. Along the west slope, at 
the heail of a steep side-valley in the hill, the pits are elongated 
into indistinct trenches. 




In regard to the number of pits on this hill, a definite result 
was never obtained in spite of many attempts to count them 
during the early part of the investigation, but it is safe to say that 
there are several hundred. Any count, however, would be inex- 
act if surface indications only are considered, as facts learned 
from the excavation will show. 

The pits located on Sec. 19, north of the village, occupy a low 
hill in the corner of a field which has long been cultivated, and 
in extent cover about three acres. This is probably the place to 
which reference is made by Professor Thomas ' as difificult to plow 
on account of stone refuse. A section of the hill seems formerly to 
have been exposed by the stream which flowed through an old 
lagoon on the southeast, and in disclosing the presence of the 
nodules may have led to the ancient quarrying. The remains of 
about forty pits were counted, although cultivation has nearly 

Fig. 3 — Diagram of trench in western wall of quarry site. A, B, C, average depressions in the surface 
of quarry site; «, l\ c, dump piles ; d^ undisturbed red clay ; f, former surface ; y, mold ; i, 2, 3, 
ancient pits filled by natural agencies ; 5, position of a pit filled at the time of active quarrying; 
/;, //, It, quarry tools. Length of section, 62 feet ; greatest depth, 24 feet. The angular outline 
represents the floor of the trench seen in profile. 

leveled the surface. Near the fences just above the stream bank 
the pits are well defined. 

Excavation on the Main Quarry Site. — A trench shown in fig- 
ure 3 was dug along the top of the hill near the northern end of 
the large group of pits. Two well-marked depressions {A and B 
in the diagram), were selected for the purpose, one nineteen feet, 
the other thirty-two feet in diameter, separated by a bank about 

' Mound Explorations, op. cit., p. 155. 

44 AMERICAN AXrHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2. 1900 

three feet high {b). Digging was begun on each side of the bank, 
and the undisturbed clay and former surface of the hill deter- 
mined at that point. Above the old soil the pile consisted of a 
mixture of broken nodules, coarse sand and clay, and occasional 
flakes and rejects. 

Extending the section across both depressions, a deposit of 
black forest mold was first encountered, covering the surface of 
each pit to a depth of eight or ten inches at the thickest portion. 
Below the black mold, material like that found in the bank but 
showing partial sorting and arrangement in bowl-shape layers, 
was followed to a considerable depth. The old pit (marked i) 
was traced to a depth of over ten feet, with a width of ten feet at 
the mouth between undisturbed soil. Pit 2 was followed to a 
depth of eighteen and one-half feet, with a width at the top of 
thirteen feet. As the work progressed it became evident tiiat 
two old pits occupied the space of the single large depression 
(/)). The second of these (3) was not traced below seven feet ; its 
width at the mouth was approximately twelve feet. The mixed 
material which filled the openings was of yellowish color, and soft 
and wet in comparison with the stratum of firm red clay which 
surrounded it ; there was therefore very little difificulty in tracing 
the outlines in the wall of the excavation. The openings were fun- 
nel shaped, and judging from the partial arrangement of the filling, 
had acquired their form from natural causes — the gradual wash- 
ing in of the surrounding dump-piles and the caving of the edges. 

In tracing the old pits, the dump-piles, a and c, seen at the 
right and left in the figure, were intersected by the trench. These 
piles differed from the one first excavated, in that a was wholly 
clay, and c clay topped with a layer of broken nodules. Save for 
the dump-piles and mixed contents of the pits, the section was 
altogether in the overh'ing red clay represented at the railroad 
cut by a thickness of fifteen feet antl here by several additional 
feet. Stone had not been encountered at any point in undis- 
turbed relations. An attempt was then inade to reach the 


nodule-bearing stratum, and the depth at the lowest level in the 
trench, under pit 2, was increased to twenty-four feet, when stone 
was encountered. The wet contents of the old pit, however, 
made further work dangerous, and a cave-in followed soon after 
the bottom was abandoned. 

Trenching was then continued through the next depression 
{C), shown at the right, when the outlines of two more openings 
appeared, one in either wall of the trench. Pit 4 presented the 
characters of the three already described ; pit 5 was quite different. 
While the mouths of the pits previously examined had evidently 
been left open when deserted by the quarrymen, the last pit ex- 
posed had been filled when still fresh with material brought from 
the bottom of some neighboring pit, and had therefore been pre- 
served in its original shape. This pit was traced to a depth of 
ten and one-half feet and was found to slant into the trench in a 
manner favorable for excavating. Its contents were like the 
material found in bank b, — mainly broken nodules without ar- 
rangement or sorting. Operations were here brought to an end, 
but measures were taken to protect the work done on this por- 
tion of the trench that it might be resumed at the stage in which 
it was left. The trench reached a length of sixty-two feet. 

The distribution of art remains need only be pointed out in 
this connection. Hammers of peculiar type were found in pits 2 
and 3 at the places indicated by Ji, h. Flakes were fairly well 
represented in some layers of the filling, and were encountered as 
far as the pits were traced. Few rejects of stages of working 
above that of testing were found in the excavation. A broken 
flaked stone, classed as a reject at the time of finding, has since 
with washing proved to be a used implement — a digging tool in 
all probability. Nodules bearing the marks of a few blows, as evi- 
denced by the loss of a single flake or the presence of a fracture, 
constituted the main proof everywhere of previous handling and 
testing of the stone. 

The character of the section shows that no change is now 


going on, and present conditions have probably existed during the 
whole period of growth of the trees standing on the site. Few 
trees grow in the depressions ; the largest oaks, some of a diame- 
ter of two feet, are rooted in the old dump-piles above the former 

The Quarry Refuse — \x\ digging through the clay, the an- 
cient quarrymen brought to the surface so much of that material 
that its mixture with the stone refuse was constantly resulting, 
and this fact in some measure accounts for the scarcity of 
visible quarry-shop litter; still, in some spots, especially on the 
western slope of the hill, low piles were observed which were ex- 
amined for the purpose of determining the character of the work 
done after the nodules were brought to the surface. Over circu- 
lar spaces averaging fifteen feet across, broken nodules were scat- 
tered as if a selection of desirable stone had been made. The 
work was confined mainly to trimming ofT bunches and irregular 
ends and testing the quality of the stone by such fractures and 
occasional flaking. Some rejects occur of stages of working far 
advanced toward finished forms, but they are relatively few. 
Shaping seems commonly to have been carried on farther from 
the site of quarrying. Small shops occur on the cleared land 
at the southern end of the hill, and others near by may be ob- 
scured by the forest. 

Quarry Tools. — The tools recovered from the trench were 
probably all used in the quarry work proper. The used and 
broken blade shown in figure 4, rt', was a thick, roughly shaped im- 
plement of a type similar to the agricultural tools of the region. 
While not conii)lcte, its shape is readily supplied from other ex- 
amples obtained from the lodge sites. Its original length may 
be considered to have been equal to specimen b of the same fig- 
ure, or about thirteen inches. The wear at the broad end of the 
blade consists of a rounding off of the edge, but without the de- 
gree of polishing which is generally so marked in the used spades 
and hoes. It was doubtless hafted and used in digging. 




The hammers (plate l) were provided with short handles, 
shaped out of the stone, and in every instance presented a pol- 

FiG. 4— Quarry tools, a, used half-blade found in the trench ; I), from a lodge site. (One-fourth 

natural size.) 

ished area on the flat side of the hammerhead (figure 5), presum- 
ably from friction and contact with the thumb while in use. It 
seems likely that this tool was used in 
a flatwise position in the hand (figure 
6), and with an upward stroke, judging 
from the flaking at the heavy end, and 
that its function was to loosen the nod- 
ules from the clay. If this interpreta- 
tion is correct, the specimens are in 
the main right-handed examples. The 
average length of this tool is eight 

Accumulations of Shop Refuse. — Shop 
refuse is abundant on the Hale farm, 

Fig. 5— The use-marks on the quarry 



[n. S., 2, I()00 

at the count}' line, between the railroad and the creek. A group 
of mounds on tliis farm lias been described as situated " in the 
midst of or rather on an ininiense refuse heap ; in fact the whole 
top of this ridge appears to be covered to a depth of from three 
to six feet with an accumulation of flint chips, broken pottery, 
mussel shells, etc. Charcoal, burned limestone, and other evi- 

FlG. 6 — Probable method of using the quarrj' hammer. In the position indicated an upward blow 
would cause the flaking of the heavy end as well as friction under the thumb. 

dences of fire are plentifully scattered throughout the mass. The 
locality would probably be better described as a kitchen heap 
averaging four to five feet in depth and covering several acres." ' 

An area of three acres about the Hale house is thickly covered 
with refuse, while this tract might be increased to six or eight acres 
to include scattered patches. The farmhouse stands on the larger 
mound, while an orchard, barnyard, and garden occupy at least 
half of the ridge where the remains are most abundant. The 
depth of the deposit has been overestimated. 

On the hill across the valley at the south, an area of two or 
three acres offers similar litter, likewise the extension of Pulaski 
county directly east on the opposite side of the creek. 

On the Ileilig, Goodman, and Fink farms, southeast of the 
smaller group of quarries, there are many accumulations of refuse, 
and here the manner of occurrence is better shown than in the 

' Thoma.s. Mound Exploriitions, op. cit., p. 14S, map. 


confused deposits on the Hale place. Flaking refuse generally in 
this vicinity occurs in well-defined circular spaces about thirty 
feet in diameter and from several inches to a foot in thickness 
at the center. Unfinished, broken, and rejected work, with quan- 
tities of flakes, covers the ground with little mixture of soil save at 
the edges where the material is distributed more sparingly. Such 
deposits are seen everywhere in the fields, and in spite of re- 
peated plowing are still distinctly outlined. Near the southwest 
corner of the Fink farm one of these accumulations was trenched. 
The excavation revealed little concerning the flaking refuse, 
which could not be made out from inspection of the surface, but 
besides the chert there was found to be a collection of charcoal at 
the middle of the space, and fragments of pottery, several broken 
and used hoes, hammerstones, a limestone tool, and grinding- 
stones completed the list of mixed objects. In view of this result 
all similar deposits were interpreted as lodge sites, and on the 
Hale farm the area so thickly covered with the same mixture of 
remains must have been repeatedly dwelt upon and used as a site 
of working until the various deposits joined and possibly lay one 
above another. 

Rejectage, Flakes, and Products. — The main features of reject- 
age are here essentially the same as in all leaf-blade working, and 
the principles established by Professor Holmes need only be 
applied to the special case in hand. 

The nodules were eminently suited for flaking, and natural 
shapes supplied width and relative thinness when required. Re- 
markable results seem chiefly to be due to a regard for the com- 
mon cross-section shown in figure 2. A preliminary thick stage 
was therefore eliminated in a measure from a large portion of the 
work done, and massive forms do not appear as often as in the 
rejectage of quarry-shops generally. Thin rejects, on the other 
hand, are numerous and in any other known group of shops 
might pass for very successful shaping in the various stages 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2—4. 


Again, certain forms intended to be strong and thick have 
been shaped from thick nodules or in a manner designed to pre- 
serve relative thickness. This class of rejectage is very similar to 
the average forms of waste blades found in the Peoria quarry- 
shop in Indian Territory and described by Professor Holmes.' 

The shape of the nodule often supplied a desirable curve on- which has been commented on in descriptions of the 
finished products. The rejectage also contains many specimens 
illustrating the shaping of forms which are prominently convex 
on one side and flat on the other. 

In size and shape rejected blades are exceedingly variable and 
a wide range of products is easily traced. The forins which pass 
into broad thin blades (plate ll) vary from eight to seventeen 
inches in length, four to nine inches in width, and one-half to 
three inches in thickness. Half-blades are common. Long and 
relatively narrow forms pass into thin knife-like blades on the one 
hand and into thick celt-like forms on the other. Circular forms 
arc not so frequent. Some highly developed products were fin- 
ished by grinding on-the-flat, while an edgewise grinding is char- 
acteristic of all rejects which have arrived approximately near 
completion. As a rule the latter operation affected only that 
part of the implement which was designed to enter into the 

A more striking example of flakage probably does not exist in 
any similar line of refuse. The flakes are uniformly large, thin, 
and wide, and commonly are four inches in length where products 
like the spades have been shaped. Exceptional flakes are of 
much greater length. P\avorable natural shapes with the supe- 
rior flaking quality of the material were evidently the circum- 
stances which made the spades and hoes possible, whatever may 

' Kureau of Klhnolngy, Hulletin u = 21. A visit was made to Peoria for the purpose 
of comparing the refuse found there with that observed at Mill Creek. Both places 
have yielded products of large size, and while there are many jioints of difference and 
the finished forms of the Peoria material are not yet perfectly known, the two locali- 
ties diiubtless have supplied very similar implements. 


N. S., VOL. 2, PL. II 






have been the special skill of the worker or his method of 

Mill Creek products are among the most noteworthy of the 
great family of leaf-blades, and deserve a detailed account which is 
quite beyond the scope of the present paper. They are well rep- 
resented in museums and are familiar to archeologists. Fifteen or 
twenty specializations were observed in collections in the vicinity. 
Implements made here were used in a different class of pursuits 
from those flaked at Piney branch and Flint ridge. The rejectage 
which would occur in shaping smaller forms, as projectile heads, 
is altogether absent. 

Tools of the Flaking Shops. — Tools recovered from the shop 
sites include numbers of flaking hammers of the ordinary type 
found throughout the country. 
They are principally of the same 
material as the stone worked. A 
few hammers with handles like 
those found in the trench also oc- 
cur, but the heavy end is battered 
about the edge as in the case of the 
flaking hammer. Stones used for 
grinding are particularly abundant. 
Some specimens are of large size 
and are marked with deep grooves 
from the edgewise grinding of im- 
plements, while others are without 
grooves and were used for grinding 
on the flat. Many rejects served as 
grinding tools (figure 7), the sharp 
incrustation of the nodules being 
particularly efYective in abrading. 
Blocks of sandstone were also used. 

Associated Remains. — Important remains are associated with 
the industry which has been described. The stone grave mound 

Fig. 7 — Reject used as a grinding-stone. 
Appearance of the common form with 
marks from edgewise grinding. (One- 
fourth natural size.) 


on the Hale farm and the large mound on which the house 
stands were built at the time of active quarrying and flaking. 
Refuse is distributed among the cists and mixed with the earth 
of which the mounds are made ; refuse has also accumulated on 
lodge sites located over the excavation where material for the 
mounds was dug. Much other evidence is of a character to con- 
nect the industry with the ancient race whose works extend 
through the middle Mississippi valley. 


That the discovery by Mr J. T. Goodman ' of the signification 
of certain time and numeral symbols in the Mayan inscriptions, 
coupled with the discoveries by Dr Forstemann in reference to 
time counting and also time symbols, must point out and open 
new channels in the investigation of Mayan hieroglyphics, is 
evident. The determination of characters which had previously 
received widely different interpretations must cancel a number of 
previous speculations, and the discoveries must largely influence 
future attempts toward interpretation of the inscriptions and 
codices. While Mr Goodman's ungenerous treatment of co- 
workers in the same field — ignoring entirely the work they had 
done, though often appropriating it and building thereon — is 
calculated to give his monograph an unfavorable reception ; and 
although some of his assumed discoveries must be rejected as 
lacking proof and his leading theory discarded as untenable, the 
new light he has thrown on the subject by his real discoveries, 
when added to that from Dr Forstemann's investigations, will 
penetrate the mysteries of the inscriptions and possibly also of 
the codices. The writer may be permitted to say that he makes 
this assertion after careful investigation, during which he has 
tested, one by one, Goodman's renderings by reference to the 
originals as given in Maudslay's excellent photographic reproduc- 
tions and drawings, accepting only those sustained by absolute 

The discoveries mentioned consist chiefly in ascertaining the 
fact that the time periods or orders of units, which are indicated in 

^Archaic Maya Inscriptions ; Maudslay's Biolo^ia Cmtrali-Aviericana, pt. vni. 



the Dresden codex by the rehitive positions of the numerals, or 
counters, are indicated in the inscriptions by special s)inboIs. It 
is well known that among the Mayan tribes the vigesimal system 
was in vogue, and that to express numbers up to 19 (that is^ 
units of the first or lowest order), they used dots and short lines ; 
but to express units of the higher orders tiie authors of the 
codices (at least of the Dresden codex) had recourse to relative 
position. For example, to indicate 5 units of the first order, 4 of 
the second, i i of the third, and 6 of the fourth, they placed them 
one above another, thus: 

Fourth order 6 = 28,800 
Third order 1 1 = 3,960 
Second order 4 = 80 

First order 5 = 5 


— twenty of the first order making one of the second, 18 of the 
second one of the third, 20 of the third one of the fourth, and so 
on ; the number of the second order to make one of the third 
having been changed in time counting from the regular vigesimal 
order to 18, apparently to conform to the number of months in a 
year and thus to facilitate counting. It is apparent, therefore, 
that the value of one unit of each of the different orders in time 
counts was as follows, the day being the primary unit : 

First order i day 

Second order 20 days 

Third order 360 days 

Fourth order 7,200 days 

Fifth order 144,000 days 

Now, Mr Goodman has discovered that in the inscriptions the 
orders of units (or real time periods as he believes them to be) 
were indicated not by relative position, but by specific characters. 
To these orders of units (or time periods, as he terms them) he 


has applied (except the first) arbitrary names, as follows: To the 
first or lowest, day or kin ; to the second, chuen ; to the third, 
aJiau ; to the fourth, katiin ; to the fifth, cycle ; and to the sixth, 
great cycle ; each having its symbol. ' 

Mr Goodman has further discovered that in the inscriptions a 
date is frequently followed by a number series and this by another 
date, and that, as in the codices, this intervening number indicates 
exactly the lapse of time from one of the given dates to the other. 
As this, when several times repeated with different dates and 
different numbers, amounts to actual demonstration, we are com- 
pelled to accept his claimed discoveries as real, so far as thus 
proven. As I have presented in detail, in a paper now in course 
of preparation, the data verifying these discoveries so far as the 
data afford demonstration, a simple statement of the fact must 
suffice here. 

Although credit is due chiefly to Dr Forstemann for demon- 
strating the method of expressing high numbers in the Dresden 
codex, which has been followed with further evidence by the 
writer, I may note in passing that we seem to have overlooked 
the fact of the near approach of this method to that of the 

' Although we speak of this discovery as Mr Goodman's, yet we would do Dr 
Forstemann injustice if we should overlook the fact that part of the credit is due to 
him. Not only had he discovered' and applied to the time series in the Dresden 
codex the orders of units accepted and used by Mr Goodman, but in fact had deter- 
mined'as early as iSgi the value of the symbols designated ahaii and katu)i by Mr 
Goodman, as appears from his article "■ Ziir Maya-C/ironologie" in the Zdtschrift 
fur Ethnoloi^ie for that year. Mr Goodman's paper was i^ot published until 1897, 
although it appears from his preface that it was completed in 1895. If Dr Forstemann 
had not seen Mr Goodman's paper when his article titled " Die Kre^izuischrift von 
Palenque" was published in Globus in 1S97, and it makes no reference to the former, 
it is evident that he had discovered independently the value of the symbols which 
Mr Goodman designates chuen and cycle. It is evident also from the figures (numbers) 
he gives in his " Zwr Entzifferung der Mayahandschriften" \v. (]894), that Dr 
Forstemann had discovered as early as June, 1894, the value of most if not all the 
five time-period symbols, as these figures are based on the series found on the stelte 
and altars at Copan, as given by Maudslay. To the 360-day period FOrstemann 
applied the name " old year," and to the 7200-day period the name " old aliati " ; but 
he failed to discover their use. The chief credit therefore for this important discovery 
should be given to Mr Goodman. 



I, igoo 

ordinary decimal sj-stem of the present da}', which has been sug- 
gested — though not expressly dwelt on therein — by reading 
Professor McGee's able paper on The Beginning of MatJiematics^ ; 
in the one, as in the old Babylonian notation, it is by steps up- 
ward, in the other by steps to the left. 

One important result of Mr Goodman's discovery is the 
evidence it furnishes of the strong similarity, if not absolute 
itlentit)', of the time systems or calendars of the different Mayan 
tribes. To call attention to this point is the chief object of this 
paper. V>y means of his discovery we are enabled to determine 
positively the dates where the symbol is obscure or doubtful, and 
the numeral or time-period symbols where they vary from the 
typical forms. It was in this way that the advance in the inter- 
pretation of the time and numeral symbols of the Dresden codex 
was made and the explanation of their use and office was given. 

The names and order of the days of the month given for the 
Maya (i. e., the Maya proper, or Yucatecs) and the Tzental and 
Quiche-Cakchiquel tribes, as based on historical evidence, are as 
follows : 

Maya Tzental 

1. Imix Imox 

2. Ik Igh 

3. Akbal Votan 

4. Kan Ghanan 

5. Chicchan Abagh 

6. Cimi Tox 

7. Manik Moxic 

8. Lamat Lambat 

9. .^fuliic Molo 
10. Oc Elab 













11. Chuen 

12. Eb 

13. Ben 

14. Av 

15. Men 

16. Cib 

17. Caban 

-r^.,...,... Quiche- 
Tzental cakchiquel 



Tziquin Tziquin 
Chabin Ahmak 
Chic Noh 

18. Ezanab Chinax Tihax 

19. Caiiac Cahogh Cooc 

20. Ahau Aghaual Hunahpu 

The names in italics are the suppo.-.ed dominical days in the 
calendars of the different tribes. That the dominical days of the 
Troano codex, which is generally attributed to the Maya of 

Anieriian Anih>op->lo!^ist [s. s.)., vol. I, October, i8(}(). 


Yucatan, were Kan, Muliic, Ix, and Caiiac, is conceded ; and that 
those of the Dresden codex, which are known to correspond with 
those of the inscriptions at Palenque, were Akbal, Lamat, Ben, 
and Ezanab, is also admitted. Goodman, it is true, shifts the 
initial da}% but his method of counting gives the same result. 
It is seen, however, by reference to the list, that the three calen- 
dars, according to the historical evidence, begin the years with 
different days, it being assumed that the names opposite one an- 
other in the lists are equivalents so far as relative position in the 
series is concerned. Although the parallel names (names occupy- 
ing the same relative position) difTer considerably from the stand- 
point of morphology, some are but equivalents (as to signification) 
in the different tribal dialects; but this does not apply to all, as 
is evident from the efforts of Drs Brinton and Seler to bring them 
into harmony.' Imix and Imox, Ik 2iX\d Igh, Kan and Ghanan, 
Cimi and Canicy, Lamat and Lambat, Miiliic and Molo, Ix and 
Hix \ Eb, Euob, and Ee ; Canac, Cahogh, 2ind Cooc ; and AJiaii and 
Aghaual, are merely different forms of the same names. But this 
cannot be said of Votan and Akbal, Kan and Kat, nor of most of 
the other corresponding names. 

Turning now to the codices and inscriptions, let us compare 
the days as represented symbolically in the different sections 
where found. Of course we cannot say positively to what tribes 
or to the ancestors of what tribes the inscriptions in the ruins 
of the different sections are respectively to be attributed. All 
we can assert positively is that they are Mayan ; that those of 
Palenque are in what is or was the country of the Tzental and 
Zotzil ; those at Menche (or Lorillard city) in the country of the 
Lacandon ; those at Copan and Quirigua in the country of the 
Quiche and Cakchiquel ; and those at Tikal in the country formerly 
occupied by the Itzae. Nor can we say that uniformity in the form 
of the day symbols proves positive identity in the names, allowing 

' See also the writer's paper Day Symbols of the Maya Year in the Sixteenth Ann. 
Rep. Iiur. Am. Ethnology (1S97). 

58 AMERICA.V ANTJ/KOPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, ic^oo 

for the variation necessary to express tlie same idea in the 
different tribal dialects; nevertheless it tends in this direction, 
and undoubtedly indicates unity of origin. 

That there are in the inscriptions forms of some of the day 
and month symbols and peculiarities in other characters not ob- 
served in the codices is true. But considering^ what has been 
stated by early writers as to the names and order of the daj's and 
months amon^ the different tribes, the agreement in the forms of 
the symbols and in the order of the days and months in the inscrip- 
tions is remarkable. Take, for example, the ddiy Ahaii ; although 
we meet here and there with a face form, the usual symbol at 
Palenque, Tikal, Meiiche, and Copan is the same as that found in 
all the codices. The same is true of the symbols for tiie days 
Ik, Akbal, Kan, Ben, Ezanab, Lamat, Chuen, and one or two 
others. Cimi and Cuban vary slightly from the typical form ; 
Muluc, Eb, Men, and Ix are of rare occurrence in the inscriptions. 
Another fact which has an important bearing in the comparison 
of systems is that each holds its relative position throughout the 
series in precisely the same order as in the Dresden codex. 
There is no known variation from this rule. Not only so, but 
the proof is clear that the years are counted from the same 
dominical days. For example, we find Ahau occurring on the 
3d, 8th, 13th, and i8th of the month; Akbal on the 1st, 6th, nth, 
and i6th, which can be true only when Akbal, Lamat, Ben, 
and Ecanab are the dominical days or year-bearers. 

Concerning the ([uestion as to how far the similarity in the 
form of the day symbols can be taken as an indication of a simi- 
larity in the names, the following facts are noted : The day 
Votan in the Tzental calendar stands in the place of Akbal in the 
other calendars. Now, akbal, in both Maya and Cakchiquel, sig- 
nifies " darkness," *' night," and "to grow dark," or "become 
night"; while I'o/an is the name of a hero-god formerh- much 
venerated by the Tzentals. I'otan or uotan is supposed to sig- 
nify " heart " in the Tzental dialect, and according to Nufiez de la 


Vega he was called "The Heart of the Nation." Yet the sym- 
bol of this day is remarkably uniform in the Dresden codex and 
in all the inscriptions where it appears. The same is true of Kan, 
Lajiiat, and Ezanab, which never appear as face characters. As 
it is admitted that Votan is not equivalent to Akbal, its corre- 
sponding name, Kat to Kan, nor Canel to Lamat, how are we to 
account for the uniformity in the symbols of these days in the 
several regions which the tribes mentioned are known to have 
inhabited ? 

However, the widest variation between the historical evidence 
and that of the inscriptions is in reference to the names of the 
months. In regard to these, as given historically, it may be 
stated that those of the Maya (proper) and the Tzental-Zotzil and 
Quiche-Cakchiquel groups differed throughout morphologically 
and in signification, so far as the latter has been determined, no 
name in one, with a single exception, being the same as that in 
another. As compared with those in the Maya calendar, which 
are — 





13. Mac 





14. Kankin 





15. Moan 





16. Pax 





17. Kayab 





18. Cumhu 

those of the Tzental were i Tzuni, 2 Batzal, 3 Si sac, etc. ; those 
of the Quiche, i Tequexepual, 2 Tziba pop, 3 Zac, 4 Cliab, etc., 
differing in like manner throughout. So widely different, in fact, 
are they, that Drs Brinton and Seler made no attempt to bring 
them into harmony. In fact Dr Brinton says : " While the names 
of the twenty days of each month are practically identical in all 
the five languages [including Zapotec and Nahuatl] under con- 
sideration, the reverse is the case in the names of the eighteen 
months which made up the vague solar year. These differ widely 


in tribes very closely related, as the Quiches and Cakchiquels ; 
and even in the same dialectic area, as among the Nahuas." 

Now, in contrast with this the s\'mbols are not only compara- 
tively uniform in the inscriptions, as shown by the figures given 
in Mr Goodman's work and in Maudslay's photographs, but with 
very few exceptions they correspond with those in the Dresden 
codex. There are also indications that the names were the same 
as found in the Maya calendar. For example, the symbol of the 
month Pop is characterized by an interlacing figure apparentl}- in- 
tended to denote matting; in Maya/^/ signifies " mat." The name 
of the 4th \x\o\\\.\\,Zotz, signifies " a bat," and the symbol, which is 
always a face form, has an extension upward from the tip of the 
nose presumably to indicate the leaf-nose bat. But as conclusive 
evidence on this point, if Mr Goodman is correct in his interpre- 
tation, the month is designated on one of the stelre at Copan by 
the full form of a leaf-nose bat. So general is the uniformity of 
the month glyphs, in both the Dresden code.x and the inscrip- 
tions, that Mr Goodman has not hesitated to appl}' the names as 
given in the Maya calendar, and to place side by side those of the 
inscriptions with those of the codex. " There is not," he says, 
*' an instance of diversity in all their calendars; their dates are all 
correlative, and in most of the records parallel each other." Of 
course there are sporadic variations and imperfect glyphs which 
often render determination by simple inspection uncertain, but 
this is generally aided by the connecting numeral series. 

The change of day symbols from the typical form to face 
characters is found in the codices as well as in the inscriptions, 
as is shown by an examination of the Troano codex, where this 
is of frequent occurrence. The occasional variations of the sym- 
bols for the days Chicc/ian, Citni, and Ix, in the latter codex, are 
so radical that identity is ascertained only by means of the 
positions they occup\' in scries. It is chielly on this uniformity 
that Mr Goodman bases his theory of an archaic calendar. 

.Another item in the evidence is found in the ideiititx' in fonn 


of the time-period symbols or symbols denoting the orders of 
units. Though face forms are frequently introduced, the typical 
forms are the same in the inscriptions of each section, and the 
face characters are used in each. In addition to the localities 
mentioned, one or two of the former are found in the inscription 
on a tablet from Tonina, Chiapas; on an amulet from Ococingo, 
Chiapas; and on a vase from a Quiche tomb, Guatemala; and 
at least three of the typical forms are found in the Dresden 

We therefore have as evidence on this point the similarity in 
form of the day, month, and numeral symbols ; the uniformity in 
the order in which the days and months follow one another; the 
use throughout (except by the Maya of Yucatan) of the same 
days as dominicals or year-bearers; and in fact, throughout, pre- 
cisely the same time system and the same method of representing 
graphically its several features. In addition we find represented 
in the inscriptions of each locality what Maudslay has appro- 
priately termed " initial series," beginning with a large or quad- 
ruple glyph, as that with which the inscription on the Tablet of 
the Cross at Palenque begins (in the upper left-hand corner of 
the left slab), and also the same order in placing the glyphs with 
reference one to another; that is, all are to be read in the same 
direction. These facts, therefore, indicate much closer uniformity 
in the time systems of the different sections than that inferred 
from the historical evidence. 

What is the deduction to be drawn from the above-mentioned 
facts ? Is Goodman right when he says : " From this is deducible 
the important fact that — whether a single empire, a federation, or 
separate nations — they were a homogeneous people, constituting 
the grandest native civilization in the Western Hemisphere of 
which there is any record"? In other words, do they not show 
that when the inscriptions were chiseled the Mayan group was 
much more homogeneous and the tribal distinctions far less 
marked than when the Spaniards arrived on the scene ? Dr 

62 AMERICAiW AXTHROPOLOGI ST [\. s., 2, 1900 

Brinton ' says that " in all the Mayan dialects the names [of the 
days] belonged alreatiy at the time of the Conquest to an archaic 
form of speech, indicating that they were derived from some 
common ancient stock, not one from the other, and that, with 
one or two possible exceptions, they belong to the stock and are 
not borrowed words." The inscriptions seem to go far toward 
confirming this view, which was based wholly on linguistic evi- 
dence, although the opinion would imply either that the Maya 
of Yucatan are to be regarded as the older division of the Mayan 
group (excepting the Huasteca), or that they had retained, with 
less change than other tribes, the original names of the days and 

If the view herein readied be accepted as well founded, the 
inscriptions and codices will form in this respect a fixed basis for 
further research into the history of the ]\Ia)'an tribes. The next 
step will be to determine from these records, if possible, the prob- 
able age of the inscriptions, for, as appears from what has been 
shown, the history as derived from the early Spanish writers can- 
not be fully relied on ; and the traditions can only be trusted so 
far as they agree with the monuments and the linguistic evidence. 
That Mr Goodman's conclusion in this respect cannot be accepted 
is evident from the quotation given in a previous communication 
to this journal. ' 

As will be seen, I have limited this paper to a very brief sum- 
mary of what may be called one branch of the mathematical 
evidence. To exhaust it would require a comparison of the num- 
ber and calendar systems of the Mexican codices. Nor have I 
broached the mystical use of time periods and numerals by the 
Maj'a and Nahua, both of which must have an important bearing 
on the subject treated. 

' Native Calendar, p. 21. 

^American Anthropologist, N. s., vol. i, p. 559. 


In 1895 Alfonso L. Herrera and Ricardo E. Cicero published 
in the City of Mexico a Catcilogo de la Coleccion de Aiitropologia 
del Mjiseo Nacional/\v\ yN\\\Q\\\N\\\ be found Pimentel's linguistic 
families and Orozco y Berra's list of tribes, more than seven hun- 
dred in all. In 1891 appeared Dr Brinton's American Race, in 
which, for the first time, he brought all the tribes of North 
America and South America into a s)stem. The Bureau of 
American Ethnology in the same year issued Major Powell's 
Linguistic Families of North America, a model of philological 
taxonomy. In the last named paper the stocks of Mexico are 
not mentioned, but in the three works before us there is a start- 
ing point for systematic treatment of the tribes of that republic, 
in which the American Indian population is ten times greater 
than it ever was within the boundaries of the United States. 

Orozco y Berra's list is valuable in that it assembles the 
names to date. The Bureau of American Ethnology has made 
an exhaustive synonymy of the United States and Canada, con- 
taining many thousands of terms ; but there are duplicates, lost 
tribes, and those whose linguistic affiliations are not known, so 
that one-half of Orozco y Berra's long catalogue will eventually 

Brinton's work is far in advance of anything before or since 
on the linguistic families of Mexico, and it is a pity that the author 
did not go a step further in the adoption of Major Powell's spell- 
ing of all family titles. I propose now to take that step and ofTer 
the following revision of Pimentel's table which makes the error 
that generic names shall connote all that the genus includes. A 




[n. S., 2, I(^00 

denotive name is all that we need, coupled with a systematic 
spelling which shows on its surface whether a tribe, a speech, or a 
linguistic family is intended. I desire here to acknowledge the 
assistance of l^r A. S. Gatschet, without whose cooperation I 
should not \'enture to propose the scheme. 

Linguistic Families of Mkxico 

Pinicntcrs List. 

Guaicura y Cochinii-Laimon 

Matlalzinga 6 Pirinda 

Sonorense Opata-Pima 

List Proposed. 
Zapotecan (uncertain) 
H an van 

Piman (or Nahuan) 

The Apache are stragglers into northern Mexico. Chontal is 
a term of reproach and should not be used for a family designa- 
tion.' Guaicura y Cochimi-Laimon is connotive, and the family 
title Yuman must take its place.^ In Matlalzinga 6 Pirinda we 
have the choice of two names, of which the latter is preferable, 
but this group is Otomian.' Mayan is the simplification of a 
double name. Nahuan, the most important family in the 
Western Hemisphere, is the southern branch of Buschmann's 
Uto-Aztekan (1859; ^I'^o Gatschet, 1877, and Brinton, 1891). As 
the matter now stands, there are the Shoshonean tongues for the 
United States, the Piman for the Sonoran area, and the Nahuan 

' Brinton, American Race, 1891, p. 146. 

'-' Turner, I-itliani, Gatschet, in I'owell, Indian Lin^^iiistic Families, 1891, p. 136. 

■' Brinton, op. cit., i8yr, p. 136. 

masonJ linguistic FAMILIES OF MEXICO 65 

for the great southern group. They may be called separate families, 
or regarded at present as sub-families. The term Aztekan may 
be discarded in this connection, since it mixes ethnic and linguis- 
tic matters. The Serian has hitherto been regarded as a part of 
the Yuman family, but recent investigation of linguistic material 
collected by Mr McGee shows it to be clearly an independent 
stock. The other names proposed offer no difificulties. 

A.M. ANTH. N. S., 2 — 5. 



Putting aside tlie mythical or problematic accounts of ancient 
landfalls, which to be sure are a fascinating field of conjecture, 
firm ground is reached at the period when the Spaniards governed 
the Philippines as a dependency of Mexico. 

In former times several waves of Malay colonization swept 
over the Philippines, displacing one another and the original popu- 
lation of woolly-headed Aetas, but later the Chinese overran and 
conquered the islands. After a time the Chinese yoke was 
thrown off by the Filipinos, who, being undisturbed for many 
years, became inert and fell easy prey to the land-grabbing Span- 
iards of the sixteenth century. Sebu was taken in 1564-65 and 
Manila in 1571, fifty years after the discovery of the islands by 

Early in his reign Philip II saw that voyages to the Orient 
could better be made from New Spain. In 1545, Ruy Lopez de 
Villalobos was sent from Mexico, but his expedition, though it 
reached Sebu, was unsuccessful. Then Philip sent Miguel Lopez 
de Legaspi, a Mexican, who sailed from Navidad in 1564 by the 
middle route. 

Legaspi was a navigator and warrior of the stern stuff of the 
age — the Dewey of 327 }'ears ago on the same scene — and to 
him the Spanish Crown ever owed the Philippines. An impor- 
tant result of Legaspi's expedition was the discovery of the 
route back to Mexico. Contrary to orders, one of the ships of 
the expedition, commanded by Alonzo de Arellano, turned back 
from the Philippines and sailed northward to the islands north of 
Japan, crossed to the Pacific coast ofT Columbia river, sailed 


hough] oriental influences in MEXICO 6/ 

southward, and brought up at the port thereafter to receive tlie 
golden stream of the East on its way to Spain. 

Other complications also made it almost imperative for the 
Spaniards to reach the Philippines through Mexico. The con- 
tests between them and the Portuguese for the possession of the 
earth had resulted in the famous division of Pope Alexander VI 
at the beginning of the sixteenth century. This cut off the Span- 
iards from the former route to the East, when the discovery in 
1520 of the Straits of Magellan by that great navigator opened 
another route, which after several trials proved long and unsatis- 
factory, and the sailing from Mexico was decided on. 

In 1575, Guido de Labazarries was made governor of the 
Philippines, and from this time the islands were ruled by the vice- 
roys of Mexico. Later the Spanish Crown resumed direct control 
and appointed governors from the mother country, but commerce 
was carried on with the Philippines until the separation of Mexico 
from Spain. 

It is an important fact that one of the first cares of Labazar- 
ries was the establishment of trade and commerce between China 
and Manila. This commerce, which was only interrupted by 
events, had been carried on for centuries, bringing many Chinese 
traders from the mainland not over 460 miles away. 

Many references by De Morga to the commerce carried on 
between the Philippines and New Spain show that the inter- 
change of products was begun early and that Mexico and the 
Orient were closely connected.' The people of Mexico in this 
way became familiarized with the products of the East before a 
similar state of affairs prevailed in Europe, and the going and 
coming of the viceroys, priests, soldiers, sailors, and traders could 
not have failed in introducing to Mexico useful plants, manu- 
factures, etc., that have come to be regarded as indigenous 

' The Philippine Islands, by Antonio De Morga, London (Ilakluyt Society), 


Manila has long been an emporium of commerce. De Morga ' 
says : " The merchants and traders form the greater part of the 
residents in these islands, on account of the quantity of merchan- 
dise which flows in to them (in addition to the produce of the 
country) from China, Japan, Maluco, Malacca, Siam and Cam- 
boja, Borneo, and other parts, with which they make their ventures, 
and every year embark them in ships which sail for New Spain." 
The same authority gives a general account of the articles form- 
ing the basis of the trade, and the list is interesting as showing the 
great variety which might be selected for trade with New Spain. 
This commerce so increased that it worked injury to the trade 
between Spain and her possessions in Peru and Mexico. In 
1599 it was suggested, and later acted on, to limit the amount of 
Mexican money to be used in the Philippine trade in any one year 
to $500,000. Just how effective this law was and how much it 
hampered the free movement of commodities between the coun- 
tries it is difificult to gather. Perhaps like the prohibition of gov- 
ernment officers engaging in trade, it was a good thing if enforced. 
It is true in any case that each year for centuries two vessels 
were dispatched from Manila to New Spain, one a stately galleon, 
the other a large ship as a convoy on which prohibited goods 
were carried in a clandestine way. At the time of the arrival of 
these ships they were joined by other craft coming from Peru and 
Chili, and it was customary to hold a great fair for thirty days at 
Acapulco, where commodities from all parts of the world were 
bartered. Thus Acapulco became the great distributing point 
whence the commerce of the East was sent to South America. 
Acapulco, Mexico, and Vera Cruz were the cities in Mexico 
directly touched by this trade. 

During De Morga's time duty of three percent on the mer- 
chandise brought from China amounted to $40,000, and the two 
percent duty on goods shipped to Mexico reached $20,000, while 
the duty from Mexico to the Philippines was $8000. 

' Ibid., page 336. 

hough] oriental influences IN MEXICO 69 

The population of Manila, like that of most seaports having 
extensive commerce, was of very mixed character, the bulk of the 
foreigners being Chinese, who, while viewed with suspicion, were 
recognized as being indispensable because they were industrious 
workers at all employments and demanded small wages. The 
same is true at this epoch in the Philippines, and there seems to 
be as little reason for excluding the Chinese now as there was in 
the sixteenth century. Owing to trouble with the Japanese in 
1597, "the governor sent to Japan all the Japanese who were set- 
tled in Manila (and they were not a few) and those who came in 
trading ships." ' The Chinese have maintained their hold in the 
Philippines to the present day in spite of various massacres and 
the stringent enactments to which they have been subjected. 
There has been a decided mixture of Chinese blood with the na- 
tives, forming the class known as mestizos. 

The question may be asked, then, whether the centuries of 
communication between the East and Mexico have had any 
marked effect upon either. Perhaps the first marked intrusion of 
the East into Mexico is to be found in the flora of the country. 
It was the custom of the priests who invariably accompanied or 
closely followed the Spaniards on their conquests, to select plants, 
seeds, and other curious objects for introduction into other lands 
and as presents to royalty. The world is greatly indebted to the 
missionary fathers for the dissemination of a multitude of use- 
ful and beautiful plants whose presence in various unexpected 
localities has often perplexed botanists. 

The Spanish leaders of explorations were not less active in the 
search for strange products to illustrate to the rulers the remark- 
able character of the countries which they gained for Spain. 
That the Pueblo Indians of our Southwest early possessed sheep, 
horses, cattle, peaches, wheat, etc., is due to the friars of the seven- 
teenth century, to whom also may be attributed many of the 
plants of the East now thoroughly at home in Mexico and South 

' De Morga, op. cit. , page 86. 

70 AMERICAN AiVTHKOPOLOGlSr [n. s,, 2, iqoo 

America. The return of the viceroys and merchants, who had 
made fortunes in the Phih'ppines, was no doubt likewise a potent 
factor in enriching the flora of Mexico by the plants brought from 
the Orient to beautify their estates. 

Wiicrcvcr the Chinese go they carr\- with them their native 
country. In our cities, whenever feasible, they grow their favor- 
ite lily, water-chestnut, and gourds. In one of the southern states 
a farm is devoted to raising and canning Chinese vegetables for 
the use of our Chinese colony. This gives opportunity for the es- 
cape from cultivation of plants that later on may spread widely. 
There is no reason to doubt that in Mexico this process has gone 
on for a long time. 

With these statements in view it does not seem anomalous to 
find the cocoanut on the coast of Mexico with the attendant 
manufactures connected with the tree, as houses from the trunk, 
thatch from the dead leaves, cups from the nut, toddy from the 
flower-stalk, and various other products. The toddy is called 
tuba, a Tagal word, and its collection and preparation and the 
other arts grouped about the cocoanut palm might be transported 
bodily from Colima to an island in the Pacific without jarring the 

The presence in America of the banana which, like the cocoa- 
nut, has been fancifully accounted for as the result of some pre- 
historic dissemination, bears witness to the contact with the East. 
The banana, which can be propagated only by living plants, came 
to Mexico by way of Manila within the last 300 years and has 
been widely distributed over the tropics of America. The same 
is true of the plantain. 

The mango, the most popular fruit in Mexico as well as one of 
the most delicious, is also an immigrant from the Philippines. 
This handsome and useful tree is a native of India, and is now 
grown in parts of Mexico having suitable climatic conditions. 
Its dense, dark green foliage gives a grateful shade around the 
palm-thatched jacals of the Indians in the tropic and subtropic- 

hough] oriental influences in MEXICO 7* 

landscapes of Mexico. There are a nvimber of varieties of 
the mango in the temperate region?, the one most prized being 
the large yellow subacid kind called " mango de Manila." 

Another East Indian fruit, called by the Mexicans pina-nona 
{Monstera deliciosa), is naturalized in the tropic and subtropic 
zones of Mexico and is frequently offered for sale in the markets. 

The list of useful plants introduced from the East into Mexico, 
probably by way of the Philippines, could be extended, but 
enough has been presented to show the strong current which be- 
gan to flow at the close of the sixteenth century. Of ornamental 
plants and trees also there are not a few naturalized in Mexico. 
Among these may be mentioned the Chinese umbrella tree, the 
pepper tree {Schinus i/iollis), whose habitat is Australia or India, 
but which flourishes in Mexico as does the ailanthus in the United 
States. In the beautiful plazas, a graceful feature of every town 
and city, one sees rare exotics whose home is in the East. 

The debt of the Philippines to the New World must be ac- 
knowledged in this connection. The century plant, the prickly 
pear, and the pineapple came from Mexico, the last furnishing 
fiber for the pina cloth for which the Philippines are famous. 
The Spaniards early sought to introduce the grape and the olive, 
fig, pomegranate, and other trees from Castile into the Philip- 
pines. Only pomegranates and grapes were successful, and it was 
found that green vegetables of Spain did not produce seed, an 
experiment showing lack of judgment. 

If, as it seems true, Mexico is indebted to the East for many 
plants, one should look for traces of that contact among the arts 
of the country. Search for objects of this kind is one of the most 
difificult of undertakings. The disintegration of aboriginal popu- 
lations under contact with the higher races leaves little except the 
thrum ends of former arts, giving scanty material for restoration. 

A number of evidences have been observed, one of which, the 
making of tuba, or palm wine, has been noted. Three kinds of 
rain-coats were seen in use in Mexico by the writer: {a) the coat 


made from pieces of natural texture out of the spathes of palm 
sewed together; {b) the coat consisting of an oblong mat of palm 
leaves which may also serve as a bed or be rolled up and carried 
on the back, and {c) the coat which outside resembles a thatch, 
the inside showing the construction by an ingenious looping and 
knotting of strips of palm leaf with or without attachment to a 
cord. This last coat envelops the body, extending down below 
the knees and is tied about the throat. The resemblance of this 
garment to those of China and Japan is striking, and is not super- 
ficial, having points of similarity of construction which appear to 
indicate that this particular variety of rain-coat was borrowed 
from the East. In the Philippines there are worn palm rain-coats 
apparently similar to those of China and probably introduced by 
the Chinese, since the Malays do not employ this form. 

Certain grooved stone mauls or beaters for the manufacture 
of bark cloth or paper found in Mexico, seem to point to the 
migration of an art to America from Polynesia, before the Con- 
quest, by way of eastern Asia across Bering strait. The stepping 
stones are the Indo-Pacific islands, Japan, the northwest coast of 
America, and southeastern Alaska, Mexico, Central America, and 
South America. There seems also to have been an introduction 
of the grooved club of wood {lapa beater) into Costa Rica and 
Honduras from African sources through slaves, who brought into 
America the marimba, a series of wooden tablets with gourd 
resonators mounted in a frame and struck with hammers to pro- 
duce music. On the other hand some forms of the Mexican 
marimba are similar to the Malay instrument in not possessing 
resonators, which shows derivation from the East. 

A discussion of the origin of the musical bow has recently ap- 
peared. It is generally agreed that the musical bow is not an 
American invention, and that its presence in the west may be at- 
tributed to importation from Africa. It is likewise found among 
the Malays, who also probably derived it from African peoples. 
Curiously the fact is brought out that no stringed instruments 

hough] oriental influences in MEXICO 73 

were known to the American aborigines prior to the Conquest,' 
so that all instruments of that character found among the native 
people may be assigned to sources in the Old World. 

The machete resembles the jungle knives of the East, and it is 
possible that there may be kinship or community of origin. The 
introduction of iron into Mexico was by the Spaniards, but 
Eastern implements of iron may have reached portions of Mexico 
before those of Spain. 

The primitive rope-twisting tool in use in Mexico may be from 
the Philippines. This device consists of a billet of wood revolving 
by one end on a movable axis held in the hand, the revolution of 
the billet twisting the thread attached to it near the axis. The 
wide range of this simple twisting appliance renders it difficult to 
trace its origin, but there is strong presumption that it came 
from the East into Europe or Mexico. 

The houses of the Indians in some localities of Mexico show 
marked traces of foreign influence. For instance, at Ometepec, 
near the western coast, where there are many negroes, the houses 
are circular after the African style. It is likely that all the cir- 
cular houses in Mexico are of African origin, as the native houses 
are rectangular. The jacals of the Totonacos of Jalapa, with 
their high thatched roofs having the profile of a truncated pyra- 
mid, resemble strikingly the houses of the East Indies, but it is 
hardly possible to say that the architecture is not indigenous. 

A few American games have affinity with those of the Orient. 
Mr Culin has traced the analogue of the Hindu pa c/i is e, under the 
name pato/e, from the ancient Aztecs to the existing Pueblos of 
New Mexico. 

It is well known that various foreign elements have been in- 
corporated into the population of Mexico during historic times. 
The central plateau shows the marked effect of immediate contact 

' O. T. Mason : Geos;raphical Distribution of the Alusical Bow, American Anthro- 
pologist, Nov., 1897. Henry Balfour: The N'atural History of the Musical Rou\ 
Oxford, 1899. 

74 AMERICAN ANTHKOrOLOGIST [n. s.. 2, 1900 

with the Spaniards in the deterioration of the dominant tribes of 
that region and their fusion into the great complex called lin- 
guistically " the Mexican family." On the east and west coasts 
the tribes are less modified by Spanish influence, and in the 
sierras and south of latitude 20° the natives remain vigorous and 
but slightly modified, some tribes in the mountains preserving 
their primitive state. 

In the tropical region one finds the introduction of foreign 
races most noticeable. The difficulty of securing native labor to 
work on the plantations, railroads, etc., has led to the employ- 
ment of great numbers of Chinese, negroes from the West Indies, 
and Kanakas or other Polynesians. During the colonial period 
the plantations of Mexico were worked by slaves from every 
clime, felons, and impressed labor from the native tribes. It is 
necessary to take into account the effect of these intrusions of the 
blood and arts of the Mexicans, and in them it is known to be of 
profound importance. 

That there has been a grafting of Chinese and especially of 
Negro on the Mexican tribes is evident. The writer has observed 
a number of mestizos of Chinese and Mexican Indians, finding the 
cross virile and healthy, quite different from the Eurasians, and 
partaking much less of Chinese than of Mexican characteristics. 
As in Manila the union is always with Chinese males. The Chi- 
nese mixture is perhaps small, and the common terms by which 
race mixtures are known in Mexico are applied to mixtures of 
Spaniards, Indians, and Negroes. The names are Mestizo, Mu- 
lato, Zambo, Castigo, Morisco, Zambo prieto, Espafiol, and Salta 
atras of the primary mestizos. The secondary mestizos are called 
Calpan mulata, Chino. Tenti en el aire, Lobo, No te entiendo, 
Gibaro, Ahi te estas, Albarrazaso, Cambujo, and Zambo (of the 
sixth blood).' 

' R. E. Cicero, in Catalogo Je la Couidon de Aiitropologi'a dtl Museo A'acional, 
page S6. 


In an old number of the American Anthropologist (January, 
1889) I have chanced on an article by Dr Boas, which has a sug- 
gestiveness and significance in a direction quite different from 
that considered by the author. In opposition to some then cur- 
rent loose theories of "alternating sounds" and "sound blind- 
ness," he pointed out the great liability we are under of 
misunderstanding a new word by failing to perceive the peculiar 
character of each phonetic element ; this point he illustrated by 
instances from his own notebook of Eskimo words, and added 
that in the field-notes of even well-trained philologists their mis- 
spellings of strange words betray their own nationality. Other 
easily accessible illustrations we may find in the various spellings 
of the same name in the Index to the Documents Relating to the 
Colonial History of Neiv York, or in the changes that English 
words undergo when spoken by natives of Hawaii, or in the rival 
spellings Chippeway and Ojibwa. Clearly the trouble comes, as 
Boas pointed out, from the difficulty, first, of apperceiving the 
elements of the word, and, second, of expressing them in proper 
notation. Our standards both of recognition and expression are 
incommensurable with those of the stranger; so the translitera- 
tion may be made approximately in various ways, and is at best 
imperfect even with the copious scientific alphabets. 

All these remarks concerning strange words seem nowadays 
mere truisms; but the more obvious they seem to anyone, the 
more strange it should. appear to him that the parallel truths con- 
cerning music are so generally ignored or even denied. The 
purpose of this paper is to consider some of the difficulties 



connected with the hearin^r and noting of stranc^e music, and some 
helps in overcoming these difficulties. 

The observer of savage or other strange music, e. g. a song, 
hears a succession of sounds differing in pitch, duration, or force, 
or probably in all three respects and in others not necessary now 
to consider; and within the limits of the voice the possible varia- 
tion in each characteristic is continuous, — the sound may be of 
any force, length, or pitch ; so the sounds not being limited in 
number like consonants or chemical atoms, it is a matter of 
extreme difficulty to observe and estimate them quantitatively, 
and, if estimated, the observer has probably no suitable notation 
for recording his results. At present the familiar symbols for 
noting the force and length of the notes are generally sufficient 
to mark the rhythm as closely as it can be observed ; but at Chi- 
cago some savage rhythms completely baffled the musicians who 
attempted to note them down. To give the pitch, the general 
practice of ethnologists seems to be to learn the song, fix on the 
keynote from the feeling instinctive to a European musician that 
the notes group themselves in familiar relations around one which 
is peculiarly a tone of repose, and then transpose the whole so 
that in writing on the staff there will not be many sharps or fiats 
in the signature: at some point in the process all the notes that 
do not belong exactly to the scale on the chosen keynote, with 
its limited number of steps, are changed to the nearest scale-note, 
though sometimes accidental semitones are allowed. The song 
thus noted contains also the observer's errors, and his interpreta- 
tions ; it has now many features of the dress of civilization, but 
its savage nature is not completely disguised ; so, to permit it to 
enter good society, Mr Sousa will fit it out with full harmonies 
for a brass band ' ; or (dropping the figure) Professor Stumpf ' will 
demand that it be " intelligible as music," and arbitrarily change 
the notes as published so as to satisfy his notions of key. Why 

' National, Patriotic, and Typical Airs, 1890. 
* Vicrtelj. fUr .^fusikw.. 1892. 

wead] the study of primitive music 77 

not as well try to make Zulu words " intelligible as German " 
from the collocations of the letters in transliteration ? 

The use of a phonograph has often been proposed to avoid the 
errors of field observation and to allow of the transcription of 
melodies under conditions favorable to scientific accuracy. It is 
found, however, that great care is needed to avoid introducing 
various new errors; and unless the driving power is uniform the 
determination of pitch is very uncertain. For this reason the 
cylinders of Zufli melodies collected by Dr Fewkes in the early 
days of field phonographic work were imperfect, and Mr Oilman's 
thorough examination of them and his published transcriptions 
(1891) are unsatisfactory as to results, though his method of work 
was distinctly in advance of any former work. In this connection 
it is pertinent to add that travelers who get phonographic records 
should aim to obtain several records of any important song from 
a single individual, and other records of the same song from other 
people ; only by a comparison of such supposed duplicates will it 
be possible to tell how much constancy a tune has and what its 
average constitution is. 

If any reader of these pages has the opportunity to observe 
unusual music, as among Indians, Negroes, uncultivated singers, 
etc., his observations will be far more interesting and valuable 
from a scientific point of view if he can adopt two suggestions : 

First, train his ear to recognize and estimate fractions of a 
semitone ; this may conveniently be done as follows : Paste on 
the finger-board of a violin a paper scale divided into equal parts, 
as tenths of an inch, and determine by ear or by comparison with 
a well-tuned piano at what points the strings must be stopped to 
produce the notes of the chromatic scale ; the average distance 
between these points will be about half an inch ; since, however, 
the string may be stopped at any intermediate point, notes not in 
the scale can be produced and their pitch fixed to a tenth of a 
semitone ; so the ear may be trained to estimate both minute in- 
tervals and deviations from the piano scale : a bit of wood will be 

78 AM ERICA X A X 77/A'OPOLOG/SV [n. s.. 2, 1900 

better than the broad finger for stopping the string with exactness. 
One German musician trained himself to estimate with certainty 
at public performances deviations of a tenth of a semitone. 

The second suggestion is that tlie observer record his results, 
not on the ordinary staff with its lines sometimes three and some- 
times four semitones apart, but on a chromatic staff having 
thirteen equally-spaced lines to the octave ; for convenience those 
lines may be drawn heavier which correspond to the white keys 
of a piano or the s\-llables of the diatonic scale ; all sounds agree- 
in<^ exactly in pitch with piano notes will then be written on the 
lines, while in the spaces notes of intermediate pitch will be prop- 
erly interpolated. This staff or chart, used by the phonologist . 
Steele a century ago, and invented by patentees and scientific 
men several times since, is the only one fitted for scientific use 
in the study of non-harmonic music, for it complies with the 
demands both for mathematical precision and for musical intelli- 
gibility, and the records on it can readily be translated into sound, 
as with the violin or voice, or to the nearest semitone with the 
piano. To familiarize oneself with this staff, it is a good exer- 
cise to lay down on it the "just" diatonic scale, the Siamese 
scale of seven equal steps, and any other curious scales the 
student may know of. 

In conclusion : It is sometimes asserted that the deviations of, 
e. g., Indian music from our scale are immaterial and of no sig- 
nificance : perhaps so, but the people who say so furnish no facts, 
and ask to have their dictum acce]:)ted. Unquestionably the 
deviations of some Negro songs and of many Oriental tunes are 
material and intentional, and are as significant of history and 
relationship as the silent letters in many English words. If, how- 
ever, the deviations in the tunes of any people should be proved 
to be non-significant, we shall learn therefrom that the enjoyment 
of music is not generally dependent on that most modern demand 
of the harmonic musician, — accuracy of intonation, — and that 
the simple music of primitive peoples does not need the firm 

weadJ the study of primitive MUSIC 


harmonic foundations of German folk-song or modern music. In 
either case we may be sure the careful study of these deviations 
will not only train the observer, but ultimately bring new and 
valuable truths to light. And in all work on alien music it is to 
be hoped the field-worker will take warning from the experience 
in a similar field of the distinguished ethnologist cited at the 
beginning of this paper, and strive always to obtain and to report 
the objective truth, free from all subjective interpretations. 



Among tlie Hopi the making of the new fire in each No- 
vember is one of the most important ceremonies in their ritual. 
The collection of rites of which the New-fire is the most striking 
is called WinvJitcimti, from one of the religious societies promi- 
nent in its celebration. Every fourth year these November rites 
become very elaborate, and are then called Naacnaiya, from the 
importance of the initiation of novices into the priesthoods at 
that time. Both the elaborate ceremonials and the abbreviated 
annual New-fire rites have elsewhere' been described, but not in 
the exhaustive way that the subject merits. As the author 
witnessed the abbreviated rites in November, 1898,' under favor- 
able conditions, he has attempted a new article on the New-fire 
ceremony, with considerably more detail than has yet been given.* 

' These studies were made under the auspices of the Bureau of American 


* " Naacnaiya," Jour. Anu/ican Folk-lore, 1S92. " VViiwlitcimti," Proc. Bost. 
Soc. Nat. Hist., 1894. The word Wu-iviitciinti is interpreted to mean the ancient 
dance, or ceremony of the wise ancients. Old masks, the names of which are lost, are 
called 'u'uyokdti, " ancient heads." 

» This was the first time that the author witnessed these rites among the Ilopi In- 
dians. The elaborate notes on the Naaoiaiya, uublished under joint authorship with tlic 
late A. M. Stephen, were made by the latter, as were those on the abl>reviated New-fire 
published after Mr Stephen's death. Although the autlior has repeatedly expressed 
his indebtedness to this able student of Hopi ceremonies, he again lakes opportunity 
to call attention to the services rendered to science by this pioneer in Hopi ethnology. 

■•There is no New-fire ceremony at either Sitcomovi or Hano, but probably all 
the other Hopi pueblos observe the rite. It is commonly staled that in former times 
the elaborate New-fire ceremony, or Nancnaiya, was celebrated every year, but of late 
it occurs only at stated intervals. 



Personnel of the New-fire Ceremony 

Four societies of priests, known as the TataukyamU, Wii- 
wUtcimiH, Aaltil, and Kivakwantil, unite in the celebration of 
the Walpi New-fire ceremony. The public dances are conducted 
mainly by the former two, whose actions are of a phallic nature. 
These two act as chorus in the kiva when the fire is made, but 
the sacred fllame is kindled by the latter two societies. All four 
organizations are considered powerful, but the fact that the name 
of the ceremony is practically the same as that of one of the 
priesthoods does not mean that this society is the most prominent. 
Hani/ chief of the Tataukyamii, directs the whole society, and 
Anawita, chief of the Kwakwantii , personates the Fire-god, in 
whose honor the most important part of the celebration is 

KivAS Occupied in the New-fire Ceremony 

Four sacred rooms were occupied in this ceremony. The Tatmi- 
kyaviil met in the Mon-kiva, which was the only chamber in which 
fire was kindled with the rotating fire-drills, as elsewhere described. 
The Wiiwutciintil society met in the Wikzvaliobi-kiva ; the Aaltil 
in the Al-kiva, and the Kwakwantil in the Tcivato-kiva. The 
Nacab-kiva was not used in the New-fire ceremonies, but rites 
were conducted simultaneously in all the others, especially on the 
last day and night. 

Sticks with attached feathers, called natcis, were displayed at 
the entrances of the occupied kivas to indicate that ceremonies 
were in progress within, and duplicates of the same, called 
ketsakwa, were used in several kiva rites, and were carried by 
some of the chiefs in the processions and public dances as badges 
of ofifice. The natcis of the Mon-kiva and Wikwaliobi-kiva were 
sticks, about a foot long, to the ends of which bundles of hawk- 
feathers were attached. The natci at the entrance to the kiva in 

' Hani was appointed by the Indian Agent as Governor of Walpi, but Turnoa is 
the Hopi kimonwi or governor. 

AM. ANTH N. S., 2—6. 

82 AMERICAN AX TU ROFOLOGIST [n. s., 2, igoo 

whicli the KivakivantA society met, was an agave stalk, at one 
end of which were attached several crane-feathers and a circlet of 
cornhusks. The chief of this society used a similar object in the 
rites about the medicine-bowl, beating time with it on the floor 
as an accompaniment to the songs. These natcis, with one ex- 
ception, were set in the straw matting of the kiva hatches on the 
day of Assembly, and remained there during the ceremonies.' 
The natci of the Aaltii society was not displayed on the kiva 
hatch on Assembly day, but was first seen on the day called 
Komoktotokya. It consists of a cap-shaped object of basketry, to 
which are attached two small whitened gourds in imitation of 
horns, and closely resembles the horned cap worn by novices in 
this society. 

Ck.remoniai, Days of the Adbreviated New-fire Rites 
There was remarkable uniformity in the dates on which the 
Winviitciinti was celebrated at Walpi in 1892, 1893, and 1898, 
which were the same and as follows: November 8, Tcotcoiiyuiiya, 

Smoke assembly ; 9, jyj'wwrt-^'^, Announcement ; 10-12, ; 

13, Yiinya, Assembly; \\, Sockahinin, All rest; \^, Komoktotokya, 
Wood gathering; 16, Totokya, Totokpi, Piki vc\3iV\x\g\ 17, Tihuni, 
Pudding-feast representation {Pigumnovi). 

For several days before the ceremony began, large quantities 
of wood were piled near the kiva hatches, and after the rites be- 
gan this fuel was carried down into the rooms and continually fed 
to the flames of the new fire by an old man who never left his 
task. Tiie flames of the new fire were regarded with reverence ; 
no one was allowed to light a cigarette from it or otherwise 
profane it. 

November 8 — TcoTCoSJvur^YA or Smoke Assembly 

The chiefs of the four societies assembled for their smoke-talk 
in an old house of the Asa clans, east of the Wikwaliobi-kiva. 

' The naUi is generally ])ut in position at sunrise and is taken down at sunset, a 
pinch of meal being cast toward the sun when this is done. 


This house is owned and occupied by an old woman named 
Wukomana, the sole female survivor of the Asa clan in Walpi, 
and during the smoke she slept in one corner. It is highly sig- 
nificant that this preliminary gathering occurred in this room, 
considering that the son of the occupant is chief of the society 
from which the New-fire ceremony takes its name, and which met 
in the adjoining kiva. 

The smoke assembly of the New-fire chiefs was formerly held 
in one of the dilapidated rooms* west of the kiva mentioned, near 
the head of the stairway trail. When this room became so dilapi- 
dated as to be uninhabitable, the meeting-place was moved to a 
house on the other side of the kiva, now occupied by the old 
woman, Wukomana; but this room cannot be used for many 
more years, and will probably be abandoned at the death of the 
present occupant. 

The following chiefs participated in the smoke assembly in 
this room in 1898 : Hani, Tataiikyamil chief, Piba clan; Anawita, 
Kwakwantil chief, Patki clan ; Sunoitiwa, Wiiwiltcimtii chief, Asa 
clan ; Tuwasmi and Kotka,'' Aaltil (dual) chiefs, Asa and Bear 

In the southeastern corner of this room there is an ancient 
fireplace around which the chiefs gathered, sitting in a semicircle, 
Hani at the extreme right, next to him Tuwasmi, then Kotka, 
Sunoitiwa, and, on the extreme left, Anawita. Hani made a 
small fire, and Anawita acted as a pipe lighter. Each chief 
brought his bag of native tobacco, as well as his own pipes, some 
of which were of most ancient pattern. The gathering took place 
shortly after sunset. 

After the chiefs had smoked for some time, Hani took a ball 

^ The writer has been told that Hani's mother, Tciwiiqti, once lived in this 
room. The smoke assembly in 1893 was held in her home in Sitcomovi. 

- In the other presentations of the New-fire ceremony which have elsewhere been 
described, Kotka was not old enough to take this part, hence Winuta ofBciated for 
him. Winuta, however, belongs to the Pakab people ; one of the dual chiefs of the 
Aallu must be the Bear chief, who is Kotka. 


of cotton string and measured off four equal lengths which he 
twisted together and tied a }'ello\v-bird feather at the end. 
This string with attached feather is called pii''tabi, and on the 
morning of the following day, at the faintest dawn of light, it was 
laid by IIoA\'i in the trail at the narrowest point of the entrance 
to \Val[)i. Hani measured off a second long string and several 
smaller ones to whicli he tied feathers and laid them on the basket 
tray of meal before him. The other chiefs then opened their 
feather boxes, and each made nakwakzvocis, which, before placing 
in the tray, they held to their mouths, breathing an inaudible 
prayer as they did so. 

After all had made these prayer-offerings and tied up their 
feather boxes, Anawita lighted a pipe and passed it to Hani, who 
smoked for some time upon the offerings and puffed in sequence 
to the cardinal points. Hani then passed the pipe to Tuwasmi, 
who smoked on the prayer-offerings and handed the pipe to his 
neighbor, Kotka, saying, as he did so, '' Inaa'' (" My father"). 
Tuwasmi may be ten years or more older than Kotka, but the 
latter responded, " Itii " (" My son "). After a long smoke, 
Kotka passed the pipe to Suftoitiwa with the words, '' Ikiva^' 
(" My grandfather " ), and this chief handed it in turn to Anavvita. 
Prayers followed the smoke, beginning with Hani, who held the 
basket tray containing the stringed pine-needles and the long 
cotton strings in his hands as he prayed. Hani was followed by 
Tuwasmi, to whom he handed these objects. Shortly afterward 
the basket tray with its contents was passed to Kotka, and 
then to Suftoitiwa, who handed it to Anawita, and as each 
chief held the offerings he fervently prayed in a low tone. At the 
close of the prayers each chief took a handful of meal and left 
the room. Anawita said the ceremony was over, and as we passed 
through tlic Walpi court he cast a handful of meal over the side 
of the mesa, near the Nacab-kiva. 

Hani gathered the offerings which had been prayed over, as 
above described, and took them, with a lighted pipe, to Hoftyi, the 


town-crier, who was sleeping in a nearby house. These objects 
he handed to Hofiyi with the understanding that in the morning 
he should announce the advent of the New-fire ceremony. 

November 9 — Tiyunava or Announcement 

At early dawn Hoiiyi went to Hiltciovi, the narrow place in the 
mesa just before one enters Walpi, and laid one of the long 
strings {pii^tabi) in the trail, sprinkling there a little meal, and 
casting a pinch toward the place of sunrise. At the same time he 
said a prayer, " Our Sun, send us rain." The remainder of the 
stringed feathers, which Hani had made on the night of the smoke- 
talk, he carried to the roof of Saliko's house and placed in a radi- 
ating position corresponding with the six cardinal points. He 
cast pinches of meal toward the place of sunrise, and just as the 
sun appeared above the horizon made the ofificial announcement 
of the New-fire ceremony in a loud voice. This announcement 
was not only a summons to the members of the societies to 
assemble, but also an invocation to the gods to send the desired 
snow, ice, and rain to water the farms. It was uttered in rhyth- 
mic cadence, with verbs prolonged, and could have been heard 
even among the mesa foothills. 

A free translation of the announcement is somewhat as 
follows : 

^' All people awake, open your eyes, arise ! 
Become Talahoya (Child of Light), vigorous, active, sprightly. 
Hasten, Clouds, from the four world-quarters. 
Come, Snow, in plenty, that water may be abundant when summer 

Come, Ice, and cover the fields, that after planting they may yield 

Let all hearts be glad. 

The Wuwiitchntti will assemble in four days. 
They will encircle the villages, dancing and singing their lays. 
Let the women be ready to pour water upon them, 
That moisture may come in abundance and all shall rejoice." 


November 13 — YuNya or Assembly 

The first of the five days' continuous rites of the New-fire 
ceremony is called Yiinya, the day on which the priesthoods 
assemble in their respective kivas. This is not, however, called 
by the Ilopi the first day of the ceremony, but is always referred 
to as that on whicli tiie chief oflficially enters his kiva. 

Early in the morning of Assembly day the writer visited the 
Walpi kivas and found the chiefs present in all except the Nacab- 
kiva, which is not used in this ceremony. The others had been 
swept and small piles of twigs had been carefully laid in or near 
the fireplace ready to be ignited. A quantity of fuel had also 
been gathered and stacked on the kiva roof in preparation for the 
coming ceremonies.' 

Just before sunrise Hani entered the Moh-kiva, carrying his 
bag of fetishes on his arm, and shortly afterward Sufloitiwa came 
to his kiva and set his standard {iiatci) in the kiva hatch. Ana- 
wita soon placed his natci in position, but that of the Aaltii was 
first seen on the kiva entrance two days later. 

Early in the morning Hani passed through the pueblo telling 
all the men to come to their respective kivas, and, as they re- 
sponded, each, with the exception of members of the Kzvakwantii, 
brought with him an ear of white corn. Hani also sprinkled val- 
ley sand over the floor of the kiva both on the upraise and on 
the ceremonial part ' of the room. 

Several important rites were observed and ceremonial objects 
noted in the kivas on Assembly day, among which the follow- 
ing may be mentioned : i. An altar to the six directions, at sun- 
rise, in the Mon-kiva ; 2, An altar to the six directions, at noon, 
in the Tcivato-kiva ; 3, Kindling new fire in \.\\*t Mon-kiva ; 4, 
Visits of the societies to the shrines of Tuwapontiunsi, TalatUDisi, 
and the ancient site of Walpi. 

' After the new fire is kiiuile<l it is not allowed tu become extinguished in any of the 
kivas until the final day of the ceremony. 

' That portion of the kiva floor east of the ladder is slightly raised, hence its name. 


/. The Six-directions Altar in the Moh-kiva 

Hani made the six-directions altar on the floor of his kiva 
at sunrise of Assembly day. A low pile of sand was placed near 
the fireplace, and six radiating lines of meal were drawn upon it. 
The medicine-bowl {ndkzvipi) was deposited at their meeting- 
point, and charm liquid poured into the receptacle. The details 
of this rite were not observed, but it was probably very much 
simpler than that of the Kivakzvantil chief in the Tcivato-kiva. 
In the course of the day Hani tied pine-needles to short strings to 
use in the sacrifices to the new fire on the evening of this day, as 
later recorded. 

2. The Six-directions Altar in the Tcivato-kiva 

About noon Anawita prepared six cotton strings, to each of 
which he attached pine-needles for use as sacrifices to the new fire, 
as will later be described. 

Shortly after noon Cikuli, who acted as medicine-chief in the 
KwakwantiX society, began the installation of objects of the medi- 
cine altar to the six cardinal points. He first emptied on the 
kiva floor, between the fireplace and the western wall of the 
room, a bagful of common valley sand, and drew upon it, with 
meal, six lines, radiating from a common point, corresponding to 
the six cardinal directions, north, west, south, east, above, and be- 
low.' These lines were made in a sinistral circuit beginning with 
the north, and after having made them Cikuli deposited a hand- 
ful of sacred meal at their union, and placed on it the medicine- 
bowl, which was of rectangular form with a terrace on each of the 
four sides of the rim. It was without a handle, and on the mid- 
dle of the inside were painted a frog, and four tadpoles, radially 
arranged, each facing an angle of the bowl. 

The floor west of the ladder is that where the altar is placed and the most important 
ceremonials are performed. 

' They are not, however, the true cardinal points, as has elsewhere been indicated, 
but correspond to solsticial directions. 


While Cikuli was arranging^ the bowl, Anawita unwrapped the 
birdskins and otiier fetishes which later were placed at or near 
the ends of the meal lines. He gave Cikuli directions regarding 
the disposition of these objects as the arrangement of the altar 

Cikuli first arranged the six ears of corn at the extremities of 
the lines of meal, setting yellow corn at the north, blue at the 
west, red at the south, white at the east, black at the above, and 
speckled at the below — so placed that their tips pointed inward» 
almost touching the sides of the bowl. He then laid to the left 
of the ears of corn a number of birdskins, corresponding to the 
cardinal points, as follows: North, Tawaviana ; West, Liikdtc- 
kana ; So\.\X.\\, Murinyaive ;, Postzvu ; Above, Tokutcka ; Be- 
low, Hoicko. To the right of the west ear of corn he placed a 
fragment of a stalactite, and a white stone disk about the size of 
a half-dollar. At one side of the south ear he deposited a small 
green stone implement, while on the other side of this ear he 
placed a section of a crinoid stem. Near the tip of the eastern 
ear he put a spherical green stone about tlie size of a marble. 
Near the black corn corresponding to the direction called the 
above he placed a stone object resembling a spearpoint, and near 
the tip of this ear a small stone cylinder.' 

Cikuli next filled the medicine-bowl about half full of liquid 
(water?), pouring it in on the four sides in turn, making a pass 
each time to the corresponding cardinal point, and adding two 
passes, one for the above, and another for the below. This com- 
pleted the preliminaries of the Six-directions altar of the Kiva- 

While this altar was being made there were but three persons, 
besides myself, in the kiva, namely, Anawita, Kiuakwantil chief ; 
Cikuli, Medicine chief ; Tcali, Smoker chief. All these chiefs 
had washed their heads earlier in the morning, as is customary in 

' These medicine stones are identical with those which are often found in ancient 
graves in Arizona. 


preparing for altar and other rites, and the ceremonies began di- 
rectly after the altar had been made. Tcali first lit the pipe and 
passed it to Anawtta with the words, " Inaa " (" My father " '), and 
Anawita responded, " Itii " (" My son "). As the pipe was passed 
from one priest to another it was held near the floor, with bowl 
foremost and stem horizontal. Anawita blew great puffs to the 
cardinal points and into the medicine-bowl, after which he handed 
the pipe to Cikuli, who followed his example, and returned the 
pipe to Tcali, the Smoker chief, who smoked a little, cleaned 
the pipe, and then laid it on the floor by the fireplace. 

After the formal smoke Anawita began a song, took an agave 
rod with attached cornhusks and feathers, and beating time with 
it accompanied the songs. As the singing progressed Cikuli 
slowly added to the medicine-bowl the stones which lay on the 
floor near the ears of corn, beginning with that at the north and 
following with the others in sinistral ceremonial sequence. When 
this was concluded Anawita gave several quick raps on the floor 
with his agave stick as a sign for a change in the song. 

In the second song Cikuli dipped the heads of the birdskins, 
one by one, into the medicine, beginning with that at the north 
and following with the others in sinistral circuit. As he dipped 
the birds' heads into the medicine he dropped a little pollen at 
the same time into the liquid. 

The third song was accompanied by rapid taps on the floor 
with the agave rod, and Cikuli drew a line with pollen along the 
northern ear of corn, and then made a circular pass over the 
medicine, at the same time dropping a little pollen into the bowl. 
As the song continued he made similar movements over the ears 
of corn at the west, south, east, above, and below, holding the 
pollen to his mouth each time before he made these passes. 

At the close of this song Cikuli gathered up the six ears of 

' Anawita is not Tcali's father, nor do they belong to the same clan. Tcali is a 
member of the F/7>(7 or Tobacco clan, consequently a Smoker chief, and his father, who 
now lives at Zuni, is named Totci. 

90 AMERICAN AXrHKOPOLOGISr [n. s., 2, 1900 

corn and laid them side by side across the medicine-bowl. Dur- 
ing the fourth song he grasped the medicine-bowl in both hands 
and moved it with the corn upon it, with a twisting motion, back- 
ward and forward, keeping time with the rapid taps of the agave 
stick on the floor. 

In the fifth song Cikuli dipped the end of each ear of corn in 
the liquid, in sequence, asperged with each to the cardinal points, 
and laid them back in their former places. 

The sixth song was accompanied by a slow beating of the 
agave stick on the floor, and as it continued Cikuli dipped the 
tail of each bird in sequence into the medicine, beginning with 
the north and ending with the birdskin corresponding to the 
below. A little pollen was added to the liquid as the tail of 
each bird was dipped into it. 

During the next song, which was the seventh in serial order, 
Cikuli took one of the quartz crystals from the medicine-bowl, 
sucked it, and handed it to Tcali, who mounted the kiva ladder, 
and holding the crystal in a sunbeam reflected the light into the 

At the close of the eighth song Anawita prayed, and was fol- 
lowed by Cikuli, after which Tcali filled and lighted the pipe, 
which, at the close of the prayers, he handed ceremonially to 
Anawita, exchanging terms of relationship. Anawita smoked 
for some time, pufifing smoke into the medicine, and later passed 
the pipe to Cikuli. who did the same, returning it to Tcali, the 
Smoker chief. 

J. Making the New Fire in the Mon-kiva 

At 5 I'.M. the Kzvakioantil, led by their chief, Anawita, marched 
from their ceremonial room to the Mon-kiva. Most of the mem- 
bers of the society were not costumed, but their chief wore a skin 
rug, and carried in his hand a traj'ful of meal on which were laid 
several pine-needles attached to strings. After him came Tcali 
bearing a cubical fire-stone (plate IV, 2) and a Arc-stick, then 


followed all the members of the society. As they came to the kiva 
hatchway each one threw a handful of meal through the opening, 
which struck the floor near the fireplace. 

The TatmikyamU, who had already assembled, immediately 
huddled behind Hani in one corner of the Mon-kiva. As the 
Kwakwantil entered the room they squatted in a group north of 
the ladder, and Anawita sat on the upraise of the floor near them, 
where two of their number held up a black blanket before him, 
concealing him from view. In the rites which followed Anawita 
personated the Fire-god. Tcali deposited the fire-stone north of 
the fireplace and squatted beside it with two other KiuakwaJitd 
members seated near him. The last of this society to enter the 
kiva was Hayi, who carried an agave stalk painted white, and as 
he stepped into the room, he drew a line of sacred meal across the 
middle of the raised part of the floor from the ladder to the north- 
eastern side of the room, and took a position near the right ladder- 
pole on the northern side of this line of meal. As Anawita entered 
the kiva he placed his tray of meal with the stringed pine-needles 
on the floor by the fireplace near the basket belonging to Hani. 

The next society to enter the kiva was the AaltH, {Alosaka), led 
by one of their chiefs, Kotka, who bore a tray of meal upon which 
were six triple pine-needle strings. Their advent was announced 
by balls of meal thrown through the hatchway. The second 
man in the line carried the fire-board of this society (plate iv, i). 
They passed on the southern side of the ladder along the western 
wall of the room, with the exception of the two chiefs, Tuwasmi 
and Kotka, who took positions by the fireplace on the southern 
side. Pautiwa and the two fire-makers of the Aalttl society de- 
posited their fire-board to the southwest of the fireplace. 

Each Aaltit had a white spot on each cheek, and their chief, 
Kotka, wore the helmet with the artificial mountain-sheep horns 
of Alosaka. He stood at the bottom of the ladder and with an 
elk-horn directed the incoming men where to seat themselves. 

The Wiiwutciiniil, led by their chief, Sufioitiwa, followed the 


Aaltu. Their Icaticr carried a rod to which hawk-feathers were 
attached, and their advent, Hke that of the societies which pre- 
ceded them, was announced by balls of meal thrown into the kiva 
through the entrance. They passed southwest of the ladder, and 
grouped themselves in the positions indicated in the accompany- 
ing plan (plate IV, 7), but two of their number seated themselves 
by the fireplace between the Tatankyamil and Aaltil chiefs. 

All those who were to participate, numbering possibly a hun- 
dred, were now present in the kiva, and all stood in their respect- 
ive quarters of the room, the Kivakwantil {d) in the northeastern 
corner, the Tataukyamii {b) in the northwestern, the Aaltil [a) in the 
southwestern, and the Wiiwiitciintii. (c) in the southeastern, all on 
the western or ceremonial part of the floor. Hayi remained 
on the northern side of the line of meal from the ladder across 
the spectators' part of the kiva, and the man representing A/o- 
saka (//) at the foot of the ladder on the southern side. Anawita {an), 
shielded by the black blanket held by two men, was seated on 
the upraise ; Hani, Suttoitiwa, and Suyoko stood in a row, the first- 
mentioned at the left of the line, or at the northern end, facing 
the fireplace {b). The Kwakivmitil fire-stone {k) was north of the fire- 
place, and two Kzvakwantii priests knelt by it, one holding each 
end firmly and pressing it to the floor. This fire-stone was set on 
a bed of shredded cedar-bark upon which six radiating lines, rep- 
resenting the cardinal points, had been drawn with pollen. During 
the fire-making, Tcali and a companion twirled the Kwakwantil 
fire-stick, relieving each other at intervals during the rites. 

The Aaltil fire-board (w) was placed south of the fireplace, and 
was held in position by two kneeling men, one of whom was 
Tuwasnii. Pautiwa and a companion manipulated the fire-drill 
of this society. It was laid on shredded cedar-bark on which six 
radiating lines had been drawn. The four baskets containing 
meal and the stringed pine-needles of the different societies were 
arranged in a semicircle between the chiefs and the fireplace in 
the following order : Kwakwantil, Tataiikyanu'i, \Viiii'utci)ntil,2.x\^ 


N. S., VOt. 2, PL. IV 


Aaltii fire-board. 2, Kvakivantu fire-stone slab. 3,^,Aa/tii iitoftliohtis. i,^ Kwakwantii helmet 
(tokonaka). 6, Shrine of Tuwapontumsi. 7, Diagram showing positions of societies in the MotlkiTa 
when the new fire is ignited: a, Aaltii : b, TataukyamU : c, Wiiiuutchiitii : d, Kuiak^iuintii ; an, 
Anawita ; 7u, Aaltii fire-board; k, Kivnkvantii tire-stone; w, Line of meal from ladder (/) ; 
h, Alosaka. 


AaltA, the basket of the last society at the northern end of the 
semicircle. As soon as all the priests had entered the kiva the 
fire-makers fitted their fire-drills into the depression of the fire- 
stone or fire-board, and all the other priests arose while Hani re- 
cited a short prayer. Each chief held the badge of his office, and 
for a few minutes there was silence, which was broken by Hani, 
who gave the signal to begin, and the members of the TataiikyamU 
and Wiiwutcinitii began to sing. The Kwakivantii accompanied 
this song with the clanging of their bells, and the Aaltil with the 
rattling of tortoise-shells and deer-hoofs. The two societies ap- 
peared to sing different songs, although in unison, and those of 
the Tataukyamil resembled those of the Snake priests at the 
snake washing. 

Almost simultaneously with the beginning of the song the 
fire-makers began to rotate their drills, corn pollen having been 
dropped into the slots of the fire-board and fire-stone before the 
spindles were inserted. The spindle was held vertically between 
the palms, and in rotating it the top was pressed downward. A 
second fire-maker relieved the first at intervals, and smoke was 
produced by the AaltH society in twenty seconds, followed by a 
spark of fire in about a minute. The Kwakwant-A produced 
smoke with their fire-stone in one minute and twenty seconds, 
and a spark in a minute and fifty seconds. The operation of 
twirling the fire-drill was the same in both societies, — a man in 
the middle held the board firmly in place, and the two fire- 
makers relieved each other every fifteen seconds in rotating the 
drill. Soon there was a smudge in the cedar-bark which was 
blown into a flame with the breath, the fire-makers standing as 
they did so that all might see the new fire. The songs continued 
and the burning cedar-bark was placed in the fireplace where it 
ignited the pile of greasevvood which had previously been placed 
there in readiness by Hani. As this wood blazed to the ceiling, 
the songs ceased. When the fire had burned down to a moderate 
flame, Hani for the Tataukyamil and Euwa for the KwakwantA 


societies took the basket trays of their respective societies in 
their hands, stood before the fire, and prayed, holding the pine- 
needle offerings over the flame before them. After these prayers 
each chief dropped six stringed pine-needles into the flame, one 
for each cardinal direction. Tuwasmi then prayed on behalf of 
his society, dropping his pine-needle {iiakivakwoci) into J:he fire. 
He was followed by Kotka for the same society, and by Sufioitiwa 
for the WiiivutcimtA. Last of all Anawita, still concealed behind 
the blanket screen, prayed, to which all vigorously responded with 
'' Antcaiy 

After the chiefs had dropped their offerings into the sacred 
flame, they again prayed. Twenty-four offerings were made to 
the fire, six' from each of the four societies. The acts of the 
chiefs in making these offerings were much the same in every 
case — the pine-needles were brought to the lips and then dropped 
into the flame with a pass in the direction of the cardinal point 
for which the sacrifice was intended. There was almost perfect 
silence as this took place, and after the chiefs had made their 
sacrifices individual members of the four societies also prayed, 
and to these prayers Anawita, from behind the screen, replied 
to all collectively. The prayers were directed to Masauuh, and 
material blessings were requested.^ 

Shortly after this two of the societies, led by Alosaka, left the 
kiva in the following order: Hani, taking up his tray of meal 
and certain prayer-offerings, followed by the Tataukyavnl, went 
up the ladder, followed by Sufioitiwa leading the lVu7vutcwtttL 
The Aaltil also left the room, but the Kzvakiuantii remained for 
some time and did not join the first two societies, which pro- 
ceeded down the western trail to Old Walpi, as will presently be 

The line of meal across the upraise of the kiva floor east of 

' Corresponding to the cardinal j^oints, the places of sunrise and sunset at the 
summer and winter solstices. 

' It was said that on each celebration of the New-fire rites Anawita ties a stringed 
feather to his tire-stone. 


the ladder was obliterated by Alosaka, and Hayi then went about 
the kiva brushing the floor where the men had stood, and 
sprinkling the walls with medicine liquid — a lustral ceremony to 
offset evil influences. The blanket before Anawita was dropped, 
and he stepped to the fireplace, said a few words, and then went 
to the Tcivato-kiva, followed by his society. The members of the 
Tataukyaimt and Wuiviitcimtu societies filed off through the 
western court of the pueblo, and went down the trail to the site 
of the old pueblo of VValpi and the shrine of Ttnvapoiituinsi {pXd.t.e 

IV, ey 

As soon as the prayers and sacrifices to the new fire had been 
made, one of the Aaltit, who wore two minute antelope or deer 
horns on his head, ignited a cedar-bark torch and passed with it 
up the ladder. He went first to the Wikwaliobi-kiva, where he 
ignited a pile of fuel left in the fireplace for that purpose. He 
then passed on to the Al-kiva and the Tcivato-kiva, where he did 
the same, but was careful in each instance to see that the wood 
was thoroughly ignited before he left the room. Thus the sacred 
flame was kindled in all the kivas used in this ceremony. The 
fire thus kindled in these different rooms was regarded with the 
same reverence as that ignited with the rotating fire-drills, and 
was not allowed to become extinguished during the remainino- 
days of the ceremony,^ 

4. Visit to the Shrine of Ttnvapofitumsi and Old Walpi 

When the societies left the Mon-kiva, directly after the new 
fire had been made, the procession was formed in this order : 

' A stone enclosure in which is a log of fossil wood. The site of Old Walpi is 
on the terrace north of the end of the mesa on which the present pueblo stands. Little 
can now be seen there except mounds and piles of debris, with here and there the tops 
of the walls of former houses. The Hano (Tewa) name of MniyumviUwiiqti, the 
Goddess of Germs, is Nanoikwia, Earth-altar-woman, an exact translation of Tuiva- 
pontumsi. I believe all these names refer to the same personages. 

'- There is no evidence that a perpetual fire is maintained in Hopi kivas or in any 
place in Walpi, nor is there any association of the new fire with the name Montezuma 
as is popularly believed. 

96 AMKKICA.V ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

An Alosaka, Hani followed by the Tataukyavu^,'i\x^o\\.\\s:!L followed 
by the Wmvutciintu, an Alosaka. All members were naked, which 
must have been very tr}-ing in the cold air after the superheated 
kiva exercises. The procession moved to the shrine of Tmvapon- 
tumsi, where rites were performed which the writer did not 
witness. This slirine (plate IV, 6) is among the rocks at the south- 
western point of the mesa in the foot-hills west of Simo's new 
house. It is made of fiat stones set on edge, open above and 
on one side. The fetish which it contains is a log of fossil wood 
30 c. long by 10 c. in diameter. 

After having made their offerings at this shrine the procession 
moved along the trail leading to the site of Old Walpi, called 
Kutcaptuvela, on the terrace north of and below the present 
pueblo. Alosaka led the procession in four circuits around a 
definite space about 150 by 75 feet. This entire area was said to 
be one great sipapii ' where the wise old men live. Patting his 
foot on the ground, one of the men in the procession said, point- 
ing downward, " Here, just below here, the old people dwell. We 
are now," he continued, " praying to them for material prosperity 
— rain, health, abundant harvests." The nakwakwoci deposited 
here are offered to the early Hopi ancestors who once dwelt there, 
and who are now believed to be katcinas in the lower world. Led 
by Alosaka, the procession encircled the sipapnni four times, now 
and then stopping to deposit prayer-sticks or to drop pinches of 
prayer-meal in depressions in the rock or elsewhere as directed by 
Alosaka. After these four circuits of the supposed abode of the 
ancients, the procession passed along the trail leading to the high 
bluff forming the western point of the mesa, where it halted. Up 
to this time all had been silent, or spoke only in whispers ; but on 
halting some one said, " Ta-ai" ("Come on, begin "), and one of 
their number uttered some witticism which the writer did not 

' The orifice through which man came to the surface of the earth from the under 
world is called SipapiJ. This is symbolized by a small hole in the floor of the kiva, 
and the name is often applied to shrines. 


understand. All yelled with laughter, and the rocks echoed with 
their shouts. This was repeated several times, after which the 
march was again taken up, and in silence they proceeded up the 
trail to Walpi, through the passage west of the Mon-kiva to their 
respective kivas. There was half an hour of social conversation 
in their rooms, after they returned, and soon they rolled them- 
selves in their blankets to sleep. As it was said that there were 
to be no further ceremonies that night, the author retired about 
midnight to his room in Sitcomovi for needed sleep. 

It is at this stage of the New-fire ceremony that the statuette 
of Talatumsi is brought into the pueblo from her shrine below 
the mesa and deposited on the hatchway of the Moii-kiva. This 
does not take place in the yearly celebration, but only in the 
quadrennial Naacnaiya. This image is brought into the pueblo 
by Kakapti, an Aaltil priest, directly after the new fire is made, 
and is returned to her shrine on the morning of the fifth day. As 
the rites when this image is returned to her shrine appear to be 
the most complicated yet observed in connection with the image, 
I quote the following description of them from a previous work: 

"An hour before sunrise the Tataiikyamu and Wiiim/tcimM marched 
to the Tcivato-kiva and stood on the roofs {Tcivato-kiva and Al-kiva) 
wrapped in their blankets. Their chiefs and those of the Horn society 
were clustered around the Talatumsi^ holding meal trays in their hands. 
All sprinkled the figurine, and the two societies began their fine solemn 
hymns. The two Horn sentries {A/osaka) stood in front of the Tatau- 
kyamll-keles (novices) at the west end of the Kivan-kiva {^Tcivato-kiva). 
. . . On the first glimpse of the sun the song ceased and Kakapti 
took in his hands the Talatumsi figurine. The Tataukyamf} then filed 
off toward their own kiva {Afon-kiva), and the WiiwUtcimt^ followed 
them. Nearly all the Horns {Aalti/)., wearing helmets (horned) and 
buckskin mantles, and some fifteen or twenty Ktvaktvantft with their 
helmets, but in ordinary clothing, followed. Kakapti went in front of 
the Horns (Aa/t/^) bearing the figurine of Talatumsi. 

" As the Tataukyamd reached the stairway trail {Hoivina) they 
filed past it, all the rest (except Aaltfi) following to the broad terrace, a 
little west of the group o^ homes at that end of the mesa. There the 

AM. ANTH. l;. 


Kwakxcantii, the Tataiikyamt}, and the Wiiwutcimiii clustered in three 
separate groups or irregular lines about one hundred yards apart. The 
latter two societies on halting began their songs. The Horns {Aaitil) 
scattered among the cliffs between the terrace and the summit, and 
bounded constantly back and forth among the crags, faithfully imitating 
mountain sheep. The songs continued fifteen minutes, during which 
time Kakapti placed the figurine back in its concealed niche from which 
he took it on tiie first day." 

From this account, written in 1892. there seems no doubt that 
the Talatumsi^ figurine is in the special keeping of \.\\q. Aaltii and 
is directly associated with the Alosaka cult. 

November 14 — Sock.a.himu, All Rest 

Dance of the Wihi'iitcimtil 

At intervals during this da)-, and on the two days following, 
there were public dances of the Winviitciintil society which began 
earl)' in the morning and lasted until dark. About an hour after 
sunrise twenty men of this society, accompanied by a drummer, 
passed singing through the pueblo. They formed two platoons 
facing each other, linking hands, with fingers imbricated. Their 
faces were whitened and they bore zigzag finger-marks drawn 
down their cheeks, reminding one of the symbolic designs on 
the masks of Ilclica-katcinas. All were quite naked, smeared 
with a band of yellow pigment around the calf and thigh, with a 
girdle and cross painted on the body, and parallel bands on chest 
and arms. They directed their songs and obscene remarks to 
the women belonging to the Mavizratitil society in lusty tones, 
mingled with taunts and songs — ''Hai-ya-a-hai-ya-a," etc. This 
singling out of certain women is in conformance with legends, as 
elsewhere explained in this paper ; and it is instructive to note 
that the same women return the compliment for this and the 
following day's proceedings in their October rites called Mam- 

' The Hano (Tewa) name of Tnlatumsi is C<-nik-via, Horn-woman. 


On the sixth and eighth days of the festival the women retort 
in this way to the taunts of the Tataiikyaiml. On the fornaer day 
twenty-five women and girls participated, and all rubbed their 
breasts, arms, and legs with mud before leaving the kiva. Several 
of them were decorated with zigzag facial marks representing the 
HeJiea-katcina ; they wore a sheepskin over their shoulders, and in 
their dance imitated the movements of the personage ' mentioned. 

Nocturnal Patrols of the Novices 

From time to time during the nights of several days there were 
patrols through the pueblo of costumed men carrying cowbells, 
the meaning of which was discovered by studies in the Tcivato- 
kiva. These patrols were connected with the initiations of novices 
of the Kwakwantil society, and were specially prominent on the 
evening of the first day. The departure and return of these 
novices were watched, and one of the parties was followed through 
the pueblo. 

Four lads of about sixteen years of age were initiated into the 
Kwakzvantil society, and these were run through the town by an 
older priest in much the same way as in college society initiations. 
They were led from place to place at breakneck speed, along dififi- 
cult trails, in the frosty air. About midnight Kanu, a priest ap- 
pointed to conduct them, approached the western end of the 
kiva, and taking from the wall one of the horned helmets (plate 
IV, 5) hanging in the kiva, put it on his head. He wrapped a skin 
about his body and took the large elk-horns in one hand and a 
huge agave stick or club in the other. The Kwakwantil have 
many copper cowbells which they carry in their patrols, and 
Kanu took one of these from the raised seat at the western end 
of the kiva. The four novices {keles), each one of whom carried 
an ear of maize, also placed helmets on their heads and took bells 

' In a collection of dolls gathered by the author in 1892 there is a compound one 
consisting of two PalaJiiko-rnanas surmounted by a figure of Hehca. There is some 
connection between these personages, one aspect of which is brought out in the New- 
fire rites. 

ICXD AMERICAN A XTH ROPOLOGlsr [n. s., 2, 1900 

in their hands. The conipain-, led b\' Kami, started up the kiva , 
ladder, and the clanking of the bells could be heard through the 
pueblo as they made their patrols. They made their way to sev- 
eral shrines on the East Mesa, running from one to another, and 
returning in about half an hour. Similar patrols, under leadership 
of other members of the society, were made during the night, and 
the explanation of these patrols was said to be simply the initiation 
of novices. 

November 15 — Komoktotokya, Wood-gathering 
Dance of iJic Wuwiitcimtil 

About half an hour after sunrise the members of the Wihi'ii- 
tcimtd society emerged from their kiva and sang their song, called 
the Me-Jia-lo-lol, through the pueblo. There were a few more 
participants on this than on the day preceding, and this increase 
of number continued each day. The singers were escorted from 
their kiva by two naked Horn priests {AaltiT), who wore mountain- 
sheep helmets and were called Alosakas. They carried ears of 
corn in their right and deer antlers in their left hands. 

The dancers formed two platoons facing each other, the mem- 
bers linking arms and clasping hands with imbricated fingers. 
The senior chief, Sunoitiwa, stood at the right or western end of 
the northern platoon ; he carried in one hand a rod with an at- 
tached bunch of hawk tail-feathers, a badge of his chieftaincy. 
Their song was lively and effective, and a drummer walked be- 
tween the two lines, accompanying them with taps on an ancient 
drum. They began a sidelong dance, moving in rhythm with 
their song, shuffling along a few paces eastward, and then back 
to their former position. With this strange movement they made 
their way in front of the houses to the end of the pueblo, after 
which they countermarched, and returned in the same wa}' to 
their kiva. From time to time their songs broke out into shouts 
and gibes at the women spectators on the roofs of the houses, 
calling out to them to pour water on their heads. A few of the 


women descended the ladders and poured ice-cold liquid over the 
shoulders of the dancers, which made them shiver, for they were 
naked and the air was biting cold. 

The costuming of the Wilzviitciintd in their dance on this day 
was as follows : Hair hanging loosely over the shoulders, but 
with no feathers on the head ; a streak of yellow ocher was daubed 
on each cheek, and they had bands of the same color, about the 
width of the palm of the hand, across the upper part of the chest, 
and four streaks made with their fingers parallel along the ribs ; 
similar streaks of a finger's breadth were drawn across the upper 
arm, and a band, the width of the palm, decorated their forearms. 
There were similar broad bands around the midthigh and the calf 
of the leg. 

On Komoktotokya night the author visited all the kivas, but 
found no exercises transpiring in them up to midnight. He was 
told there would be no rites in them that night, but that after the 
Pleiades or Orion reached the meridian all would sleep the rest of 
the night ; he is unable to record whether or not this program 
was carried out, but as no altars were erected, no complicated 
rites are probable. 

Pautiwa came into the Moh-kiva about 9 P.M., and sat by the 
fireplace smoking in silence for a long time. He wore on his 
head the same two small antelope-horns which the fire-bearer 
wore on the evening of Assembly day, when the sacred fire was 
ignited ; and when he left the kiva there was a loud shout by 
those who had assembled. His visit had a ceremonial import, 
but for what purpose the writer was unable to discover. 

November 16 — Totokya or Feast 

The day called Totokya is one of the most important in all 
Hopi ceremonies, and, as a rule, is marked by the public exhibi- 
tions, whereas the previous days are devoted to secret rites in 
the kivas. The ceremonies performed on Totokya in the New-fire 
festival may be classed as follows: i, Purification of all the 


kivas ; 2, The altar in the Al-kiva ; 3, Ceremonies about a 
medicine-bowl in the Tcivato-kiva ; 4, Public dances of the 
Wiiwiitcivitil society; 5, Public dance of the TatmikyaDiii society ; 
6, Episode of the meal bc^i^ars ; 7, Feast in all the kivas ; 8, 
Night songs in all the kivas. 

/. Purification of all the Kivas 

Early in the morning a man with his face whitened, carrying 
a small deer-horn and an ear of corn, and wearing diminutive 
antelope-horns on his head, visited all the kivas in turn, beginning 
with the Mofi-kwa, and carefully swept the floors, carr\ing the 
sweepings outside and casting them over the mesa side. 

About 9:30 A.M. the Aalt/i chiefs placed on the straw matting 
of their kiva hatchway, for the first time, a small basket helmet 
with two horns made of painted gourds,' and at the same hour 
Anawita and Tcali began the preparation of the Kwakwantil 

2. The Altar in the Al-kiva 

The Aaltii altar (plate V) was made in the Al-kiva at noon 
on the last day by the two chiefs, Kotka and Tuwasmi. It was of 
simple construction, consisting mainly of the tiponis oi the chiefs, 
and four prayer-sticks which had been made earlier in the day. 

A layer of valley sand was sprinkled on the kiva floor in the 
western end of the room, and at intervals on its western border 
this sand had been heaped up into four mounds at equal distances. 
A single prayer-stick was set in the apex of each of these mounds, 
and sticks with attached feathers, one for each member of the 
Aaltii, were also inserted in the top. The tiponis of the two 
chiefs were placed on the two middle mounds — Tuwasmi's tiponi 
on the right, Kotka's on the left. A string with attached feathers 
was stretched from the base of the latter diagonally across the 

' This diminutive liclniet was identical with tliose worn by novices 


floor toward the ladder. Between the mounds of sand were piled 
ears of corn, of many colors, tied in bundles with yucca fiber. 
The floor in front of the tiponis was covered by symbolic figures 
representing rain-clouds drawn with meal. There were three of 
these symbols, a rectangular one in the middle and a triangular 
one on each side. In the elaborate New-fire ceremony {Naac- 
naiyd) this simple altar gives place to one more complicated, 
having an upright framework with symbolic figures which have 
not been accurately noted. 

J. Ceremonies about a Medicine-bowl in the Tcivato-kiva 

The songs and accompanying rites about the medicine-bowl 
in the Tcivato-kiva, on Assembly day, have already been de- 
scribed. They were repeated with greater elaboration on the last 
ceremonial day. 

All of the members of the KwakwantA society were present, 
and there were several additions to the paraphernalia of the pre- 
vious celebration. The wooden plug which ordinarily closed the 
small hole in the floor called the sipapil had been removed, and a 
line of meal had been drawn across the floor from it to the left pole 
of the ladder. A second line of meal was also drawn across the 
floor from the medicine-bowl to the right pole of the ladder, and 
the bowl itself, with ears of corn, birdskins, and medicine-stones, 
were arranged as described in the account of this altar on the first 
day. On the floor of the room at the western end there were 
three basket-trays with meal- and prayer-offerings, and the whole 
western wall of the kiva was covered with helmets with curved 
horns, and agave stalks of many sizes, all painted white. These 
had been installed by Anawita in such manner as to be termed 
an altar {pofiya). 

All the assembled Kwakwantit, not excepting the chiefs about 
the medicine-bowl, wore their ordinary clothing, but soon after 
noon one of the society undressed and was painted with the 


prescribed pigments. He wore no lielniet.but on his back he car- 
ried a framework covered with skin, called a moisture tablet. He 
put on a ceremonial kilt, and decorated his body and lej^s with \cl- 
low and green pigments. Me made two parallel marks of these 
colors on each breast and shoulder-blade, and rings of yellow and 
green on his knees, elbows, and over his heart. This man was later 
a courier who was sent to Tawapa, or Sun spring, to bring a 
small netted gourd full of sacred water for the charm liquid of the 
metlicine-bowl. A second Kivaktvantil priest, wearing a helmet 
bearing large elk-horns, and clothed in a skin, accompanied the 
courier to the head of the stairway trail west of the pueblo. The 
escort left the courier at the head of the trail and returned to 
the Tcivato-kiva, but the courier hastened to the spring, return- 
ing on a run up the trail, so that in about twenty minutes he 
had brought the water from Sun spring to the KioakwantA 
chief. The song and the exercises about the medicine-bowl then 
began and were found to be practically identical with those of 
Assembly day. Before the songs commenced one of the chiefs 
ascended the ladder, and, holding a quartz crystal in the sunlight, 
deflected a ray into the medicine-bowl at the western end of the 

The fifth song in sequence was accompanied by the ringing of 
cowbells, of which the society have man}' and wish still more ; and 
at the close of the sixth song fragments of a root were passed 
around, each priest nibbling a little, which he afterward threw into 
the fireplace. 

Just as the songs ceased the Tataukyainn were heard outside 
the kiva singing their ribald songs, and, as the author stood on the 
kiva hatchway watching them pass, PCitche emerged from the 
rooin and sprinkled charm liquid upon them by dipping a feather 
in a medicine-bowl, which he held in his left hand, and throwing 
the liquid upon the dancers. He then asperged to the four cardi- 
nal points and returned to the chamber below where the K^va- 
kzcaniii were assembled. 


4. Public Dances of the Wiiwiiicimtd Society 

The Wmviitcrintii society appeared in public at intervals 
throughout the day, emerging from the Wikwaliobi-kiva and 
forming two platoons facing each other, with a drummer between 
them. They were escorted by Aaltil priests, or Alosakas, two or 
four in number, one at each end of the platoons. The men of the 
Wuwiitcimti'l society clasped hands and moved with a sidelong 
motion, singing a song called Me-Jia-lo-lol. Each man had his legs 
painted yellow, with a band of the same color above the knees. 
The arms, from hands to elbows, were likewise covered with yel- 
low pigment, and there were parallel bars of the same on the 
chest, back, and arms. 

Sunoitiwa led the two platoons, bearing a stick with attached 
hawk-feathers, and Katci stood between the two lines beating a 
drum. Each Wuwutcinitii wore on his forehead a flower made of 
pasteboard, and carried an ear of corn in one hand ; all wore varie- 
gated feathers in the hair. Their dress and bodily decoration vary 
somewhat, but on the day called Totokya, when the costuming 
was particularly striking, it was as follows : The participants wore 
variegated paroquet feathers attached to the crown of their heads 
and their hair hung loosely over their backs ; the left shoulder was 
painted yellow, the right, blue; a double blue and yellow line ex- 
tended from each shoulder to the waist in front and on the back ; 
the right arm had two blue lines or bands drawn along the outside 
over the shoulder to the elbow, and the arm from the elbow 
to the wrist was painted yellow, with the same colors reversed on 
the left arm. The right leg from a hand's breadth above the 
knee over that joint was colored yellow ; from below the knee 
over the foot, blue ; and a blue band the width of the thumb girt 
the leg above the knee. The same markings were painted on 
the left leg with reversed colors. Each man had a white ceremo- 
nial kilt girt with a belt, and wore a foxskin dangling from the 
kilt behind, with a second belt over the first. He wore a little 


disk or artificial flower on his head, and carried an ear of corn in 
one hand. The society was escorted by members of the Aaltd 
society wearing imitation mountain-sheep hehnets and bearing an 
ear of corn in one hand, a painted stick (plate IV, 3) in the other. 
This society repeated its public dances several times during the 
day, in the same way as in preceding presentations except that 
their costume and adornment were more elaborate in the closing 
performance than on earlier days. 

5. Public Dance of the Tataukyaynil Society 

About 2 P.M., or just at the close of the rites about the medi- 
cine-bowl in the Tcivato-kiva, the Tatmikyainil emerged from the 
Moh-kiva headed by their chief, Hani (plate III). They wore only 
breechclouts, necklaces of rabbit-tails stained red, and ear pen- 
dants of the same objects. Their bodies were painted yellow, and 
their hair was tied with cornhusks in a buncli over the forehead ; 
their faces were likewise yellow. Red bands were drawn from 
the eyes to the ears, and from the corners of the mouth across the 
cheeks. Large figures of the generative organs were painted on 
their chests, backs, legs, and arms, and in their hands they carried 
realistic representations of tiie human vulva made of watermelon 
rinds attached to the ends of short sticks. 

These Tataiikyavul were accompanied by a drummer, and were 
escorted by an Aalti\ or Alosaka priest who wore diminutive 
horns on his head. The Tataukyamil marched in a group from 
place to place, holding up the imitation vulvae {Jitwd) to the 
women at different houses, singing obscene songs, and making 
lascivious gestures and remarks. Their faces bore the expression 
of, and the movements of their bodies were in keeping with, their 
songs and remarks, while certain women replied to them in kind. 
Others threw foul water or urine upon the singers, which made the 
naked men shiver in the cold air. Their jeers were directed 
mainly to the women of the Manizraiiti^, which the Tataukyamtl 


lJ..-nsu by M. Wnylil GUI 



call a sister society. Naturally very few women gathered on the 
housetops to listen to these remarks of the dancers. 

The Tataukyamil first danced and sang in the court of the 
Mon-kiva and then made their way to the houses near the " Snake 
rock." From there they continued past the Al-kiva and Tcivato- 
kiva, and then dividing into small squads visited the row of houses 
on the northern side of Walpi. Wherever they went they sang 
the same songs, calling out to the women, challenging them to 
come down,' and holding up the phallic emblems which they 
carried in their hands. The Aalttt priests acted as escorts in all 
these public dances, accompanying both the WiiwiitcimtA and the 
TataiikyamU in their rounds of the pueblo. 

6. Episode of the Meal Beggars 

At the close of the public dances a pair of men from each of the 
Kwakwantil, Aaltil, and Tataiikyamil societies, made a circuit of 
the pueblo begging for meal. Each pair wore the garb of their 
respective societies, were characteristically painted, and carried 
basket-trays. They went from house to house, silently halting at 
the ladders and holding up the baskets to the occupants, waiting 
until a woman came out and dropped a handful of meal into, the 
receptacles, after which they continued their quest. The circuit 
made by these men, in their begging tour for meal, led them 
from their kivas eastward along the main court, then back along 
the less-frequented street on the northern side of the pueblo to 
the kivas whence they started. 

The Aalttt beggars (plate Vl) wore helmets with two Alosaka 
horns, and white buckskins, leggings, and moccasins. Their hair 
was loose, and the whitened artificial mountain-sheep horns were 
decorated with raw cotton. The bodies of the Tataiikyamit 
beggars were naked, but were painted yellow, with red bands 
across the face from eyes to ears and from mouth to neck. One 

' One old woman lifted her blanket and made remarks that need not be repeated. 


of the beggars carried in his left hand a short stick with attached 
hawk-feathers, similar to the kiva standard. 

The two Ku<akii<a)itii beggars (phite \'ll) were more elabor- 
ately dressed and decorated than the others. Each wore bunches 
of variegated feathers in his iiair, and under one eye was 
painted a crescent in white — a characteristic marking of this 
priesthood. It would seem tliat the Kivakzvantil very rarely wear 
tiieir helmets in public or outside the kiva in the daytime. Their 
chests were daubed with yellow and green pigments, and there 
were small yellow and green rings on the middle line of the body. 
Similar rings appeared on the knees and calves, the former being 
painted green, the latter yellow, while bands of the same colors 
encircled the legs above the knees. The men wore white em- 
broidered kilts tied with sashes, to which bells were fastened, and 
both had anklets of variegated patterns. 

The distinctive object worn by these men was a rectangular 
framework over which was stretched a painted skin ; it was bor- 
dered with plaited cornhusks to which red horsehair was attached ; 
a bunch of variegated feathers was fastened to the upper margin, 
and these objects were worn on the backs of the priests. The 
figure painted on this skin consisted of two rectangles, one green, 
the other yellow, separated by a median band parallel with the 
longer sides. One of the men carried a short agave stalk, to the 
extremity of which cornhusks were fastened. In the basket in 
which they received the meal given by the women a prayer-stick 
was seen. The prayer-meal obtained by the beggars was later 
used in making broad trails from the kivas to the shrines in which 
sacred offerings were deposited. 


On the afternoon of the Totokya celebration of the New-fire in 
1892 there occurred an episode of the Tatankyaniu dance which 
was not witnessed in 189S. This was called the Pah7hiktivc,ax\d 
was the personation of the Palahiko-mana or Corn-maid of the 


N. S. , VOL. 2, PL. VII 

Drawn by ,M. W nglii GiU 




Manizraiitii, who wears the rain-cloud symbols in the form of a 
tablet on the head. About 3 P.M. fifteen TataiikyamiX emerged 
from their kiva and danced through the pueblo, singing joyfully. 
Their hair was tied up in cornhusks, and their faces were smeared 
with bands of red pigment. Their bodies, covered with yellow 
ocher, were naked, and they wore ear-pendants and necklaces of 
red-stained rabbit-tails.' Several of their number were disguised 
as women, or wore women's blankets. These bore on their heads 
radiating wooden slats symbolic of feathers. One of their number 
wore on his head a terraced tablet, symbolic of rain-clouds, and 
personated PalaJiiko-mana. The five disguised men danced to a 
spirited song of the Tataiikyamil for about twenty minutes; and 
then returned to the Mon-kiva. They were accompanied by two 
Horn men, or Aaltil, as escorts. 

While this was taking place the WiiwiltcimtA society, accom- 
panied by a drummer and four Aaltii, appeared and performed 
their eccentric dances through the pueblo. The personation of 
the Palahiko-viana is simply a complemental performance to that 
of the women of the Mamzrautil, who, in their celebration in 
October, represent the dances of the Tatajikyaimi and Winvii- 
tcimtH, and personate the same Corn-maid. 

Altar in the Tcivato-kiva 

The installation of objects, as helmets, agave stalks, and elk- 
horns, hanging on the western wall of the kiva, is regarded as 
an altar, especially when the tiponi of the society is formally 
placed on its mound of sand on the floor. Counting this as one, 
there are two true altars in the New-fire ceremony — one, that of 
the Aaltii society in the Al-kiva, and the other the objects above 
mentioned in the Tcivato-kiva. The chiefs of the remaining 
societies, while they have a medicine-bowl placed on the floor in 

* This is totemic. The Tabo or Rabbit clan lived with the Piba people from whom 
this priesthood sprung. 

I lO 


[n. S., 2, 1900 

a prescribed way, have no true altar in either the elaborate or the 
abbreviated New-fire rites. 

From the fact that the altar of the Kivakivantu consists of the 
objects worn or carried by them, a description of these objects 
separately gives the best account of their altar, and naturally falls 
in another place.' 

7. Feast in all the Kivas 

If the reader will consult the list of men who take part in the 
New-fire ceremony he will find in it the names of almost all the 
adult males of East Mesa. There was a feast in all the four kivas 
late in the afternoon of Totokya, and never has the writer seen a 
greater quantity of food brought to the kivas than on this occa- 
sion. Every woman in each of the three pueblos contributed 
something, and the amount of food thus brought together was 
enormous. A man stood at the kiva hatch, and as the trays of 
piki, or paper-bread, bowls of stew, and other delicacies were 
brought by the women, he called down to those below the name 
of the man to whom it belonged, and it was arranged along the 
middle of the room. I noticed no ceremonial pudding {piguvii) 
in this collection of food, but almost every other dish known to 
the Hopi was well represented. This was a most auspicious oc- 
casion to study the costumes of the women and girls, nearly every 
one of whom went to one or another Walpi kiva at this time. 
The feast began just before dusk and lasted until sunset or later. 

S. Nig/it Songs in the Kivas 

The night of the day under discussion was almost wholly 
passed by the different societies, in their respective kivas, in 
singing their songs about their tiponis, all of which were set in 
position on the floor.' The nature of these rites in the different 

' See account of helmets, mofikohus, .ind other ceremonial paraphernalia. 

' The time for important night ceremonies in the Tcivato-kiva, and possibly in 
the others, is determined by the position of the Pleiades and Orion {Hotumka) which 
were closely watched by the natives at this time. 


sacred rooms is considered in the following pages, but the ac- 
count is more or less fragmentary because I was not able to see 
the ceremonies which were performed simultaneously in different 

ToTOKYA Night in the MoN-kiva 

Late in the afternoon of Totokya, Hani placed his tiponi in po- 
sition just back of the sipapil, setting a prayer-stick just before it, 
and on either side ears of corn were arranged regularly on the 
floor. At 9:30 P.M. all the Tataukyaniii withdrew to the spec- 
tators' part of the kiva, except the chief (Hani) and three others, 
who sat in the northwestern corner. 

Shortly after the Wiiwiitcimtit society, headed by their chief, 
Suiloitiwa, and accompanied by a drummer, came in and arranged 
themselves in double crescentic lines facing the fireplace, with the 
chief on the right of the inner row. These visitors presented a 
song called Me-Jia-lo-lol, accompanied by a stamping step and 
rhythmic motions of the body, for about ten minutes, when 
Sunoitiwa passed a stick with attached hawk-feathers' to the man 
at his left, saying, "t/m yii kan yiih i niy This man, on receiving 
it, danced with the others once around the fireplace in a dextraP 
circuit, until he reached the end of the line, where he stood, then 
returned to the first position, when he passed the stick to the 
man at his left, and after saying, "■AkowaatnV ("Good bye"), 
went up the ladder, as Sufloitiwa had done before him. This 
was repeated and continued until all but six of their number had 
left the kiva. Then the song ceased ; the men of the Wuwutcimtil 
who remained greeted those in the kiva in the same way, and 
went up the ladder, passing on to their own kiva. 

At 12:20 oclock the Winvutciinti'l came to the Mon-kiva 
again, and repeated the dextral circular dance just described. 

' A keltsakwa. This object is a badge of office whicli is used in the kiva rites and 
carried by the chiefs in their public dances. In this society it is identical with the 

'^ The sinistral circuit is all but universal among the Ilopi. 

I 1 2 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2. 1900 

Their bodies were naked, save for a breecliclout, but they wore 
many beads about their necks, and artificial rosettes representing 
flowers on tlicir foreheads. 

On a visit made to the Mon-kiva at 2:20 A.M., the Tatau- 
kyaviA were heard chanting their songs, which ceased about 
four oclock on the next morning. These chants were remarka- 
bly solemn, with stirring measures, and altogether were very 
imjiressive. During the singing Hani sat behind his tiponi with 
his back against the kiva wall ; and two Aaltii, wearing their 
horned helmets on their heads and carrying deer-antlers in their 
hands, stood at the ladder beating time to the songs with a 
movement of one leg to which a tortoise-shell was attached. 
They were naked save for the scanty covering of a breechcloth. 

At the close of the songs an Alosaka brought down into the 
kiva two vessels of water which had been standing in the frosty 
air on the kiva hatch, and poured a little of it on the head of 
every singer. The cold water caused the singers to wince, and 
made a nasty wet muck on the floor. 

ToTOKYA Night in the Wikwaliohi-kiva 

No special ceremonies were noted in the Wikwaliobi-kiva 
during Totokya night, for the frequent visits of the society to 
the Moh-kiva left little time for rites in their own chamber. No 
altar was seen, and during the intervals between their exhibitions 
in the neighboring room most of the men were dozing on the 
floor wrapped in their blankets. 

Totokya Night in the Al-kiva 

At one oclock in the morning the Aaltil society were singing 
in their kiva around the medicine-bowl before the pohya or altar 
already described. Their medicine-bowl was placed on a low 
pile of sand, on which had been drawn six radiating lines repre- 
senting the six cardinal directions. Kotka sat on the right, 
Tuwasmi on the left of this bowl, and there was a line of priests 


on each side. Other rows of members sat with backs to the 
northern and southern walls of the kiva. The taiialanka, or 
pipe-passer, sat near the pipes on the floor west of the fireplace, 
and the fire-keeper {kuliitakd) under the left ladder pole. A 
tyler, wrapped in a blanket, kept watch in the frosty air, on the 
kiva hatch, beating time with a bunch of hoops to the songs in 
the chamber below. Each man in the line from the medicine- 
bowl to the fireplace had a small rattle. 

The nature of the rites in the Al-kiva was not determined, 
although visits were made from time to time to the room, and 
it was found that the singing was in progress throughout the 
night ; but as simultaneous performances in the other kivas 
appeared to be more important, most of the writer's attention 
was devoted to them.' 

ToTOKYA Night in the Tcivato-kiva 

The songs in the Tcivato-kiva on Totokya night were in- 
structive. At about midnight Anawita, the chief, took a handful 
of prayer-meal from the tray and deposited it on the floor over 
the sipapil. On this he set his tiponi, and drew a line of meal 
from the latter to the left pole of the ladder, after which he 
took his seat just behind the tiponi. The whole western end of 
the room was filled with Kzvakwantil helmets, horns of deer, and 
other paraphernalia, forming, as Anawita said, a true ponya or 
altar. At Anawita's right sat Nasimoki, and the Kwakzvantil 
members were disposed in an irregular circle, leaning against the 
northern and southern walls of the room. 

Basket-trays, with sacred meal and nakwakwoci, were placed 

' It is quite impossible for a single student to adequately witness in one presenta- 
tion all the events of any of the great ceremonies of the Hopi. On Totokya night of 
the New-fire ceremony rites were being performed in three different rooms at the same 
time. The writer patrolled from one kiva to another, passing into the superheated 
rooms again and again throughout the night. The outside air was bitterly cold and 
the passage from one kiva to another on the mesa summit is often dangerous on 
account of the darkness. Some of the rites consequently may not have been observed 
on account of the impossibility of witnessing all the features at once. 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2—8. 


on the floor on each side of the tiponi, and the medicine-bowl 
was near by. The asperger sat near the bowl, and in front of 
him there were several wooden slats, each representing tlie Great 
Snake. T!ie pipe-lighter sat near the fireplace, and the man who 
tended the fire squatted under the ladder. A song score was 
kept by the j)ipe-lighter with kernels of corn, and each member 
of the society had an ear of corn tied to his breast by a string 
or piece of cloth. Man}- carried wooden slats in their hands, and 
each had a white crescent painted under the left eye. 

At half-past one oclock the tyler took his station on the kiva 
hatch, and the asperger, dipping the aspergill in the medicine, 
asperged to the cardinal points. Anawita and Nasimoki began a 
song, in a very low tone, accompanied by the others ringing 
copper bells. Each man held in one hand his wooden effigy of 
the Great Snake. 

The medicine-bowl had been placed directly on the stones of 
the floor, not on the sand, and there were no meal lines below it 
and no ears of corn or birdskins arranged radially about it as in 
former celebrations. The songs were intended to consecrate the 
prayer-sticks which were placed in basket-trays on the floor. 
These songs never rise above a low murmur, and only the chief 
sings — the remaining priests beat time to the song. 

In the fourth song Anawita rapped on the floor with his agave 
rod to which cornhusks were tied ; and the fifth song was a rapid 
quickstep in which the din of the cowbells was almost deafening. 
During the sixth song the medicine-bowl was raised a few inches 
from the floor, and every priest beat violent time as the song pro- 
gressed. The seventh and eighth songs were also accompanied 
by violent rapping on the floor and long-continued clanking of the 

At the close of the songs ail the priests, one after another, 
stepped to the tiponi, sprinkled it with meal, and threw a pinch of 
the same along the floor toward the ladder. The chief then 
prayed, after which the pipe-lighter passed the pipe to him, and 


at about three oclock in the following morning the exercises 
were concluded with a formal smoke, when the two Alosaka men 
came to get their prayer-offerings. 

November 17 — Tihuni or Pigumnovi 

The fifth day of the New-fire ceremony, in its abbreviated pre- 
sentation, is called Tihwii, and as one of several purificatory rites 
occurs on that day it is also called Navotciwa. 

The events of the fifth day may be considered under two 
headings: i, Visits of six youths with prayer-offerings to the 
shrines of TalaUimsi and the spring called Tawapa ; 2, Disposal 
of the embers of the sacred fire. 

At the earliest light, on the fifth morning, a few Tataukyamii 
priests sprinkled broad trails of meal from the Wikwaliobi-kiva 
through the passageway to the Tciibvw, then across it to the 
Al-kiva and the neighboring Tck'ato-kwa, and back to the Mofi- 
kiva, casting what was left into a tray upon the hatchway, after 
which all descended into the room. 

On this morning everyone, man and woman alike, washed his 
head with amole, and many of the mothers performed the same 
for their children. It is customary for all participants in cere- 
monies to practice this form of bodily purification before rites 
begin, but its universality in the New-fire rites is noteworthy, for 
those who had taken no active part in the rites observed it as well 
as the participants. An explanation of this general and wide- 
spread performance of head-washing at this time may be that 
almost every adult male on the East Mesa belongs to one of the 
four societies which combine in the celebration of this fire cere- 
mony, and the families of all are directly interested inasmuch as 
all women brought food to the kivas. 

I. Departure of Six Youths with Prayer-offerings 

Early in the morning six young men of the Aaltil society, 
wearing their typical costume, took all the Jiakiuakivoci from their 


own kiva and went in pairs to all the other kivas where they were 
given like prayer objects of the other societies. Tlicy received 
also a considerable quantity of prayer-meal and went off sprinkling 
the meal along tlie trails as they departed. 

Two of these men went to Tazvapa, two to the shrine of Tala- 
iuifisi, and two to Hopakpalioki, the shrine where the image of 
TalatiDHsi was formerly kept, but from which it was removed 
on account of the inroads of hostiles.' The trails which these 
couriers made with meal were so plain that their course could 
readily be followed, and from them it was possible to discover the 
shrine in which the image of Talatiansi rests. This shrine is 
a built-up nook in an angle between two large bowlders, on the 
lower terrace of the mesa about opposite the upper stairway trail, 
on its southwestern point. A rough wall encloses the front of 
this shrine, from which two stones can be removed. The image 
sits within the shrine, costumed in a white ceremonial blanket 
with a girdle in which are two or more prayer-sticks. In the 
abbreviated New-fire rites two Alosaka priests are said to carry 
offerings to her, but at Naacnaiya she is carried into Walpi by 
Kakapti and set on the kiva roofs where interesting rites are per- 
formed about her. 

2. Disposal of the Embers of the New Fire 

The most important ceremony on the last day of the New-fire 
rites was the purification of the participants and the disposal of 
the ashes of the new fire from the fireplaces of the kivas. The 
latter event, which is also a purificatory rite, occurred at early 
dawn, and each society disposed of the embers from its own kiva 
in its own way. As has been shown, the flame of the new 
fire cannot be profaned by lighting cigarettes or by other secular 
uses, so the ashes must be treated in a reverential manner. They 

' This last-mentioned shrine is just beyond the Apache and Ute pictographs above 
the wagon trail to IVala, about seventy-five yards west of the count incised on the cliff 
giving the number of the slain in the last invasion of these nomads. 


are therefore disposed of in a ceremonial way befitting the regard 
in which they are held. 

The first society to perform this rite was the KwakwantA, each 
member of which took a fragment of watermelon rind and scooped 
into it, out of the fireplace, a quantity of embers and ashes, divid- 
ing them into about equal proportions among the members. 
Special care was taken that all the ashes were removed from the 
fireplace. Each man then took a handful of sacred meal and, led 
by Anawita,— Hayi closing the procession, — they all filed up the 
ladder of the kiva, marched through the plaza under the covered , 
way leading northwestward from the " Snake rock," and then 
along the alley to the cliff at the western end of Walpi overlook- 
ing the site of the old pueblo. There they stood in line facing 
the west, each man holding the melon rind in his right, and the 
meal in his left hand. He first cast a little meal on the ashes, 
then waved his left hand in sinistral circuit over his head four 
times, and cast the remainder of the meal toward the west. 
They next threw the melon rinds with the enclosed ashes over 
the cliff and returned to their houses. These movements were 
observed almost simultaneously by all members of the society. 

The other three societies disposed of the embers of the fire in 
their kiva in much the same way as the Kwakivantu, but went to 
a different part of the mesa for that purpose. They came out of 
their kivas bearing in their right hands melon rinds containing the 
embers of the fire, and filed through Walpi along the main thor- 
oughfare toward Sitcomovi. Passing this pueblo they continued 
to the western edge of the mesa, each society huddled together 
apart from the others. The Aaltu were more isolated than the 
other societies, which were together. The manner of performing 
the purifications was almost identical in all the societies and it 
took place at about the same time. 

The Kzvakwantil address their purification to the katcinas of 
the Salt cave of the Grand canyon where there are stalactites 
{lepena) believed to be connected in some occult way with the 

I 1 8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

horns of their hehnets. The other societies address themselves 
to a point near the junction of San Juan and Colorado rivers. h\\ 
the societies were without ceremonial costumes, but had common 
blankets wrapped about them. There is much mysticism in the 
proceedings which thus far the writer fails to understand. 

Explanations of many rites are offered by priests, but as there 
are no means of deciding whether they are ancient and traditional 
or simply modern and personal, they are not here recorded. In 
many instances these native explanations in which much esoterism 
appears to enter, have not been understood ; and in some cases 
it appears evident that the man who gave them was inventing 
what seemed to him to be a satisfactory solution. 

The Tatankyamfi threw over the cliff with the ashes from their 
kiva the imitation vulvae made of watermelon rind, the cornhusks 
in which their hair had been bound, and the rabbit-tail ear-pen- 
dants. The Wi'nviitcimiu cast over the cliff with the ashes from 
their fireplace the pasteboard flowers which they wore on their 
foreheads during the last days of the ceremony. 

After disposing of the ashes of the new fire, all the priests 
vomited over the cliffs, as in the last day of the Snake dance, and 
then returned to their kivas where other purification rites were 

Four Days Following the Purification 

Four nights after the close of the Wi'nviitcintti the chiefs slept 
in their kivas, and the helmets and other paraphernalia of the 
Kivakiuanii^ remained hanging on the kiva wall. This is believed 
to be an indication of the connection of the abbreviated cere- 
monial with the elaborate Naacnaiya. The latter presentation 
has nine da)'s of active ceremonies, wliile there are but five in the 
Wutviitcimtiy without counting the four above mentioned ; but if 

' A simple form of purification consists of taking a little meal or ashes in the left 
hand, waving it with a circular pass over the head, and throwing it out of the kiva 


these were added to the five, we would have a nine days' cere- 
mony in the abbreviated variant. To this may also be added 
the days preceding the Assembly and following the Smoke-talk 
which in the Wiizviitcimti number five; but the number between 
the Smoke assemblage and the Assembly ( Yiinyd) in the Naacnaiya 
has yet to be determined. 

New-fire Rabbit-hunts 

For several days after the close of the festival elaborate rabbit- 
hunts were organized by the different societies which took part 
in the New-fire ceremonies. Each society had its own hunt, 
which occurred on its own day, and the game obtained was eaten 
in the kiva occupied by the society during the festival. 

Comparisons of the Elaborated and the Abbreviated New-fire 

Ceremonies ' 

The elaborated New-fire ceremony is made much more com- 
plicated than the Wiizvutciniti by the element of initiation of 
novices, which gives it the name Naacnaiya. It is likewise a nine 
days' ceremony, instead of one of five days, the episodes of which 
appear in the following list : 

Yunya, Assembly : i, Six-directions altars in the Mofi-kiva, Al-kiva, 
and Tcivato-kiva, and accompanying making of charm liquid or medi- 
cine. 2, Making of the new fire in the Afon-kiva. 3, Figurine of 
Talatuvisi brought into the pueblo from her shrine. 4, Initiation 
exercises in the Mofi-kiva. 5, Initiation exercises in the Tcivato-kiva. 

Custala : i, Figurine of Talatumsi cdirxx^^ to kiva hatch of Tcivato- 
kiva. 2, Patrols of the KwakwantA and Aaltil. 3, Novices visit 
shrines. 4, Making and smoking of the snow pipe. 

Litctala : i, Tataukyamil dance with kelcs. 2, Boys dressed as 
women. 3, Pahos made. 

Paistala : r, Trails closed; no living being allowed to enter the 
pueblo. 2, Novices carried to Custupuntukwi (Moki butte). 3, Altar 
constructed in Al-kiva. 4, Smoking of the snow pipe. 5, Patrols of 
the Aaltd and KivakwantA ; visits to the shrines, and sprinkling of 

' For an account of these rites see Jotir. American Folk-lore, i8g2, pp. iSq-220. 

120 AMERICAN AXTH ROPOLOGI ST [n. s,, 2, iqoo 

N'aliictala : i, Sprinkling of the figurine of Talatumsi and accom- 
panying songs. 2, Return of Talatumsi to her shrine. 3, Dance of 
the Tataukyamd. 4, Dance of the Wiiwiitcimtfi. 

Yiinya : i, Dance of the IViiwiitcimli'i. 2, Hunts by the different 

Cuskahimd : i, Dance of the Wihiiiitcimtfi. 2, Dance of Aalti} and 
Tataukyamu, and of K^cakwanti'i, Aaltu, and Talaukyavifi. 3, Beggars 
ask for meal. 4, Initiation ceremonies in Tcivato-kiva. 

Komoktotokya : i, Songs of the Kwakwatitft and processions. 2, 
Public dance of the Wiiwiitcimtu. 3, Public dance of the TataukyamH. 

Totokya : i, Dance of the Wiiwiitcimtti. 2, Dance of the Tatait- 
kyamii. 3, Leaping of priests over fire. 4, Lines of meal made in 
plaza. 5, Procession of the Kwakwajitii. 

Aside from the complicated rites connected with the initia- 
tions, one of the most important events in the New-fire ceremony 
called Naacnaiya is the bringing into the pueblo of the image of 
the Dawn-woman, Talatumsi, which occurs on the first day. 

Directly after the new fire had been kindled in the Moh-kiva 
in the Naacnaiya, " Kakapti, a member of the Horn society^ ap- 
peared at the head of the stairway (south) trail, on the edge of 
the court in which the Mon-kiva is situated. He wore the ty^pical 
helmet of the Aaltft, a large white Havasupai buckskin thrown 
over his shoulders as a mantle, and a large clanking tortoise rattle 
on each leg fastened behind at the garters. He crossed the court 
bearing Talatumsi (Dawn-woman), a wooden figurine, eighteen 
inches high, arrayed in the miniature white mantle and girdle 
which had been observed in the Al-kiva on that morning. 
Thrust in her girdle were the two sets of paJios also noted in the 
same place. Kakapti held a deer antler in his left hand, and 
carried in both hands before him the figure as if in a tray. He 
approached at a very reverential pace, and placed the figurine, 
facing westward, on the eastern front of the Moh-kiva hatchway 
where the ;/(7/r/ stood." On the morning of the next day^ the figu- 
rine of Talatumsi was set on the kiva hatchway of the Tcivato- 
kiva, and there it remained until the morning of the fifth day, 


when it was returned to its shrine among the rocks by Kakapti, 
escorted by the four societies, especially the Aaltil. 

The sacred character of the New-fire rites, in their elaborate 
form, maybe seen from the fact that the trails to the pueblos are 
" closed " by drawing a line of meal across them. In former 
times, it is said, this tabu was very strict, and anyone who ven- 
tured to cross the lines of meal was killed. The symbolic closing 
of the trails is not observed in the abbreviated New-fire rites.' 

The smoking of the great snow pipe is omitted in the abbrevi- 
ated ceremony. This pipe, the capacity of which was at least 
four ounces of tobacco, was manufactured by the Kwakzuantii from 
clay, and was baked by women members of the clan to which this 
society is related. 

The altar of the Aaltil society, in the Naacnaiya, is much 
more complicated than that made in the abbreviated rites, but 
unfortunately the author has been unable to make a sketch or 
photograph of this more complicated form. Although v/e have 
a fairly complete account of Naacnaiya in the article above 
quoted, there still remain many obscure points which need eluci-' 
dation, and it is particularly desirable that exhaustive studies of 
the ceremony be made at Walpi and the other Hopi pueblos. 

Social Organization of the Four Religious Societies which 
Participate in the New-fire Ceremony 

It is of great importance, in all studies of Pueblo ceremonies, 
to gain accurate knowledge of the relationship of the religious 
society to the clan. Among the Hopi this knowledge is the key 
to the history of the ritual. Certain phratries or clans, according 
to legends, brought to Walpi certain religious societies, and the 
rites characteristic of those societies are best understood when 
we know where those clans lived before they joined Walpi and 
to what other Pueblo stocks they are kin. This connection of 

' When a line of meal is drawn along the trail, as it is in all great ceremonies, 
the trail is opened, but when across the trail it is closed. 

122 AMERICAN AXTIIROPOLOG/SJ- (n. s.. 2. iqoo 

clan and religious society is intimate, and althou<;h difficult to 
trace in all its significance, it cannot be overlooked in the study 
of the New-fire ceremony, and therefore merits special considera- 
tion. In the following pages will be given the names of the 
different members of these societies and the clans to which they 
belonged, followed by a discussion of the legendary derivation of 
the societies. 

The following lists give the names of all members of the 
different societies who participated in the New-fire ceremony at 
Walpi. They are arranged under their respective clans, and it 
will be seen that they come from all three pueblos' on the East 
Mesa, and practically include the whole adult male population. 

Members of t/ie Wiiiviiicimtd 

Asa dan : Sunoitiwa (chief), Kiikiitc, Tuwakukii, Amitola, Hayo, 
Mae, Hola, 7. Tcua clan : Kopeli, Moume, Sikyahoniwa, Sanna, 
"Pinto," Navawinu, 6. Tuiva clan : Sikyahonau, Pavatiya, Kaven- 
tima, 3. Pakab clan : "^oX-Cd., \. 7a7<:'« rA?// .• Sikyapiki, i. Piba clan : 
Homovi, I. Patki clan : Tcua, Tukpa, Makiwil, 3. Kokop clan: Ku- 
nauhia, Katci, Maho, 3. Katcina clan : Naka, Talavviiiuh, 2. Ala clan : 
Sikyaventima, Hoyamtiwa, 2. Tabo clan : Tcaine, Tu'tci, 2. Honani 
clan: Siita, r. Honau clan: Lelo, i. Summary: Asa (chief), 7; 
Tciia, 6 ; Tim'a, Patki, Kokop, 3 ; Katcina, Ala, Tabo, 2 ; Pakab, Tawa, 
Honau, Honani, Piba, i. 

Members of the Tataiikyanit} 

Piba clan: Hani (chief), Namoki, Siskyamil, Naatiwa, Masahoniwa, 
Papu. 6. Honani clan : Ami, Hezi, Monwil, Hozeu, 4. Ala clan: 
Sokoni, SuhimQ. Pakahi, Nakto, Tcona, 5. Kokop clan : Mau, Leso, 
Nae, Sanii, 4. Lcnya clan : Tcizohoya, Turnoa, Sami, 3. Patki clan : 
Supela, Kwazru, Nanaha, 3. Honau clan : Nakwauma, Tawa, Nate, 3, 
Tcua clan : Wiki, Koyawaiamfl, 2. Pakab clan : Nae, Piba, 2. Katcina 
clan: Tasi, Siventiwa, 2. Kiikiitc clan : Sukti, i. Asa clan : Wacri, 
Turkia, 2. Tuu>a clan: Tcaka, i. Summary: Piba (chief), 6 ; Ala, 
5 ; Honani, Kokop, 4 ; Lenya, Patki, Honau, 3 ; Tciia, Pakab, Katcina, 
Asa, 2 ; Kiikutc, Tuwa, i. 

' There is no celebration of the New-lire ceremony at Sitcomovi and llano. 


Members of the Aaltd 

Asa clan : Tuwasmi (chief), Murna, Talahoya, Hauta, Sikyatala, 
Nuvati, Chiaswzru, 7, Honani clan : Turni, Yoyowaia, Tcokcti, Ya- 
kwa, Yoyowaia, Soya, Apa, 7. Tuzva clan: Sania, Takala, Mateo, 
Kakapti, Matchwun, Talanainiwa, 6. Honaii clan : Kotka (chief), i. 
A'e clan : Ikwioma, Tobi, 2. Patki clan : Tcasra, Pocto, Kwatcakwa, 
Tcino (Tcoshoniwu), Wiwila, 5. Tabo clan: Talasi, Honauuh, Lele, 
Letcomo, 4. Lenya clan: Hayi, i. Kalcina clan : Kiikii, Tawaianniu, 2. 
Kokop clan : Sikyane, Koitchwinlih, 2. Ala clan : Pontima, Pehma, 2. 
Tciia clan : Honyi, Lomovoya, 2. Summary : Asa (chief), 7; Honani, 7 ; 
Tuwa, 6 ; Patki, 5 ; Tabo, 4 ; Katcina, Kokop, Ala, Tciia, Ke, 2 ; Honau, 
Lenya, i . 

Af embers of the Kwakzvantil 

Patki clans : Anawita, Nasimoki, Kwaa, Nakala, Vehti, Poyi, Klee, 
Klee, Paca, Kela, Sakwistiwa, Citaimu, Sune, 13. Tabo clan : Pot- 
kone, Uryi, 2. Kiikiitc clan: Tubeniya, i, Ala clan: Piiiche, i. 
Lenya clan : Turkwi, Mohti, Nitioma, 3. LLonani clan : Cikuli, Tote, 
(Zuni), Nanakoci, 3. Asa clan : Pehley, Aiivvuci, Lomaiisba, Tur- 
kwenuii, 4. Tazua clan : Naminhu, i. Tciia clan : Nuvawinii, Alo- 
saka, Wikyativva, Tenutci, 4. Katcina clan : Avaiyo, i. Piba clan : 
Tcali, Letaiyo, 2. Kae clan{Kolon-to7ua) : Kanu, i. Summary: Patki 
(chief), 13 ; Asa, T'ciia, 4 ; Honani, Lefiya, 3 ; Tabo, Piba, 2 ; Kiikiitc^ 
Ala, Tawa,Katcina, Kolon (of Hano), i. 

The Wuwutcimtu Society 

The Wiiwiitcimtil society is said to have been introduced into 
Tusayan by the Patiin or Squash phratry, to which the predeces- 
sor ' of the present chief belonged. The clan is now extinct 
at Walpi, and consequently is not represented in the list of mem- 
bers of the society.^ According to several traditions there were 
Patiin or Squash clans at Awatobi, and as the chieftaincy of the 
Wiizviltcimtil was formerly held by a member of this clan it may be 
that the society was introduced from Awatobi pueblo, just as the 

' At his death the Squash clan in Walpi became extinct, and the office of chief was 
transmitted to his son. This is irregular, for the chieftaincy of any Hopi society is 
always retained in the same clan, so that it falls either to a brother or a nephew. 

'^ Asa men predominate in ihe present membership. See the list. 

124 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Piba or Tobacco clan is supposed to have brought the Tatau- 
kyami\ from the same pueblo. Before they came to Tusayan 
the Patnn clans lived in certain pueblos, now in ruins, along the 
Colorado river. They first settled in Tusayan, on the Middle 
Mesa, at a place called Tcukubi, where the ruins of a pueblo 
of some size may still be seen. The Atoko (Crane), and Kcle 
(Hawk) clans are also said to have lived with the Squash people 
at that place, and it is highly probable that they migrated from 
the south together,' entering the Hopi country at about the same 
time. Like the Squash, the Crane and the Hawk are now extinct 
at Walpi, but several of the Crane people lived in Walpi and Si- 
tcomovi within the memory of the oldest inhabitant. 

It would appear that the cultus ancestral personages of the 
Wiavutci))itH and TataiikyamA, whose sister was of the same clan, 
were descended from Taiowa in the Underworld. Provisionally 
we may believe that they belonged to the Squash or " Sorrow- 
making " phratry, as that phratry brought these societies to 
Tusayan. Taiowa' invented the flute and made the first altars 
and fetishes. In his visit to the Underworld he met a maid, and 
drew her toward him (Orpheus-like) by means of this flute. He 
took her to his house in the Underworld, and she bore him sons 
and daughters. To one of his sons ' he gave the mysteries of the 
Wi'nvittcinitu, and taught one of his daughters the secret rites of 
the Mamzrautii, for which reason these two societies, in a sacer- 
dotal sense, are brothers and sisters. 

' Some good autliorities say the Squash clans came from the north. 

* Some say Taiowa is a solar god, which harmonizes with the above legend, for the 
Sun is father of all cullus heroes. The sun emblem plays an important part in the 
great ceremony (Flute) in which the flute is used. Some Hopi say the Squash or 
"Sorrow-making" phratry introduced the Macileuya society, one of which bears the 
sun shield in Miconinovi, and it is a significant fact that both this society and the 
.Squash clan, which are said to have introduced it, are extinct at Walpi. 

* Perhaps two legends are inextricably mixed in the above account, for neither is 
the flute used in the New-fire ceremony, nor does a representation of the Flower-mound 
appear in the kiva exercises in that rite. In the Flute ceremony the mound with 
artificial flowers is made in the kiva. and the idols of the Flute-youth and Flute-maid sit 
before them. 


The altars were erected in the Underworld by the son and 
daughter some distance apart before the Atkya Sitcomovi, " Flower- 
mound of the Underworld," on which sat the God of Germs. 
Then the youth called out to his sister, " / civaiya iivii niikiic 
mana " (" My sister, you are a nasty maid)." She replied in kind, 
and after many gibes and jeers they closed by pouring water 
upon each other, in jest, " and thus, we hope," the narrator said, 
" the rain may water our fields."' The Squash clans to which 
the youth and maid belonged are also called Tubic, or Sorrow peo- 
ple, possibly from this interchange of rude jests, which is called 
tubic-latoto, " sorrow-making." Muiyinvvu, the Germ god, they 
claim, gave to the boy and his sister the seeds of the corn, 
melon, squash, and bean, and was probably their mother. 

The above legend presents a plausible explanation why it 
is that throughout the New-fire ceremonies phallic rites are espe- 
cially prominent, and why ribald remarks of the Wiiwutcimtit are 
especially directed to the women of the MamzrautH society. 
The clans from which these two societies spring were formerly 
the same or near akin. 

The Winviitcimttl have on their cheeks the zigzag marks which 
are characteristic of the HeJica-katcina, and during the New-fire 
rites they wear on their foreheads rosettes made in imitation of 
flowers. We find a similar artificial flower worn by personators 
of the Hehea-katcina in the Pozvaviil ceremony at Walpi ; and in 
the burlesques of the Wiiwutcimtll by the women in their cere- 
mony called MamzraiUi, zigzag markings are painted on their 
cheeks to denote HeJiea-katcinas. These facts indicate an intimate 
connection between the Wuiviltciintii and the Hehea-katcinas. 

It may be interesting here to note several so-called shell 
masks obtained from Tennessee by Professor Putnam, and others 
from Virginia described by Mr Carr," which have zigzag lines 

' The key to all ceremonies is embodied here. The priest imitates the natural 
processes he wishes to bring to pass, or shows the god what he wishes him to do. 
' Tenth Annual Report of the Peabody Museum. 

126 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, igoo 

under the eyes like the Hopi HcJica-katcinas. The Hopi priests, 
to whom copies of the figures of these objects were shown, identi- 
fied them as masks of Hi/ica, so close was the symbolism. It has 
been suggested that the zigzag lines on the Tennessee shell masks 
represent tears, on the supposition that they were mortuary ; but 
this explanation is not accepted by the Hopi priests, although 
they have given no lucid explanation of the meaning of the zig- 
zag symbols. In a doll of the Zufti HcJica the}' are replaced by 
parallel lines, which are also found on an effigy vase from a cave 
in the Nantacks elsewhere described. 

The Tataukyamu Society 

Hani, chief of the Tatnukyavif} society, is also chief of the 
Piba clan, and claims that the society was introduced into Walpi 
by his ancestors.' He says that Tapolo, who admitted the hos- 
tiies into Awatobi on the night that pueblo was destroyed, was 
chief of the Piba clan and of the Tataukyavifi priesthood, and 
that he is Tapolo's direct descendant. 

The home of \.\\e Piba-Tabo z\z.x\she[oxe they went to Awatobi is 
fairly well known, for legends state that they formerly lived with 
the Patki and Squash clans in now-ruined pueblos along Little 
Colorado river. Near where Chevlon fork flows into the Little 
Colorado, on its left bank, there is a ruin called by the Hopi 
Cakwabaiyaki, " Blue-running-water pueblo." This place is often 
visited by the Hopi, and from the Chevlon they procure water to 
use in some of their ceremonies. A doll representing a Tatau- 
kyam^ priest was identified for me as one of the cakwabaiyakyamii^ 
or priests from Cakwabaiyaki ; and as the Piba clans are said to 
have brought the Tatankyauii'i to Tusayan from the pueblo on 
the Little Colorado south of \\\ilpi, it is reasonable to conclude 
that this pueblo was that now in ruins on the Chevlon. In the 

' Piha men now predominate in tliis society. See the preceding list. 


Piba-Tabo clans we find a Taiva or Sun clan, and possibly the 
name Tatankyamil ' refers to that clan. 

Like the Wiiwiitciintil, the public dances of this society during 
the New-fire festival have a phallic import, which is suggested in 
the decoration (?) of the bodies of its members with phallic 
emblems, their bawdy gestures, and the objects which they carry in 
their hands. Their remarks are especially directed to the women 
of the MamzraiitA society which, like the TataukyamU, was for- 
merly represented in Awatobi. Their coarse ribaldry, obscene 
gestures, and drenching with foul liquid are simply repetitions of 
what legends say took place in the Underworld, as mentioned 
elsewhere when the youth and his sister quarreled before the 
altar of the Germ god. 

A complemental portion of this ceremony when the Tatau- 
kyamil jeer at the women and greet them with obscenity, is thus 
described in the writer's account of the Mamzranti : On the 
eighth day, " before sunset, twenty-one persons, nearly all young 
women and girls, came down into the kiva, wearing nothing but 
their oldest and shabbiest tunic gowns and girdles. They rubbed 
their bodies with mud, in the eastern corner of the kiva, as on 
former evenings, and then decorated themselves by tying their 
hair up with cornhusks and plumes in a cone over the forehead. 
They adorned themselves with rabbit-skin tufts for eardrops and 
necklaces, and painted red {cutd) across the face. Each took an 
ear of corn and one took a drum.° 

" Having thus arrayed themselves they made an entire circuit 
of the village, imitating the Tataukyamfi, singing, and pointing 
the ears of corn in a sarcastic fashion to the men, who came to 
the edge of the house terraces as did women of the Manizrautit 
in the New-fire ceremony. They sang many jesting songs, in 
which they pretended great anger and denounced the men as 

' On account of the similarity of the words tawa, " sun," and tawalii, " to sing," 
the derivation of tatau-kyamil is not clear. 

'■^ Compare this costuming with that of the Taiaiikyaind on Tolokya , the final day 
of the New-fire ceremony. 

128 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 2. igoo- 

being lazy and worthless, declaring they had come to kill them as 
the Apache used to do. Some of the other songs, as the snow 
chant {Niivaiwinu) and certain moisture chants were very pleasing 

" The men pretended to be angry, and poured water on the 
women, throwing it promiscuously, as a general thing, but in 
many instances particular young women were singled out, chased, 
and douched, and thus from home to home the women continued 
their serenade. About half of the jars emptied on them con- 
tained urine, most of which had been standing long enough to 
partially decompose, and the stench in the courts was almost 
overpowering, although a high wind was blowing. Half a dozen 
of the young women were chased by the men (no women threw 
any liquid or took part except the celebrants), and these were 
either thrown down (not violently) or laid down, when overtaken, 
and when about a dozen men had surrounded one woman, they 
rubbed filth in her hair, on her face, and over the upper part of 
her bosom and neck. They raked this filth with their fingers 
from the moist alley corners, and in one instance, at least, a man 
was seen to rub a girl with ordure. A crowd followed the singers 
and keenly enjoyed the foul fun. Completing the circuit of the 
village, on reaching the Al-kiva they darted down and laid their 
ears of corn on the altar, but all the young women ran home, 
changed their drenched gowns, and rinsed their hair. The elder 
women neither washed nor changed their clothes, but simply 
laughed and remarked upon the awful stench, saying it would 
soon pass." 

Thus do the women of the MamzrautA and the men of the 
Tataiikyauiu dramatize the frolics which the son and daughter, 
children of Taiowa, cultus hero and heroine of the two societies, 
performed in the Underworld before the altar to Muiyinwu, the 
mother of both societies. 

Similar episodes in which Mavizrauti personations figure 
occur also in a katcina called the Poicamu. Thus, on one of the 


last days of this ceremony at Walpi, while the personators called 
Natackas are going the rounds of the pueblo, there emerged 
from the Al-kiva six men arrayed and costumed as the tcatu- 
makaa of the Mamzrauti dance, who, singing as they went, 
marched to the dance court and halted near the edge of the cliff, 
facing the houses. The Natacka group accompanied them, and 
two men personifying HeJiea-katcinas assumed erotic paroxysms 
and lay down on their backs on the ground close to the disguised 
Mamzrauti personages, endeavoring to lift up their kilts, and per- 
forming obscene actions. Then they rolled on the ground in 
assumed fits. . . . After about five minutes of this exhibition 
the HcJiea seized the Mamzrauti personators and tumbled them 
into an indiscriminate heap, fell on top of them and did other 
acts which need not be described. 

The reader's attention is called to the fact that here we have 
the Winviitcimtjl represented by HeJiea-katcinas, the symbolic 
marks of which they paint on their faces in the New-fire cere- 
mony. These Hehca-katcinas treat the Mamzrati personators 
much as the Wilwiitcimtn do the same in the public dances in 
the New-fire ceremony. 

There is a public dance at sunset of the last day of the Mam- 
zrauti which is called PalaJiiktiva from the fact that Palahiko- 
■mana is personated, which corresponds with the exhibition of the 
TataukyamA on the fifth day of the New-fire ceremony. About 
thirty participants celebrated this dance, and they dressed them- 
selves for the representation in their kiva. They first daubed 
their feet, arms, and necks with muddy sand, and fastened their 
hair with cornhusks in a mass on the crowns of their heads. 
Preceded by a drummer they went to the eastern end of the 
plaza, at the edge of the cliff. Before them danced four maids 
costumed alike. They wore on their heads a tablet fastened ver- 
tically by a string passing under the chin. Their hair was hang- 
ing loosely down their backs, their faces were coated with white 
meal, and a string of turquoise beads hung from each ear lobe: 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2— 

130 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

a white blanket girt with a belt covered the body, and in each 
hand they held, about vertically, two eagle-tail feathers. These 
girls represented the PalaJiiko-mana ^ but are not personated in 
the Matnzrauti at every presentation. 

In the presentation of the Matnzrauti, at Walpi, in 1893, there 
was a modification in the symbolism of the actors who address 
these jeering songs to the men. This episode is called the 
" Kohonino " (Havasupai) dance and is supposed to have been 
derived from this people inhabiting Cataract canyon. 

Among the dolls frequently offered for sale at Walpi there is 
one called the " Kohonino katcina,'' which is a close imitation of 
the symbolism of the women in the dance referred to, so that its 
designation as a katcina refers more to its general supernal nature 
than to its sex. 

Two days after the dance of X.\\e Palahiko-inana, in the celebra- 
tion of the Mamzrauti in 1893, this Kohonino dance was per- 
formed in the courts of Walpi. There were three groups of 
participants: (i) Five maids with yucca fillets bound on their 
foreheads ; (2) Six maids wearing two lateral horns on the 
head, attached to a band ; (3) A group of women, one of whom 
had a drum, serving as the chorus. 

The first group wore an ordinary dark blue blanket, but no 
mantle, although many had a piece of calico over the shoulder. 
Their faces were rubbed with meal, and across the nose and 
cheeks was drawn a curved line by means of the finger tips 
dipped in moistened shale. They wore many necklaces and in 
their ears strings of turquoise. All were barefoot and faced the 
chorus or third "group. In their right hands they carried gourd 
rattles, and ears of maize and strings of fancy bread in the left. 
The bread and other food they later gave to the spectators, 
generally men or boys. 

' The symbolism of Calako-maua is so close to that of Palahiko-mana that 
they are regarded as practically identical personages. .'Sometimes instead of being 
personated by girls they are represented by a picture on a wooden tablet. 


The second group, composed of six young women, wore on 
their heads a fillet made of willow wrapped with strips of red, 
green, and white cloth. To the front of this fillet, over the fore- 
head, were tied several downy feathers from the eagle's body. To 
the back of the fillet was attached a bunch of paroquet feathers 
and several vertical radiating parrot tail-feathers. On each side 
of the fillet there projected a horn made of a flat slab of wood 
striped in different colors, either painted or bound in strips of 
colored cloth. The face of each woman was covered with meal 
and a bright vermilion spot appeared on each cheek. She wore a 
kwaca and an atilil^ blanket and had moccasins on the feet. In 
her hands each woman of the second group carried a Havasupai 
basket which she held as do the Hopi women in the Lalakonti 
dance. The women of the second group alternated in line with 
those of the first, and during the songs they moved their baskets 
in cadence with the songs. 

The third or largest group of women in this Kohonino dance 
surrounded one of their number, the drummer, and sang various 
stirring songs. They introduced in their songs names of prominent 
men, calling them gluttons, filthy, lecherous, accusing them of 
many crimes and peccadillos. They satirized, however, only 
members of the Wiizvutcimt/i and Tataiikyaim^ societies, for they 
stand in awe of the KwakwantiV and the Alosaka or AaltH. 

The Aaltu Society 

There is great obscurity regarding the clans which introduced 
the Aaltfi society into Walpi, and statements of different tra- 
ditionists on this point are not easily harmonized. The Aalti\ are 
also called the Alosaka, whom they personate in wearing the 
imitation horns of the mountain sheep. The relationship of the 
Alosaka cult to the Hopi ritual has elsewhere been discussed and 

' Kivaca^ the ordinary dark blue ])lanl<et ; atiiii^ white witli red or green borders. 

' Sacerdotally the Kwakwanlti and Lalakontii societies call themselves brothers 
and sisters, which probably means that they were both evolved from the same clans, 
the Rain-cloud or Patki, 

132 AMERICAN AXTHROPOLOGISr [n. s., 2, 1900 

the conclusion reached that this cult was introduced by the 
Squash people from southern Arizona ; but it will be seen that 
the Asa and Honani clans, both of which came from the Rio 
Grande pueblos, arc prominently represented in this socict\'. It 
would seem perfectly natural to associate the Aaltii or Horn men 
with the Ala or Horn clans, especially as, the Mountain 
sheep, is often relegated to these clans. The Aaltil, however, 
associate with societies which have no connection with the Ala 

There is good evidence of a personification of Alosaka in the 
cult of the Ala-Flute people of VValpi. Thus, in the Flute ob- 
servance of Walpi, we find Alosaka personified by Amitola on 
the fifth day. 

"Amitola [of the Asa clan] arrayed himself in a white kilt and painted 
a streak of white under his right jaw and a curved mark under his left 
eye. He tied a tortoise rattle below each knee and adorned himself 
with many bead necklaces, putting the Alosaka head-dress (helmet with 
two horns) on his head. He took a monkohu in his left hand, and a 
tray of meal in the right. He sprinkled the trail with meal, likewise 
making upon it symbols of the clouds. Cimo donned his white kilt, 
and moved the tiles in succession from one to another of the cloud 
symbols made by Amitola {Alosaka). All the other priests stood in a 
group at the beginning of the trail, where Cimo stood holding the tray 
of yellow pollen and Hoiiyi the blue. Sikyaustiwa had a meal tray ; 
the others carried rattles. All then sang, Lesma (Hani) playing the 
flute. As they sang Alosaka xwoxed the staff {jiatci) and tiles, advanc- 
ing them one symbol (cloud) at a time, and then carried them up the 
ladder. The procession followed slowly in four lines of four each, 
close along the pollen trail, singing as they walked. MiQX A/osaka had 
carried all the tiles and the natci staff to their ultimate positions, the 
four chiefs, sprinkling meal as they advanced, went up on the roof. 
Alosaka returned to the chamber, but the others remained singing, and 
only four chiefs mounted the roof. The sun rose before the ceremonial 
raising of the standard on the roof had ended." 

At the dramatization of the reception of the Flute priests by 
the Bear and Snake chiefs on the eighth day, Alosaka likewise is 
present at Walpi and performs a significant part. He draws the 


line of meal on the ground and makes four cloud symbols in meal 
just as he did when the standard was carried to the housetops on 
the previous day just described. The priests advanced from 
symbol to symbol, halting at each to repeat a stanza of their song. 
At the close Alosaka drew the end of his vwhkoliu along the line 
of meal (as in the exercises of Yuiiya at the conclusion of the 
New-fire ceremonies), erasing it from the floor of the Mon-kiva. 
On the ninth day he escorted the procession of Flute girls, the 
Flute boy, and others to the spring called Tawapa. Finally 
Alosaka headed the procession from this spring to Walpi on the 
closing day of the Flute ceremony at Walpi. 

The Ala-Flute legends likewise mention the existence of 
Alosaka among the ancestors of this group of clans when they 
joined the Snake phratry at Walpi, which, would seem to indi- 
cate the existence of a phase of the Alosaka cult in the former 
home of the Ala clan at Tokonabi in southern Utah. As sup- 
porting this evidence the existence of a Mountain-sheep clan 
among the Ala and the personation of Alosaka in the Flute cere- 
mony at Walpi may be mentioned.' The name of the Ala clans 
is also significant in this connection, and it is not improbable that 
a form of Alosaka cult may have been introduced by the Ala- 
Flute phratry. 

The Ala clan long ago lived with the Snake clan at Tokonabi, 
on Colorado river, not far from Navaho mountain. For some 
reason these clans and others associated with them migrated 
southward. The Ala separated from the Snake at a place called 
Sisikibi. The former continued southward and founded Old 
Walpi ; the latter went eastward and eventually united with a 
large settlement of Flute people at Lenanabi, the ruins of which 
lie about thirty miles from Walpi. The combined Ala and Flute 
clans later abandoned Lenanabi and joined the Snake people at 
Walpi, as biennially dramatized. 

' There is no personation of Alosaka in the public Flute dance at Oraibi anil the 
Middle Mesa, and there is also no representation of the Asa clans. 

134 AMERICAX AiyTIIKOrOLOGIST [n. s., 2. ir.oo 

The claims of the different chins that their ancestors intro- 
duced the Alosaka may be harmonized by provisionally accepting; 
them with the reservation that there were formerly different 
aspects of this worship which have now become so amalgamated 
that it is impossible to separate them. The escort duty of 
Alosaka may readily be referred to an introduction by the Asa 
clans, while the Squash phratries may have brought other phases 
of it as legends recount. There is no doubt, however, that there 
was an Alosaka worship at Awatobi, where the shrine and idols 
of the Alosaka of that pueblo are known, and where there were 
Squash clans; nor does there seem to be any doubt that these 
clans once lived on the Little Colorado far south of Walpi. 
There are also legends that on the Awatobi mesa there was once 
a pueblo called Tciibki, which would imply Horn {Ala) clans. 

The clan composition of the Aaltil society is : Asa, 7 ' ; Honani, 
7 ; Tinea, 6 ; Honau, 3 ; Patki, 5 ; Tabo, 4 ; Lcfiya, i ; Katcina, 
I ; Kokop, 2; Ala, 2; Tciia, 2; hauuh, i ; Piba, i. There are 
two Aaltil chiefs, one, Tuwasmi, from the Asa clan, the other, 
Kotka, from the Honau or Bear clan, one of the oldest in Walpi. 
This dual chieftaincy is certainly suggestive of a dual origin, and, 
as elsewhere shown, the Alosaka cult shows evidences of a dual 


The KwakwantO Society 

More definite information can be given regarding the ancient 
home of the clans which brought the Kzvakivantii society to 
Walpi. The K-ivakzvanti) or A'zt-^;// (Agave) priesthood was intro- 
duced by the Patki or Rain-cloud clans from Palatkwabi. the 
mythic " Red Land of the South." This society, in which Patki 
men outnumber all others, is a fraternity of warriors, and their 
chief, Anawita, personates a Fire-god in the New-fire rites. 

Each member wears on his head a gourd helmet with a long 

' So far as numbers go a majority of the Aaltd belong to Asa-JL^nam (\\), and the 
Tuwa-Patki-Tabo-Piba (16). Thirty out of forty-three members belong to these two 
groups of clans, one of which came from the Rio Grande, the other from the Gila 


curved extension ornamented on each side with a rain-cloud sym- 
bol. Each also carries a small wooden effigy of the horned ser- 
pent {Palulukon), which may possibly be a totemic badge. One 
of the characteristic marks of the society is a white crescent 
painted under the eye. The Ktvakivantil as a society claim that 
the women who celebrate the Lalakonti are their sacerdotal 

Ceremonial Paraphernalia 

Two of the societies carry in their hands wooden objects 
called vionkoJius, " chief's wooden slats," which appear to be 
badges, but their exact meaning is problematical. The monkohiis 
of the Kwakzvantil society were small flat slats of agave stalks 
with the head of a horned snake carved on one end. These 
slats, as a rule, were slightly curved, painted white, with four in- 
cisions arranged in pairs on one side. They were carried horizon- 
tally in the hand by a string fastened in the side opposite the 
notches. That these objects are effigies of the Great Horned 
Snake there can be no doubt, for many of them are very realisti- 
cally carved, and the name PaliUiikoh is applied to them. 

Among the larger whitened stalks of agave used by the 
Kwakzvantil society there is one six feet long and of proportion- 
ate thickness, which has the head of the Great Snake carved on 
the end. This herculean club is carried by the chief and the 
conductors of the novices in their nocturnal patrols. Bearing in 
mind the claim of the Kzvakzvantil that their clan in the Patki in- 
troduced the Plumed Snake cult into Walpi, and the fact that 
they carry slats carved in imitation of snakes, the reader's atten- 
tion is called to the staffs representing snakes which occur so 
constantly in Nahua pictures of gods/ 

' " The [Nahua] word <ro/«/rt'// (snake) secondarily designates any implement in the 
nature of a stick or staff. It was from his wooden staff, decorated with plumes, that 
Quetzalcohuatl derived his name, precisely as that of Tezcatlipoca was derived from 
his fiery shield : this is clear from the circumstance that this staff appears in some of 

136 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2. 1900 

Tlie vwfikohus' of the Aaltii society were also flattened sticks, 
painted white, and suspended by a cotton string. To them were 
fastened four eagle feathers, but in no instance had they the form 
of snakes. At one end of these sticks terraced figures, represent- 
ing rain-clouds, were cut, and across them lines representing falling 
rain were drawn (plate I\', 3, 41. 

I have not observed moiikohiis in the hands of the Wiiivil- 
tcimti^ and the Taiaukyaniil, both of which societies, however, 
have ears of corn in their hands in their public performances. 
These moitkohus are evidently badges, and the fact that those of 
the Kii'ak7i.<antn have heads of a horned snake cut upon them is 
significant. The Kwakwanti^ society is reputed to have brought 
the cult of the Plumed Snake, Paliiliikon, to Walpi, consequently 
these sticks are possibly totemic in character. 

The members of the Aaltil .society, however, do not bear 
these totems, but on their moiikoJms we find rain-cloud and other 
symbols. These objects are called liiinii-vionkohus, i. e., corn 
viohkohus ; the terraces at their extremities, omautcoki, and the 
feathers suspended to them, pa ho adta, i. e., " its, pa ho.'' 


The head-dress worn by the men of the Aaltil society repre- 
sents horns of the mountain sheep, mounted on a cap of basketry. 
These horns, which are often of huge size, are made of buckskin 
and painted white. Raw cotton is glued to them, and feathers 
attached to strings hang down over the face of the wearer. 

The novices of the Aaltil society, in the abbreviated presenta- 
tions preceding their final initiation, wear a basket helmet with 

the Mexican pictures in the form of a snake having plumes attached to its head." 
Payne, History of the Ne-v World Culled America, vol. I, p. 590. 

' From the forms of these objects little idea can be obtained regarding what they 
represent. From the fact that the moiikohiis of the K'i<akwautu have snake heads upon 
them, and are totemistic, it would appear that the inoiikohus of the Aaltil had the same 
import, but of this there is no proof. The women of the Mamzranta society carry in 
their hands wooden slats upon which ears of corn surmounted by their totems are 


short curved gourds painted green and white, representing the 
half-grown horns of the mountain sheep. On their final induction 
into the society they are permitted to wear the large horns made 
of buckskin, a specimen of which is elsewhere figured.' Novices 
of the Aalt-A have a blue or green crescent painted under one eye, 
in contrast with the white crescent of the Kivakwantil. 


The members of the Kwakzvantil were observed to wear two 
kinds of helmets, one with a single long curved gourd represent- 
ing a horn (plate IV, 5), the other with a round top, but hornless. 
Both were painted white, and on each side there was a triple rain- 
cloud symbol in black outline. Raw cotton was attached to these 
objects, which were mounted on a close-fitting basketry cap to 
the rim of which stringed" feathers were fastened. The single- 
horn helmets were called toko7iaka ; the hornless ones, tiitiimbeca. 
Concerning the meaning of these objects the best information 
elicited from the priests was that they represented chiefs, a com- 
mon way of designating ancestral clan totems. Figures of gods 
with a single horn ornamented with rain-cloud symbols, to 
all intents and purposes identical with the tokonaka, are called 
Cotakinunwa, " Heart of All the Sky," or the Sun ; and the asso- 
ciation of this god with lightning and sun emblems might indicate 
that Tokouaka is a solar or sky god. 

General Remarks on the New-fire Ceremony 

Were this article intended as a comparative treatment of New- 
fire rites we might instance many examples among other races 
where ceremonies similar to those described in the preceding 
pages are performed ; but such comparisons would be imperfect 
on account of the great mass of detail on Pueblo New-fire rites 
which as yet is unknown. This festival is celebrated in five of 

' Fifteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology. The helmet of 
the novices is called cakwa ala, " green horn," aptly so called ; that of members, pan 
nla, " mountain-sheep horn." 

138 AMERICAN ANTHROrOLeCIST [n. s.. 2, 1900 

the Hopi pueblos, yet we have not a single fact in regard to the 
ceremony in any pueblo except VValpi. The same obscurity en- 
velops the rite at Zufti, Jemez, and the Rio Grande pueblos, 
where most instructive fields of research await the ethnologist. 
In a general way it may be said that the VValpi New-fire rites are 
to be regarded as fire worship, but more specifically as sun and 
germination worship, all of which are intimately connected. The 
AaltA and KxvakwantA societies, which kindle the new fire, are 
not those which perform the erotic dances; and the other two, 
Wiiwiitcimtii and Tataukyaviil, take no part in the act of kindling 
the new fire. 

The most important conclusion reached from these studies is 
that the rites described were brought to Walpi by clans which 
once lived in Gila valley. It remains to be seen how closely they 
resemble the New-fire rites of the aborigines of iVIexico. 



As no description of the To'-a-ra"^ ceremony of initiation has 
hitherto been pubhshed, I shall endeavor to give a brief account 
of it, gathered from the natives, in which the principal parts of 
the ceremonies are detailed with sufificient fulness, it is hoped, to 
enable comparison between this and similar rites in different parts 
of Australia. The country occupied by the people among whom 
the Toara is practised comprises the Queensland coast from Port 
Curtis to the New South Wales boundary, extending inland to 
include the valley of Dawson and upper Condamine rivers. The 
principal languages prevailing in this area are the Dippil, Tur- 
rubul, Kahbee, Goonine, Kurranga, Kanalloo, and others. I have 
given the name of the first-mentioned tribe to the whole group, 
as their language is the most widespread and best known. All 
these tribes are divided into four intermarrying sections known as 
Barrang, Banjoora, Bunda, and Terrawine"; the first two form 
a phratry called Karpeun, and the latter two constitute the 
Deeyajee phratry. 

When the headmen consider that there are a sufficient number 
of youths old enough to be admitted as men of the tribe, messen- 
gers are despatched to invite their neighbors — who will probably 
also have some boys of suitable age — to participate in the cere- 
monies. When a messenger arrives at his destination, he 
approaches the men's quarters about sunset, and, sitting down, 
commences tapping two boomerangs together, or a boomerang 

' Also pronounced Do -a-7-a and Too -a-ra in different parts of the district. 
'-Australian Divisional Svst^ms ; lourn. Roy. Soc. New South Wales, vol. xxxn, 
p. 82. 



and a throwing-stick. When this is heard in the camp, all the 
men give the shout usual on the arrival of a stranger. The mes- 
senger again taps his boomerangs, which is answered as before. 
He repeats the tapping for the third time, and the men in the 
camp proceed a short distance toward him and light a fire. A 
few of the chief men then go to the messenger and invite him to 
come up to the fire. On his arrival there, the oldest man present 
sa}-s to him, employing the indirect form of speech used in connec- 
tion with secret matters, '* You appear to have found something " 
— to which the messenger assents. " Where did you find it ? " is 
next asked, upon which he states the name of the hunting grounds 
of his own tribe, and proceeds to deliver the details of the mes- 
sage, accompanied by the sacred bullroarer, which is always 
used on these occasions. 

In summoning the tribe who are to act the part of liberating 
the novices from the men who have the custody of them in the 
bush, as later described, the messenger, in addition to the usual 
emblems of iiis mission, hands to the headman a small parcel, 
wrapped in tea-tree bark, consisting of a portion of a feather or of 
a porcupine's quill, a piece of an animal's skin, or the like, and 
tells him that the other part of it is hidden in the embankment 
bounding the Toara circle. 

While the several envoys are away assembling the neighboring 
tribes, the local mob is engaged in preparing the ground for the 
reception of their visitors. A clear, level spot is selected near the 
camp, and all the grass and rubbish removed from the surface. 
Around this space small logs and sticks' are laid in the form of a 
circle, and are covered with loose earth, forming a low wall or 
embankment about 18 inches high. The space thus enclosed 
ranges from 70 to lOO feet in diameter, according to the number 
of people who are expected to attend. In a seckuled locality 
about a quarter or half a mile away (the distance dejjending 

' This way of building the embankment difTers from that ordinarily employed in 
f)ther communities, which consists of heaping up the loose earth only. 


upon the character of the country), another round space is cleared 
and enclosed in the same way. Within this second circle two 
stumps, resembling those used in the goonaba enclosure of the 
Kamilaroi tribes,' are inserted in the ground. A small opening 
is left in the surrounding wall of either circle, and a narrow 
cleared pathway leads through the forest from one to the other. 
None of the trees is marked, either at the distal circle, or along 
the path. 

The preliminary performances at the main camp, the proce- 
dure on the arrival of the different strange tribes, and other 
routine matters so closely resemble corresponding portions of 
the ceremonial of other communities with which I have dealt, 
that they will not be described here. When the tribe to whom 
the portion of feather or other secret object has been sent has 
arrived at the Toara ring, the headmen commence to search for 
the other moiety, which is concealed somewhere in the earth and 
logs of which the embankment is composed. When it is found 
there is much rejoicing, and the men dance round the ring shout- 
ing the names of male and female genital organs, shady trees, hills, 
and some of the totems of their tribe. If the object has been 
hidden by covering it in such a way as to render the search for it 
unreasonably difficult, the tribe who are expected to discover it 
may quarrel with the local mob, which may result in a fight. 

On the eve of the day settled upon for taking charge of the 
novices who are awaiting initiation, all the people of both sexes 
move up close to the Toara ring, where they encamp for the 
night. Shortly after daylight next morning the novices are 
painted all over with red ocher and grease, and are placed sitting 
with their heads bowed, close to the embankment. Some small 
green bushes are then held for a few moments in the blaze of a 
fire, after which the leaves are pulled ofY, and whilst still warm 
are rubbed on the bodies of the novices. 

When all preparations have been completed, the men stand 

' The Bora of the Kamilaroi Tribes ; Proc. Roy. Soc. Victoria, vol. IX, n. s., p. 143. 

142 AMERICAN AXTHKOPOLOGIST [n. s., 2. 1900 

with their faces toward the farther ring and shout, and stamp 
with their feet, whereupon the mothers of the novices, who are 
carrying burning brands, step on top of the embankment, and 
throw the fire-sticks into tlie central part of the ring. The other 
women and some of the men throw burning sticks in the same 
way. The guardians now help the novices to their feet and con- 
duct them along the path toward the other enclosure. A num- 
ber of armed men then emerge from the scrub on one side, as if 
they were a strange tribe, and throw spears and boomerangs over 
the heads of the men and boys as they march along. 

On reaching the farther ring, the novices are placed standing 
in a row near the entrance, and are permitted to raise their eyes 
and observe two old men who are standing upon the stumps, 
before referred to, within the enclosure. The heads of the 
novices are again bent down, and they are led away by their 
guardians to a camp in the bush. The stumps are then pulled 
out of the ground and burnt by some of the men who remain 
behind for that purpose. It should be stated that as soon as the 
boys were taken away from the Toara circle, the women followed 
them for 50 or 100 yards. They then turned back and packed 
up all their movables, and, accompanied by some old men who 
had been instructed to remain with them, went away to another 
camping place some distance off. 

We must now return to the novices. At nightfall a con- 
venient camping place is reached, and a bough yard made for the 
boys, with green leaves strewn on the floor for them to sit or lie 
upon, accompanied by their guardians. The rest of the men, who 
are collectively called the kooritigal, camp near by, and during the 
evening imitate different animals, some of which are the totems 
of those present, while others are connected with myths and 
superstitions current among the people. These performances are 
in the main analogous to what I have reported in other tribes. 

Next morning, or the day following, each novice is subjected 
to the extraction of one of his upper incisor teeth, the process 


being substantially the same as that adopted in the punching out 
of a tooth in the Biinan ceremony previously described.' 

The novices are taken out hunting with the men during the 
day, but as they are required to keep their hands shut, both in 
the camp and in the bush, the guardians open their hands and 
place a waddy or other weapon in them, when they are allowed 
to join in the pursuit of game. 

One day the kooringal take the novices into a place where 
there is very tall grass, or else a thick patch of scrub, or it may be 
near a deep gully or dry watercourse. Presently a whistling noise 
is heard, and also the rattling of weapons. The kooringal pretend 
they think it is a strange tribe coming to attack them, and pre- 
pare to fight. In a few minutes a considerable number of men, all 
in their war-paint, rise out of the long grass, or emerge from the 
scrub, or sally forth from their hiding place in the deep ravine, as the 
case may be, and running toward the men and novices, commence 
throwing spears. An apparently real encounter takes place, in 
which the novices participate, and after a while the strangers 
retreat and disappear. That afternoon the bullroarer is exhibited 
to the graduates, with the customary solemnities. A smaller 
implement, called biindandaba, resembling the moonibear'^ of the 
Wiradjuri tribes, is also shown to them. The bullroarer is rubbed 
on the penis and navel and also under the arms of each novitiate. 

Early next morning, in the vicinity of the camp, some men 
climb trees in which the top foliage is suf^ciently dense to hide 
them, and shout in a clear, weird voice. These men represent the 
Deeyajee and Karpeun groups ; the men of the former occupy 
the trees on one side of the capip, and the latter ascend trees in 
the opposite direction. Several other men sit in a cleared piece 
of ground, the surface of which they beat with strips of bark held 
in the hand, and in this way make considerable noise. Every 
novice is brought out in rotation bv his euardian, and after some 

' The American Anthropologist, vol. ix, i8g6, p. 338. 
' Journ. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., vol. xxv, p. 311. 



[n. S., 2, 1900 

deliberation among his kinsfolk, he receives a new name, by which 
he shall thenceforth be known by his fellows. As each boy is 
named, ail tlie men give a shout, which is answered by the men in 
the tops of the nearby trees, giving the novices the impression that 
ancestral spirits are hovering about in the air. When a Deeyajee 
boy is named, the men of that division up in the trees imitate the 
noise made by his totem, or that of some of his relatives — as 
the trumpeting of an emu, the song of a locust, the howling of a 
dingo, and so on. A Karpeun boy is next led forward and 
named, and the men in the trees on the opposite side of the 
camp imitate certain animals. The headmen say to one another, 
"Those ghosts have flown over there now," indicating a certain 
direction with the hand, to make the boys believe that the noise 
emanates every time from the same individuals, who pass through 
the air unseen from one side of the camp to the other. 

The remainder of the ceremony will be passed over as briefly 
as possible, because the procedure closely resembles correspond- 
ing parts of the ritual elsewhere described in detail. On arriving 
near the place to which the women had removed the camp, as 
above stated, the novices are met by their female relatives and 
are passed through a dense smoke caused by placing green boughs 
on a wood fire. They are then taken away into the single-men's 
quarters, where they remain for a period regulated by their age, 
but they generally have to pass through several Toaras before 
they are permitted to associate with the women or to take a wife. 

During this long sojourn in the bush, the graduates are taught 
a mystic language which is understood by none but those who 
have passed through the prescribed course of instruction.' Par- 
ticulars relating to the use of stercoraceous matter, the mythology 
of the tribe, the sacrifice of one or more men during the inaugural 
gathering, the restrictions relating to the eating of certain foods^ 
and other matters, have already been given in other articles. 

' The Biirbiing of the VViradthuri Tribes ; Jour. Anlhrop. Inst., Lond., vol. X.W, 
p. 310. 



The position which the Tonalamatl holds in the solar year has 
for a long time been a matter of doubt. Whether the beginning 
of the Tonalamatl was coincident with that of the solar year, 
whether the year i Tochtli began with the day i Tochtli and was 
intimately connected with the Tonalamatl which began with i Ci- 
pactli, or whether the Tonalamatl was really the kernel of the year 
and like the kernel of a nut occupied its center with lifty-two days 
preceding it and fifty-three days following it, no one as yet has 
been able to decide. But the publication of the Codex Borbonicus, 
recently issued by Ernest Leroux at the expense of the Due de 
Loubat, gives Americanists an opportunity of studying in the 
original colors a unique specimen of the Tonalamatl, and offers 
strong evidence not only of the place of the Tonalamatl in the 
solar year, but of the real value of the " Acompafiados de la 
Noche " — the Lords of the Night. 

Dr Hamy, in his admirable commentary, tells us that this 
manuscript has been in the library of the Palais Bourbon for over 
seventy years, but that its origin is unknown. This is unfortu- 
nate, since, if its authority is beyond question, we shall be obliged 
to change in some respects our ideas about the Tonalamatl and 
the Lords of the Night. 

The Tonalamatl of the Codex Borbonicus wants its first two 
pages containing the first two trecenas. The other pages, con- 
taining the Tonalamatl, are in a very admirable state of preserva- 
tion, the colors being vivid and the designs in most cases clear and 
uninjured. Each page is large, being nearly a square of fifteen 
inches on a side. The left-hand upper compartment contains 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2 — lO. 

146 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

a square of about ten inches on a side and is given up to the rep- 
resentation of a god or gods or of ceremonies with their various 
adjuncts and appendages. The lower part of the page is divided 
into small compartments, placed in two horizontal rows of seven 
each, while the right-hand side of the page is divided into similar 
compartments placed in two perpendicular rows of six each. 
The lower of the horizontal rows and the left-hand row of the 
perpendicular rows contain the thirteen days of the trecena, each 
with its appropriate numeral and the accompanying Lord of the 
Night, while the upper horizontal row and tlie right-hand perpen- 
dicular row contain birds and figures, which have not as yet been 
thoroughly explained, though some of the figures are the same as 
those of the Lords of the Night. 

So far the Tonalamatl does not differ in any especial manner 
from other Tonalamatls, notably from that of the Aubin collec- 
tion, but the fact that this Tonalamatl is followed by two pages 
on which is shown the full cycle of fifty-two years, or a calendar 
round, is the important point. On these two pages (numbers 21 
and 22 in the Loubat reproduction), the center of each is occu- 
pied by a picture, and around these pictures are fifty-two com- 
partments (twenty-six on each page) containing what have been 
called the initial days of the years in a cycle of fifty-two years. 
These days, if not initial, at least gave the names to the years. 
Thus at the left-hand lower corner of page 21 the first year is 
denoted by i Tochtli accompanied by a Lord of the Night ; at 
the right is 2 Acatl with its accompanying Lord of the Night, and 
so on in a sinistral circuit about the central picture the years suc- 
ceed each other until we reach the twenty-sixth year, 13 Acatl. 
The remaining years follow on page 22 in the same order, begin- 
ning with I Tecpatl in the left-hand lower corner and ending with 
13 Calli, and in each compartment is the accompanying Lord of 
the Night. It is these Lords of the Night with which we have 
especially to deal. These Lords, as given by Gallatin and L^on 
y Gama, run in the following order: 

bowditch] the lords OF THE NIGHT 


Xiuhteciihtli tletl, or tetl, Lord of the year, fire, 

Tecpatl, flint, 

Xochitl, flower, 

Centeotl, Goddess of maize, 

Miquiztli, death, 

^tl. water. Goddess Chalchihuitlicue, 

Tlazolteotl, Goddess of love, 

Tepeyolloth, Deity, who lived in the mountains, 

Quiahuitl, rain, Tlaloc. 

The first year on page 21 of the Codex Borbonicus is, as has 
been stated, i Tochtli, accompanied by Miquiztli, the fifth Lord. 
As there are 365 days in the year, a number divisible by 9 with a 
remainder of 5, we should expect to find that the Lord accom- 
panying the next year, 2 Acatl, would be the first Lord, Xiuhte- 
cuhtli (54-5 = 10 — 9=1); but so far from this being the case, 
it is the third Lord, Xochitl. This shows that the Lords of the 
Night do not run on from one year to another in regular order, 
but that there is some irregularity in the sequence. Of what 
does this irregularity consist ? Let us see what Lords accompany 
each year. By referring to Table i, we see that the years are 
accompanied by the Lords in the following order: 

1 Tochtli by the fifth Lord, Miquiztli. 

2 Acatl by the third Lord, Xochitl. 

3 Tecpatl by the ninth Lord, Quiahuitl Tlaloc, etc. 

The distances between these Lords (not counting in each case 
the one at the beginning, and counting the last one) run through- 
out the cycle thus: y, 6; 7, ^, 6; y,6; 7, 6, 6, etc., excepting in 
one case where the distances run 7,6; 7,6 \ 7, 6, 6. 

How can this apparent irregularity be accounted for? Very 
simply. On referring to the Tonalamatl, we see that on the be- 
ginning page, the third trecena begins with i Ma^atl with the 
ninth Lord, Quiahuitl. The first trecena would then necessarily 
begin with i Cipactli with the first Lord, Xiuhtecuhtli. The last 
day of the twentieth trecena is 13 Xochitl w^ith the eighth Lord, 
Tepeyollotli. This must necessarily be so, for as there are 

148 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

20 X 13 = 260 days in the Tonalamatl, and as 260 -^ 9 = 28 with a 
remainder of 8, the eighth Lord would accompany the last day. 
After this a new Tonalamatl begins with i Cipactli. Is this 
first day of the new Tonalamatl accompanied by the ninth Lord^ 
Quiahuitl, or does the new Tonalamatl begin with the first Lord 
as did the old one, thus neglecting the ninth Lord and leaving 
him out of the count? 

L6on y Gama' says: "Moreover, as the companions were 
only nine, and the days of this second calendar 260, they could 
not complete the period and one was left over, which was Quia- 
huitl, which in the new count, which was framed to regulate the 
solar count, came now as a companion to Cipactli, which in the 
beginning of the year had had Tetl for its companion, and thus 
though there were some of the same symbols and numerical 
characters of the days, which were repeated, the companions,, 
which went with them in the last five months of the common 
year, were different." 

Boturini'' says that the nine Companions of the Night did not 
enter the five intercalary days of the year, and gives as a possible 
reason for this that otherwise the same Lord of the Night would 
not accompany the first day of the following year. 

Gallatin ^ says : " As the number ' nine ' is not a factor of 260, 
the first day of the thirteenth [he means the fourteenth] month, 
which is the 261st day of the year, was distinguished from it by 
the sign of nine, and in the same manner every day of the five 
last months was distinguished by a sign of this series differing 
from the sign of the same series, annexed to the days of the five 
first months, which have the same name and numerical character." 

The first and last of these writers can never have heard of the 
Codex Borbonicus, or, having seen it, they have denied its 
authority. Let us take up the numeration from the beginning : 

' Las Dos Piedras, Mexico, 1832, p. 33. 

'' Idea de una Nueva Historia, etc., Madrid, 1746, p. 57. 

^ Transactions of the American Ethnological Society, vol. I, p. 62. 

bowditch] the lords OF THE NIGHT I49 

The first year, i Tochtli, is accompanied by the fifth Lord, 
Miquiztli. On referring to the Tonalamatl, which precedes, we 
find that i Tochtli with the fifth Lord, Miquiztli, is found on the 
day beginning the twentieth trecena, or, in other words, is the 
248th day of the Tonalamatl, which comes to an end 12 days 
thereafter with 13 Calli. If the 248th day of the Tonalamatl is 
the first day of the year (considering i Tochtli for the present as 
the true initial day of the year), then the 260th day of the Tonal- 
amatl is the 13th day of the year, and the 261st day, or the first 
day of the next Tonalamatl, is the fourteenth day of the year. 
The 260th day of this second Tonalamatl will then be the 273d 
day of the same year, and the 261st day, or the first day of the 
third Tonalamatl, will then be the 274th day of the same year. 
In other words, two Tonalamatls will have been finished during 
the year. 

If now the Lords had run on through the Tonalamatl and 
through the year in continuous sequence, we should find that the 
first day of the second Tonalamatl, or the fourteenth day of the 
year, would have been accompanied by the ninth Lord, Quia- 
huitl, and the first day of the third Tonalamatl, or the 274th day 
of the year, by the eighth Lord, Tepeyollotli ; while the 92d day 
of the third Tonalamatl, or the 365th day of the year, would 
have been accompanied by the ninth Lord, Quiahuitl, and the 
93d day of the third Tonalamatl, or the 366th day of the year 
( = 1st day of the succeeding year), would be accompanied by the 
first Lord, Xiuhtecuhtli. As a matter of fact the Lord is the 
third in order, Xochitl. 

This would seem to prove that L^on y Gama and Gallatin are 
both wrong, and that instead of counting the Lords in continu- 
ous order from one Tonalamatl to the other, the Indians began 
again with each new Tonalamatl and let the day i Cipactli be ac- 
companied in each case by the first Lord, Xiuhtecuhtli. In other 
words, at the end of each Tonalamatl they neglected the Lord 
which was left over and began again with the first Lord. If this 

150 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

were done, whenever one Tonalamatl came to an end within a 
solar year, we should gain one in the series of Lords, and when 
two Tonalamatls came to an end within a solar year, we should 
gain two in the series of Lords. This is the case in the Codex 
Borbonicus, as is shown in Table I, which gives the names of the 
years, the number of Tonalamatls which came to an end in each 
year, and the name of the Lord which would occur if tiie count 
of the Lords was made in a continuous sequence, together with the 
name and number of the Lord at the beginning of each year, as 
given on pages 21 and 22 of the Codex Borbonicus. 

A proof of this can be shown by a slight calculation. If we 
take any year in the first column, add up the number of Tonala- 
matls in tiie second column down to and including the number 
opposite the year, then add this sum to the number of the Lord 
in the third column, and subtract as many times 9 as are con- 
tained in this final sum, the result will be the number of the Lord 
in the fourth column. Thus, take the year i Acatl-2 Tecpatl ; 
add 2-|-i+2-|-f + 1 + 2+1 + 2+ I + I + 24-1+- + 
I == 20 -f- 3 (the number of the Lord in the third column) = 23 ; 
deduct 8 (2 X 9), and the result is 5 (the number of the Lord 
in the fourth column). 

If we recognize this Codex as correct, the result must be that 
the Lords of the Night did not have the important place which 
they have been supposed to hold. If they had been used in a 
continuous sequence, instead of beginning the series anew with 
each new Tonalamatl, it would have been possible to differentiate 
the days of nine Tonalamatls and to tell in which of the nine 
Tonalamatls any day occurred, thus covering a space of 9 X 260 = 
2340 days. Again, in like manner it would have been possible to 
differentiate the days of nine calendar rounds of fifty-two years, 
or 9 X 18,980 = 170,820 days ; for, if a calendar round began with I 
Tochtii accompanied by the fifth Lord, Miquiztli, the next calen- 
dar round would then begin with i Tochtii accompanied by the 
fourth Lord, Centeotl, and the third calendar round would begin 

bowditch] the lords of the night 15I 

with I Tochtli accompanied by the third Lord, Xochitl, and so 

But if the surplus Lord is neglected at the end of each Tonala- 
matl, each Tonalamatl will begin with the same Lord, Xiuhte- 
cuhtli, and each calendar round, will begin with the fifth Lord, 
Miquiztli, and the only result of the presence of the Lords will 
be the differentiation of the days which belong to the parts of two 
different Tonalamatls which occur in one solar year; and even 
this will only be possible if, as L^on y Gama states,' the Indians 
did not think it necessary to give the name of the Lord accom- 
panying the first twenty trecenas in a year, but only those accom- 
panying the last eight trecenas. 

But we have no right to impute to the Mexicans and Mayas a 
larger use of their calendar system than they can be proved to 
have possessed, and I know of no proof in the Mexican picture- 
writings that the Indians used the Tonalamatls and the I^ords for 
differentiating the days in any longer period of time than a solar 
year. Is there a single case of a Xiuhmolpilli symbol being ac- 
companied by the sign of a Lord, or indeed is there any case 
where the day symbol is so accompanied except in the Tonala- 
matls themselves? Is there anything to show that the Lords, 
besides their work of distinguishing the days of a solar year, 
which occupied the last eight trecenas, from those occupying the 
first twenty trecenas, did more than to play a part in the divina- 
tions to which the Tonalamatl was devoted? 

The only escape, as it seems to me, from this deduction is that 
the Codex Borbonicus was written by an ignorant person, or by 
a fraudulent writer. The beauty of the drawings and the care 
which was evidently taken in preparing them are a refutation of 
the first suggestion ; and the fact that it has been in the library 
of the Corps Legislatif for seventy years would seem to do away 
with the possibility of fraud, as in the early part of this century 
so little interest was taken in American archeology and ethnology 

' Las Dos Piedras, p. 33. 

152 AMERICAN AXTHKOPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

that there was no inducement to spend time and money in fraud- 
ulent reproductions. 

From this examination I am led to believe that the views 
expressed by others, namely, that the Tonalamatls were not con- 
tinuous from one year to another, and were distinct periods occu- 
pying some particular part of the solar year, are erroneous. If 
this were so, and if but one Tonalamatl occurred in each year, 
we should expect to find the Lords of the Night either confined 
to the Tonalamatls and not accompanying the initial days of the 
year, or else following one another throughout the year continu- 
ously or with a regular interval. But we actually find these 
Lords repeated with irregular intervals, and these intervals are 
regulated by the number of Tonalamatls ending in each solar year. 
Apparently, therefore, the Tonalamatls succeeded each other, 
continuously lapping over from one year to the other, while the 
Lords of the Night accompanied the Tonalamatls and lost one of 
their number with the ending of each Tonalamatl. 

Moreover, the first day of the Tonalamatl coincided, in turn, 
during the course of 73 Tonalamatls or 52 years, with every day 
of the solar year which ended with a 3 or an 8, and that day could 
never coincide with the first day of the solar year unless the year 
itself began with Cipactli, for I know of no Tonalamatl which 
begins with any other day than Cipactli. (See Table IL) 

Note. — We find the Lords of the Night bearing as a body the same 
name as one of the months of the Mexican year, namely Quecholli. It 
would, therefore, seem that the Lords and the month had some connec- 
tion. This connection is apparent when we consider that Leon y Gama 
states that the names of the Lords were not given to the days of the 
first twenty trecenas (which is the same as the first thirteen months or 
two hundred and sixty days), but began to be attached to the days of 
the next trecena or fourteenth month. If this is the case, it would be 
very natural that the month should take its name from the Lords, or 
the Lords from the month, and this fact would tend to prove that 
Quecholli was in reality the fourteenth month, as indeed has been 
believed by students of the subject with some notable exceptions. 




Table I 


A'uniber of 


ending in 

each solar 


N'uinber and name of 
the Lord of first day 

of year in case the 
count zvere in contin- 
uous secjitence. 

I Tochtli 

I Tochtli-2 Acatl 


2 Acall-3 Tecpatl 


3 Tecpatl-4 Calli 


4 Calli-5 Tochtli 


5 Tochtli-6 Acatl 


6 Acatl-7 Tecpatl 


7 Tecpatl-3 Calli 


8 Calli-9 Tochtli 


9 Tochtii-io Acatl 


10 Acatl-ii Tecpatl 


II Tecpatl-I2 Calli 


12 Calii-13 Tochtli 


13 Tochtli-i Acatl 


I Acatl-2 Tecpatl 


2 Tecpatl-3 Calli 


3 Calli-4 Tochtli 


4 Tochtli-5 Acatl 


5 Acatl-6 Tecpatl 


6 Tecpatl-7 Calli 


7 Calli-8 Tochtli 


8 Tochtli-g Acatl 


9 Acatl-io Tecpatl 


10 Tecpatl-ii Calli 


II Calli-i2 Tochtli 


12 Tochtli-13 Acatl 


13 Acatl-i Tecpatl 


I Tecpatl-2 Calli 


2 Calli-3 Tochtli 


3 Tochtli-4 Acatl 


4 Acatl-5 Tecpatl 


5 Tecpatl-6 Calli 


6 Calli-7 Tochtli 


7 Tochtli-S Acatl 


8 Acatl-g Tecpatl 


9 Tecpatl-io Calli 


10 Calli-ii Tochtli 


II Tochtli-r2 Acatl 


12 Acatl- 1 3 Tecpatl 


13 Tecpatl-i Calli 


I Calli-2 Tochtli 


2 Tochtli-3 Acatl 


3 Acatl-4 Tecpatl 


4 Tecpatl-5 Calli 


5 Calli-6 Tochtli 


6 Tochtli-7 Acatl 


7 Acatl-8 Tecpatl 


8 Tecpatl-9 Calli 


9 Calli-io Tochtli 


10 Tochtli-n Acatl 


II Acatl-I2 Tecpatl 


12 Tecpatl-13 Calli 


i3Calli-i Tochtli 


1 Xiuhtecuhtli tetl 

6 Atl 

2 Tecpatl 

7 Tlazolteotl 

3 Xochitl 

8 Tepeyollotli 

4 Centeotl 

9 Quiahuitl 

5 Miquiitli 

1 Xiuhtecuhtli tetl 

6 Atl 

2 Tecpatl 

7 Tlazolteotl 

3 Xochitl 

8 Tepeyollotli 

4 Centeotl 

9 Quiahuitl 

5 Miquiztli 

1 Xiuhtecuhtli tetl 

6 Atl 

2 Tecpatl 

7 Tlazolteotl 

3 Xochitl 

8 Tepeyollotli 

4 Centeotl 

9 Quiahuitl 

5 Miquiztli 

1 Xiuhtecuhtli tetl 

6 Atl 

2 Tecpatl 

7 Tlazolteotl 

3 Xochitl 

8 Tepeyollotli 

4 Centeotl 

9 Quiahuitl 

5 Miquiztli 

1 Xiutecuhtli tetl 

6 Atl 

2 Tecpatl 

7 Tlazolteotl 

3 Xochitl 

8 Tepeyollotli 

4 Centeotl 

9 Quiahuitl 

5 Miquiztli 

1 Xiuhtecuhtli tetl 

6 Atl 

2 Tecpatl 

7 Tlazolteotl 

3 Xochitl 

8 Tepeyollotli 

4 Centeotl 

Number and name of 

the Lord actually 

found on pages 21 

ajid 22 of Codex 


5 Miquiztli 

3 Xochitl 

9 Quiahuitl 

7 Tlazolteotl 

4 Centeotl 

I Xiuhtecuhtli tetl 

8 Tepeyollotli 

5 Miquiztli 

3 Xochitl 

9 Quiahuitl 

6 Atl 

4 Centeotl 

I Xiuhtecuhtli tetl 

8 Tepeyollotli 

5 Miquiztli 

3 Xochitl 

9 Quiahuitl 

6 Atl 

4 Centeotl 

1 Xiuhtecuhtli tetl 

8 Tepeyollotli 

5 Miquiztli 

2 Tecpatl 

9 Quiahuitl 

6 Atl 

4 Centeotl 

1 Xiuhtecuhtli tetl 

7 Tlazolteotl 

5 Miquiztli 

2 Tecpatl 

9 Quiahuitl 

6 Atl 

3 Xochitl 

1 Xiuhtecuhtli tetl 

7 Tlazolteotl 

5 Miquiztli 

2 Tecpatl 

8 Tepeyollotli 

3 Xochitl 

1 Xiuhtecuhtli tetl 

7 Tlazolteotl 

4 Centeotl 

2 Tecpatl 

8 Tepeyollotli 

6 Atl 

3 Xochitl 

9 Quiahuitl 

7 Tlazolteotl 

4 Centeotl 
2 Tecpatl 

8 Tepeyollotli 

5 Miquiztli. 


Table II 

[n. s., 2, 1900 


Tonalamatl begins 
on the — 

1 > ear 

Tonalamatl begins 
on the — 

I Tochtli 

13th day of year 

I Tecpatl 

143d day of year 


2 Calli 

3Sih " ' 

2 Acatl 


2gSth •' ' 

3 Tecpatl 

63d ' 

1 3 Tochtli 

193d " • 


4 Acatl 

SSth " ' 

4 Calli 

2i8th " " " 

34Sth " ' 

5 Tochtli 


5 Tecpatl 

243d " ' 

6 Acatl 

8th ' 

6 Calli 

i3Sth " • 


7 Tochtli 

33d " ' 

7 Tecpatl 

163d " " 

293d " ' 

8 Calli 

SSth " " " 

8 Acatl 

iSSth " ' 

3iSth " " " 

9 Tecpatl 

S3d " ' 

9 Tochtli 

213th " 

343d ' ' ' 

10 Acatl 

io8th " " " 

10 Calli 

23Sth " ' 

II Tecpatl 


II Tochtli 

133d " • 

263d " " " 

12 Acatl 

2Sth " ' 

12 Calli 

isSth " " " 

2S8th " • 

13 Tochtli 

53d ' 

13 Tecpatl 

183d " ' 

313th " " " 

I Calli 

7Sth '■ ' 

I Acatl 

208th " " " 

338th " ' 

2 Tecpatl 

103d " " 

2 Tochtli 

233d " 

363d " " " 

3 Acatl 

128th " • 

3 Calli 

25Sth " " " 

4 Tecpatl 

23d " 

4 Tochtli 

153d ' 

283d " ' 

5 Acatl 

48th " " " 

5 Calli 

i7Sth " ' 


6 Tochtli 

73d " ' 

6 Tecpatl 

203d " " " 

333d " ' 

7 Calli 

98th " " " 

7 Acatl 

228th " ' 

358th " " " 

8 Tecpatl 

123d " ' 

8 Tochtli 

253d " " " 

9 Calli 

i8th " ' 

9 Acatl 

148th " " " 

278th " ' 

10 Tecpatl 

43d ' 

10 Tochtli 

173d " ' 

303d " " " 

II Acatl 

68th " ' 

II Calli 

198th " " " 

328th " ' 

12 Tochtli 

93d ' 

12 Tecpatl 

223d " ' 

353d " " " 

13 Calli 

iiSth " ' 

13 Acatl 

248th " " " 

I Tochtli 

13th " ' 


Hmvaiian Feather Work. By William T. Brigham. Memoirs of 
the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum of Polynesian Ethnology and 
Natural History, vol. i, No. i. Honolulu : 1899. 4°, 81 + ii pp., 
15 pi., 115 figs. 

Scientific literature has recently been enriched by the issue of a 
handsome monograph on Hawaiian feather-work, forming the first part 
of volume i of the Memoirs of the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum in 
Honolulu. The author, William T. Brigham, Director of the Museum, 
is without doubt the best qualified person in the world for the task 
undertaken, not only because of his long residence in Hawaii, but be- 
cause of his wide knowledge of the anthropology of the Pacific. The 
material is assembled in excellent manner, the style is simple and 
direct, and the numerous illustrations are all that could be desired. 
Ethnologists have thus another interesting group of facts available for 
use in the great work of building up the history of the race. 

The use of feathers in various branches of art was very general over 
the American continent, as well as in the islands of the Pacific, when 
Europeans first appeared ; but the fragile products were not lasting and 
in the main they have disappeared from view, while, through lack of 
foresight of the early explorers, only meager records of their character 
were made. Although the art itself was practically extinct on these 
far-away islands fifty years ago, enough has survived to serve as a key 
to the feather-worker's art. Through the efforts of Mr Brigham this 
material has been brought together in such a way as to furnish a satis- 
factory idea of the scope of the art and to give some hints as to its 
significance and symbolism. 

The principal articles described are as follows : Kahilis or plume 
standards, leis or feather strands, ahiiula or capes and cloaks, mahiole 
or helmets, kiikai/imoku or images, and a model of an anuu, the house 
of the temple oracle. 

Birds Furnishing the Feathers. — There are but few birds in the 
Hawaiian islands, and the feathers used in the various native fabrications 
were derived chiefly from a few species, the three princijial ones being the 
iiwi ( Vestiaria coccinea), a small bird which furnishes vermilion plum- 
age ; the 00 {Acruloccrcus /iol?ilis), yielding black and yellow feathers, 
and the maino {Drepa/iis pacifica), yielding orange and black feathers. 


156 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, iqoo 

The capture of the birds was a very important and difficult matter and 
engaged the attention of professional hunters. The smaller varieties 
were captured by means of bird-lime or nets, while others were shot, and 
some species which furnished a few feathers each were caught, plucked, 
and set free. These feathers were carefully tied in bunches and formed 
an important feature in the local trade. It is stated that they were used 
to some extent as currency, as were shells in other regions. 

Kahilis. — The kahili in its typical development consists of a long 
pole or staff, to the ui)per end of which is attached the hulu or cluster 
of feathers. The latter is generally somewhat cylindrical in shape, but 
with considerable variation in details of form ; the complete object has 
a general resemblance to a stalk of cat-tail flag, or the swab used in 
cleaning the bore of a cannon. The feather cylinder is in cases as 
much as two feet in diameter and six feet or more in length, while the 
staff often reaches the length of twenty feet or more ; the majority, 
however, are small and can readily be held aloft in one hand. In early 
times they were used as standards or banners and served as symbols of 
rank. In Mr Brigham's opinion the prototy])e of the kahili was the 
leaf of the ki {Cordyline terminalis) used as a fly-flap. This plant was 
a symbol of peace, and it is suggested that the kahili inherited this sig- 
nificance and gradually developed into a symbol of wider application. 

Although in later years the use of the kahili became general and 
thus lost much of its sacredness, the great plumes continued to be used 
on ceremonial occasions by royal personages down to the close of the 
monarchy. Mr Brigham believes that "before white influence was felt, 
no thought was given to fitness of color to particular use or occasion, 
and it was only by foreign teaching that reds and yellows were reserved 
for coronations or general state functions, while black and the sombre 
colors were appropriated to funerals" (page 17). 

The remarkable effect of these plume banners in a royal funeral 
procession is graphically described by the Rev. C. S. Richards, mission- 
ary on the islands in 1822: "There is something approaching the sub- 
lime in the lofty noddings of the kahilis of state as they tower far above 
the heads of the group whose distinction they proclaim : something 
conveying to the mind impressions of greater majesty than the gleam- 
ings of the most splendid banners I ever saw unfurled" (page 20). 

Leis. — This ornament is formed by attaching feathers to a cord in 
a symmetric manner, forming fluffy, cylindrical strands. It is used as 
are strands of flowers to wreath around the neck, head, and shoulders, 
and is a most |)leasing and effective personal embellishment. Gener- 
ally the smaller feathers were employed, so that the strands were slender 


and light, the length varying from 15 to 30 inches. The true feather 
leis are generally of uniform, cylindrical section and are either mono- 
chromatic or made up of alternating bands or spirals of mixed colors. 
In some cases the leis have longer feathers inserted at regular intervals, 
giving a considerable diversity of form. 

These strands are not difficult to make, but older examples made of 
mamo or 00 are held at high prices. Mr Brigham mentions one speci- 
men valued at eight hundred and another at one thousand dollars. 
Upward of forty of large size are preserved in the Bishop Museum, and 
other museums have a limited number of examples. 

Mahiole or Helmets. — The ancient helmet of the Hawaiians, worn 
on ceremonial occasions and in war, and primarily a mark of rank, was 
a work of art and a thing of beauty. It was made of richly colored 
feathers woven into a net of olond fiber which in turn was stretched 
over a skull-cap of neatly plaited wicker. In appearance it strongly 
suggests the ancient Greek helmet, but it originated no doubt with the 
Pacific islanders. Mr Brigham suggests that the crest of hair, worn by 
primitive peoples, extending from the forehead to the back of the neck 
and made to stand in high relief by proper clipping and dressing, was 
the prototype. The helmet crest rises in a strong, graceful curve from 
behind and terminates in a more or less prolonged point or beak in 
front. In cases it is perforated, the crest-rim being held in place by 
spoke-like stems rising from the crown. It is of effective and noble 
shape and when elaborated in the plumage of tropical birds must have 
rivaled in beauty the richest helmets of any people or period. The 
author enumerates forty-one helmets, preserved in various places, but 
several of these have been totally denuded of their plumage by moths 
or decay, while others consist merely of the wicker foundation over 
which the feather-decorated cover was drawn. The helmet of King 
Kaumaulii, who died in 1822, done in colors as a frontispiece to the 
memoir, is a superb and typical example. 

Ahuula. — The capes and cloaks are the most varied and beautiful 
of the Hawaiian feather products. Mr Brigham describes and illus- 
trates the preparation oi olond fiber and the making of the cord used in 
the foundation fabric of these garments as well as the manner in which 
it is netted. It was the common practice to make up the foundation 
fabric by sewing together many small pieces of net or even of other 
cloth. To these the feathers were attached in a manner known to 
nearly all feather-workers ; the quill end of the feather was passed 
around a strand of the fabric and tied with fine thread, and the colors 
and sizes were so arranged as to produce the desired pattern and effect. 

158 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 2, igoo 

In shape the cloaks and capes are similar. The short ujjper margin 
is curved more or less to fit the neck, and the body of the garment 
widens rapidly as it descends, sometimes with lateral variations of out- 
line, and terminates in a long, curved lower margin. Some capes are 
quite small, but others are of generous proportions and, indeed, may be 
said to ijass into the cloak which, in its greatest development, measures 
60 inches in length and has a border or peripheral measurement of 156 
inches. The fastening was a firm braided neck-band continuing in 
cords or braids long enough to tie in front. 

The decorations are generally in rather simple patterns, such as 
crescents, crescent-like figures, triangles, diamonds, circles, and bands, 
and are without known significance. The prevailing ground tones are 
yellow and the pronounced figures are in red, black, and green. The 
amount of work necessary in the making of one of these large cloaks 
was enormous, and the time consumed was not always within the limits 
of a lifetime. They were worn by men ; in battle they were a warlike 
decoration indicating rank, and as trophies of victory were displayed 
on public occasions, such as funerals, coronations, etc. Generally to- 
day they are considered as great rarities, and it is not unusual to hear 
of offers to sell at fabulous prices. The sale of one specimen at twelve 
hundred dollars is mentioned by Mr Brigham. The list given includes 
one hundred examples, thirty-three of which are cloaks and the 
remainder capes. 

Ktikailimoku. — Perhaps the most extraordinary use to which feathers 
have been put in art was the making of images of deities. Kukailimoku 
was a war deity and the Hawaiians sought to honor him by constructmg 
his image in the most costly manner known to them. These images 
represent the head and neck only, and though made of the most beauti- 
fully colored feathers, portray a grotesque and forbidding visage which 
agrees, however, in general character with the masks of other Pacific 
peoples. "The structure of these peculiar images is simple. A wicker 
work, neatly made of the long and very durable aerial roots of the ie-ie 
{Frcycinetia arbored) in such a way as to show the general form and 
features, is strongly braced by hoops or ribs within, and then covered 
with a tightly fitting net of olona to which feathers were attached, as in 
the feather cloaks which will be described later. Red iiwi was the basis 
to which yellow and black 00 was added for embellishment or to de- 
mark features. In some cases human hair crowned the head, in others 
the mahiole or crest. The eyes were of pearl shell, and in those of the 
Bishop Museum are attached in two ways by carved knobs of dark 
wood representing pupils. . . . The teeth were those of dogs 


saved from the priestly feasts. Ears were represented by small patches 
of black or yellow, sometimes by both colors united. These gods were 
carried in battle on kauila poles, most of them having no other sufifi- 
cient support, and being also too small to be placed over the head of a 
priest, as has been suggested " (page 35). Naturally, few of these 
objects have been preserved, and only nine are enumerated in Mr 
Brigham's list. 

Anuu. — Mr Brigham illustrates a very interesting relic of Captain 
Cook's visit to the island, — a model of the obelisk-like structure from 
which the priests of the Hawaiian temple delivered their oracular com- 
munications. These structures were enclosed within the temple, and 
the example described by Cook was about four feet square at the base 
and twenty feet high. They were made usually of wicker and covered 
with kapa cloth and had a small door for tlie admission of the priest. 
The model, which is 20^ inches high and elaborately finished in feathers, 
was brought away by the Cook expedition and is now preserved in the 
Hof Museum at Vienna. 

The publication of this valuable memoir proclaims the wisdom of 
the founder of the Bishop Museum, w^ho by his opportune liberality 
made the preservation of Hawaiian historic treasures possible ; and by 
the same token the world will know that the present management of the 
institution appreciates the important fact that the benefits of a great 
public museum should not be confined to a small community in the 
Pacific and the visitors who happen that way, but should extend to the 
whole civilized world. William Henry Holmes. 

Pipes and Smoking Customs of the American Aborigines, Based on Mate- 
rial in the U. S. National Museum. By Joseph D. McGuire. 
(Report of the U. S. National Museum for 1897.) Washington : 
1899. 8°, pages 351-645, 5 plates, 239 figures. 
A work on the pipes and smoking customs of the aborigines of North 
America has long been needed by students of aboriginal art and cus- 
tom. The monograph by Mr McGuire has therefore been read with 
much interest and not without profit. The objects with which it deals 
have engaged my attention more or less for the last fifteen years, and 
since my report on Mound Explorations (Twelfth Annual Report of the 
Bureau of Ethnology) was submitted for publication, I have hoped 
that some one would take up the subject and prepare a memoir on 
it. More than once, if my memory serves me correctly, the question as 
to who would do the work was the subject of discussion between myself 
and others interested. I was pleased, therefore, at the appearance of 

l6o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 190c 

Mr McGuire's paper, especially as I know from personal acquaintance 
with the author that it is his custom, when he takes up a subject, to 
dig, if possible, to the root and, after due consideration of the opin- 
ions of other investigators, to draw and to state fearlessly his own. 

Although this brief review will be devoted chiefly to a discussion of 
points in regard to which I differ with the author, I take pleasure 
in stating that his work is timely, and on the whole a valuable, useful, 
and much needed contribution to the literature relating to aboriginal 
art and custom. It brings together in compact form the data relating 
to the subject of which it treats, which could previously be obtained 
only by search through many volumes and the examination of numer- 
ous collections, for the author, notwithstanding the statement in the 
title of his work, has evidently searched a number of other collections 
than those of the National Museum, though the latter have been taken 
as a basis. To a large extent the memoir will relieve students of this 
laborious research, and any work which does this is always valuable even 
though all the author's conclusions may not be accepted. 

The chief criticism to be offered is directed to what may be deemed 
a lack of system in classification, and to the author's conclusion as to the 
very modern origin of some specimens and even types. His classifica- 
tion of pipes appears to be as follows : 

Tubular pipes. Pipe bowls without stems. 

Heavy animal and bird pipes. Monitor pipes. 

Rectangular pipes. Micmac pipes. 

Disk pipes. Iroquoian pipes. 

Bird pipes. Mound pipes. 

Double conoidal pipes. Idol pipes. 

(rreat pipes. Catlinite and Siouan pipes. 

Pipes of the Northwest coast. Miscellaneous Pueblo pipes. 

Delaware types. Indeterminate types. 

Southern types. Atlantic coast pipes. 

Some unique types. Southern mound pipes. 

This classification, if intended to be in any sense scientific, is in my 
opinion defective. 

I am fully aware that a satisfactory classification of the antiquities of 
any extensive section has not yet been accomi)lished. It of course 
would have been a difficult task for Mr McGuire to make an entirely 
satisfactory arrangement where the forms are so varied, and at the same 
time to have this correspond in some degree with the geographical 


distribution of the types. Yet it seems that a better and more systematic 
classification than that adopted might have been made. The best 
results in this direction, so far as my observations extend, are obtained 
by the method followed by Professor Holmes in dealing with pottery. 
He first strips, as it were, — that is, omits from consideration, — the 
ornamentation and figure forms so far as possible, leaving the simple 
basal forms ; these he arranges in comprehensive classes or groups by 
certain leading or more essential characters, without regard to geo- 
graphical distribution or ethnic relation. In the subdivision of these 
primary classes, the more restricted, and, if found practicable, the 
geographical distribution are taken into consideration. Some such 
arrangement as this would doubtless have been more scientific, more 
systematic, and far preferable to that adopted by Mr McGuire. Even 
an arbitrary division, first into primary groups by leading characters 
would have been better than that followed, and would have avoided 

Such titles as "Mound pipes," "Great pipes," "Southern mound 
pipes," etc., are certainly without any typical or real classificatory sig- 
nification. The term " Mound pipes," if used with its ordinary meaning, 
includes a number of types and more than one of Mr McGuire's divisions 
or classes, hence is confusing and inappropriate ; it might stand in a broad 
sense in contrast with "Surface pipes," or possibly "Modern pipes," 
but not as referring to a particular type. His application of the term 
" Monitor pipe " is different from that which I have understood it to 
be, or at least includes, according to the examples given, types different 
from that to which I have understood it to be applied. This, however 
would be of minor importance if the author were consistent in his 
arrangement. Comparing his figures 89 to 99, one with another, it 
would seem that there are included here two, if not three, different 
types. If we strip his figures 94 (among the monitor types), 128, and 
130 (among the mound types) of their ornaments, we have the simple 
platform or monitor type, the slight curve in the base of the latter being 
insufficient to constitute a type. The pipes represented by figures 92, 
93) and 95 are, at least apparently, but modifications of the platform or 
monitor type, and such forms are so classed by Thruston. That the 
term " Mound pipe " has been used, though very indefinitely, to indicate 
a class or type, is true, but such inappropriate terms should be dropped 
unless used in the broad sense of contrasting with " Surface pipes," etc. 
Another point in which I must differ with the author, if I understand 
him correctly, is the recent date to which he is disposed to relegate 
certain types. For fea^ the inference I draw may not be considered 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2 — II. 

l62 AMERICAN AA'THROPOLOGI ST [n. s., 2, 1900 

exactly a fair one. I (|uote in full his statement made on pages 632- 

633 : ' 

" The typical, elaborate, and artistic curved-base mound pipes, found 
to be contemporaneous with co])per implements, are drilled by means 
of tubular and solid drills, almost necessarily made of metal. In certain 
instances the shapes of bowl cavities are of an irregular form, indicative 
of the use of a loose drill head ; which supposition, if correct, would 
suggest the use of either a pump or strap drill, probably the former, 
either of which implements appears to have been unknown to the natives 
prior to the advent of the whites. The polishing of this type of pipe is 
so perfect as to raise a suspicion of white influences. The common ob- 
servance on pipes of this type of marks which seem to be those of the 
file suggests white man's tools in fashioning them. The fine lines cut 
on many of these pipes would indicate the possible use of steel tools ; 
inlaid eyes suggest modern methods. Carving in the round as perfectly 
as is done in pipes of this type also implies modern influences and the 
presence of the white man, as do objects of copper covered with silver 
found in contact with these pipes. Besides this, the knowledge of the 
existence of the elephant and the finding in the mounds articles of un- 
doubted European origin are all suggestive of the comparative modern 
date of pi])es of the curved-base mound type. It does not of necessity 
follow that these pipes were of foreign manufacture, but probably they 
were the handiwork of fur traders and hunters catering to native trade 
demands. The figures on these pipes are doubtless of totemic signifi- 
cance, and, with few exceptions, face the smoker ; and where an 
exception is noted, it is commonly observed that the stems on the front 
end have been broken. The figures beyond, being of men, beasts, 
birds, and reptiles, are seldom of determinable species. The finding of 
pipes of this type made of catlinite is indicative of modern influences, 
though by no means proof of it. The area of distribution of this type 
conforms to the route of the early French voyageur and of the mis- 

The same view is also expressed in that section of the paper devoted 
to " Mound pipes " where the author refers to metal implements used in 
carving them. That some of the classes or types of pipes are post- 
Columbian cannot be doubted, and I am inclined to agree with Mr 
McGuire that many of those found in the Atlantic coast region, some 
of them in mounds and so-called ancient graves, bear the impress of 
European influence, and are in some instances imitations of European 
forms, as I believe to be true in regard to some specimens of southern 
moimd pottery ; but I am not prepared to go quite so far in this 


direction as the author seems disposed to do in the above quotation and 
elsewhere in his paper. 

It is inferred from this language that he believes the pipes he desig- 
nates " Mound pipes " did not come into use until the French began to 
make their way into the northwest. He bases this opinion chiefly on 
three items : the supposed file marks on many specimens, the high 
polish of others, and the fact that the localities where specimens of this 
type have been found are along the lines of early French travel — that 
is, in central and southern Ohio, northwestern Illinois, and eastern 

If this theory be correct, and these pipes were manufactured by 
the Indians, is it not a little strange that, with all the digging that has 
been done in Ohio and eastern Iowa, not a single file nor, so far as I 
am aware, a single steel or iron drill has been found ? In the mounds 
of western North Carolina, where types apparently copied after Euro- 
pean forms have been obtained, parts of iron or steel implements have 
been discovered. If, however, these " Mound pipes " were made by 
white traders for barter with the Indians, as Mr McGuire suggests as 
possible, it is strange that these traders should have adopted a pattern 
previously unknown both to Europeans and Indians. 

Although articles showing European contact have been found in two 
or three (or at most but very few) mounds of the sections from which 
the so-called " Mound pipes " have been obtained, the general and 
almost universal rule has been the other way, though pipes of this form 
have been found in many. If pipes of this form were made after inter- 
course between the Indians of these sections and the French began, 
then the mounds in which they have been found (for their presence is 
not attributable to intrusive burial) must have been built after such 
intercourse commenced. This being so, is it not remarkable that there 
should be in these mounds such a dearth of articles, aside from these 
pipes, showing contact with the whites ? 

There is, however, another objection to this theory, at least so far as 
pipes of this character found in Ohio mounds are concerned. It was not 
until the first half of the seventeenth century that the French began to 
work their way up the lakes, nor did they reach the interior of Ohio 
or traverse the Mississippi until the latter half of the same century. It 
follows as a necessary result of this theory that the mounds in which 
these pipes have been found were not built until after this movement 
of the French began, yet, as is generally admitted, Ohio, from about 
this date until the Shawnees and Delawares began to come into it 
about the commencement or in the early part of the following century, 

164 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 2, 1900 

was virtually without inhabitants, they having been driven out by the 
Iroquois. Who then were the builders of the Ohio mounds ? More- 
over, it is known from persons who visited the region of Chillicothe 
about or soon after the middle of the eighteenth century that these 
works were then looked upon as very ancient. 

Taking these facts into consideration, I do not think that Mr 
McGuire's theory on this point is tenable. I am no advocate of the 
very great antiquity claimed for the mounds and other ancient works 
of Ohio, yet I believe most of them antedate the appearance of the 
whites in that region and are possibly pre-Columbian ; and I believe 
also that the pipes designated " Mound pipes " by Mr McGuire are, 
both as to design and manufacture, to be attributed to the Indians. 

Previous to reading Mr McGuire's memoir I was impressed with 
the idea that the tubular pipe was comparatively rare and intrusive in 
the mound region, but he shows that it is of much more frequent 
occurrence than I supposed. He is inclined to look upon it as the 
most ancient form of pipe among the aborigines of North America, and 
is probably correct in this opinion. This being admitted, it would be 
interesting to ascertain, if possible, the section in which it first came 
into use. My own impression is that this is to be found somewhere on 
the Pacific slope. 

Other interesting questions are raised by the author in regard to the 
origin and distribution of certain types ; these have an interesting bear- 
ing on the lines of aboriginal trade and travel, but they must be passed 
over without further notice here. 

Notwithstanding the criticisms presented, which relate only to two 
points, we commend the work to students. 

Cyrus Thomas. 

The Natural History of the Musical Bow. A Chapter iti the Developmental 
History of Stringed Instruments of Music. By Henry Balfour, 
M.A. {Primitive Types.) Oxford : Clarendon Press, 1899. 8°, 
87 pp., 61 figs., map. 
There are two ways of looking at human inventions, the one ethno- 
graphic, the other technographic. The ethnographer makes his home 
among tribesmen and tells the story of their industrial lives ; the tech- 
nographer pursues a single art over time and place until he knows it 
thoroughly. Mr Balfour (whose opportunities in the last regard are 
unparalleled, since he is curator of the Pitt-Rivers Museum at Oxford) 
has followed the latter in respect to the musical bow. The monograph 
here reviewed is devoted to the i)rimitive forms only ; a second part 


will deal with the more complicated instruments that trace their origin 
to the lowly forms. But even in its primitive form there are three 
stages of elaboration: (i) The temporary conversion of the archer's 
bow into a musical instrument ; (2) monochord instruments made for 
musical purposes only ; (3) attachment of a gourd or other resonator 
more or less permanently to the bow. 

The discussion proper is preceded by a delightful summary of 
oriental and classical legend on the subject. Of the archer's bow type 
the author finds examples among the Damara, Mandingo, and Kafifirs. 
Of the second or simple monochord instruments he goes to the west 
coast of Africa, to Zululand, and also among, the Hottentots ; a rude 
form is found in northern India and many in the Negroid Indo-Pacific 
area. The resonator class is found on the Kongo, in West Africa, and 
in the south ; in fact one can scarcely escape from the sound of it south 
of the Soudan. Many varieties exist also in India, but Africa is the 
home of the single-string musical bow. 

Balfour traces the African forms throughout the West Indies, 
middle America, and South America, wherever African slaves were 
taken by the Spaniards. Saville's modern Maya hool is traced to Africa, 
and in the figure in Le Manuscrit du Cacique " nothing of the nature of 
a musical bow is represented." 

In Asia no musical bow occurs north of the Himalayas. The pimzka 
Vina of northern India is described as a survival in the midst of instru- 
ments of high class, its descendants, the intermediate forms, having 
dropped out. In hither and farther India, where the musical bow has 
a local perspective, the problem is more serious than that relating to 
America. No doubt the primitive musical bow is a survival here from 
an early time, and while we are guessing how Africa and India possess 
the same invention, we may turn the problem over to the keepers of a 
sunken continent or to the believers in the new doctrine that the most 
intricate devices in regions far apart " grow up " like Topsy. Mr 
Balfour believes in the common origin for the musical bow in India and 
Africa. The instrument has a wide distribution in Melanesia or the 
Negroid Indo-Pacific area. This is extremely interesting, as much so 
as that larger question how two woolly-haired peoples came to live, the 
one on the eastern, the other on the western side of the Indian ocean. 
No resonator is seen here, though it effloresces in southern Asia. Mr 
Balfour thinks that the two areas are one, the older forms having dropped 
out of the latter. In the brown Polynesian area the instrument would 
seem to be sporadic, and it does not occur in Micronesia at all. 

The author invokes the cooperation of his brethren in order to make 

l66 AMERICAN ANTHKOPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

a complete account of the structure and spread of musical bows. 
Meanwhile, we commend to all who read this brief notice to take this 
monograph as an example of how to study and write. 

O. T. Mason. 

The Bird-Stone Ceremonial. By Warren King Moorehead. Being 
an Account of some Singular Prehistoric Artifacts Foutid in the 
United States and Canada. Saranac Lake, N. Y. : 1899. 4°, iv, 
31 PPm 53 figs- 
This brief paper is devoted almost entirely to the description and 
illustration of those singular artifacts known generally as " bird-stones " 
from their more or less avian form. From it we learn, first, that speci- 
mens of this type are very rarely found in mounds, only two cases being 
recorded ; second, that they are of rare occurrence south of the Ohio 
river. If these statements are fully borne out by a more complete in- 
vestigation, they become important in the study of the age, origin, and 
use of these singular articles. We say " more complete " because the 
paper bears evidence of haste, as it acknowledges that the distribution 
has not been carefully determined, and indicates that the data at hand 
have not been entirely worked up, suggesting that a second edition of 
the paper might become necessary in order to include this undigested 
material. It may be questioned whether it would not have been better 
had the publication been delayed until the work could have been more 
thoroughly done. However, there doubtless were reasons justifying the 
course taken, and works of this kind, devoted to the assembling of data 
relating to a particular class or type of articles, are always welcome to 
students since they save labor and research. It is therefore to be hoped 
that Mr Moorehead will complete to his own satisfaction the work so 
well begun, devoting, we would suggest, a little more space to the work- 
manship and finish exhibited by these objects, and to a presentation of 
the material which appears to bear on the question of their probable 
age. That they are comparatively modern seems to be the tendency of 
the evidence thus far obtained. As to the use of these articles the 
author confines himself chiefly to a statement of the opinions which 
have hitherto been advanced, offering no new solution of the problem. 

Cyrus Thomas. 

L'Historien Sahai^un et les Migrations Mexicaines. (Par le) Comte 
DE Charencev. Alen(;on : 1898. 4°, 82 pp., tables. 

Of the Sjianish writers whose accounts of the customs, manners, 
myths, and history of the natives of southern Mexico have been handed 


down from the sixteenth century, none can be more highly regarded 
than Fray Bernardino de Sahagun, not only on account of the full, 
graphic, and interesting descriptions of what he saw and heard, but by 
reason of his presence among the natives of the section named at a 
period when they had not been materially influenced by the Spanish 

Sahagun arrived in Mexico in 1529, remaining two years at Tepeo- 
pulco, thence proceeded to a suburb of the capital, where he spent a 
year in gathering information from the wise old men of the Nahuas, 
His Relacio7i de las Cosas de Niieva Espana, however, was not published 
until 1829, — three hundred years after his labors were begun, — its 
publication, even at this late day, being due to the historian Muiioz, 
who found a copy of Sahagun's manuscript in a convent at Tolosa. 
The friar expresses the belief that the first tribal immigration into 
Mexico was from the direction of Florida, or the northeast. From 
these tribes, he believes, were descended the Toltecs, celebrated for 
their artistic and professional abilities. Through their talent in these 
directions they acquired the designations Oxomoco, Cipactonal, Tlate- 
tecuin, and Xochicauaca, all of which tends to the further belief that 
these people were the originators of the Mexican calendar. Sahagun 
also regarded the Tolteca as a part of or identical with the Chichimeca. 

The deity Quetzalcoatl is said to have ruled the Toltecs peaceably ; 
for them his reign formed the golden age. Teqtihuacan, with its 
temples of the sun and moon, especially clings to his name. The 
name of Quetzalcoatl means, simply, " beautiful twin " according to 
Charencey, who also regards Chicomoztoc as a station of passage, not 
of origin, of the migrating Nahuas. 

The innumerable city legends and Mexican tribal origins make of 
Sahagun's work a treasure of information which will require a long 
period for modern scientists to exhaust or even to compare with the 
results of historical research reached through other channels. 

A. S. Gatschet. 

Codex Teller iano- Re me7isis. Manuscrit Mexicain dii Cabinet de Ch.-M. 
le Tellier, Archeveque de Reims, a la Bibliothique National e {MS. 
Mexicain, No. J^s)- Reproduit en photochromographie aux frais 
du Due de Lonbat et precede d 'u?ie Introduction cofitetiant la Tran- 
scription complete des Anciens Commentaires Hispano-Mexicains par 
le Dr. E. T. Hamy. Paris : 1899. 4°, 47 pp., 50 pi. 

In the year 1700 Charles Maurice le Tellier, archbishop of the 
diocese of Reims, donated fourteen ancient manuscripts to the Royal 

l68 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

(now National) Library at Paris, having previously been officially con- 
nected with that institution. This donation included Arabian, Hebrew, 
and other oriental writings of early origin, and also a Mexican codex 
known as the Codex Telleriano-Remensis. It is of large quarto size 
and contains fifty leaves of European paper, most of them inscribed on 
both sides. Judging from the water-mark it is assumed that this paper 
had been imported into Spain from Genoa, Italy. That which gives 
special value to the Tellerianiis is the historical annotation in Spanish 
added to the colored Nahua pictographs which embellish every page 
and are intended to illustrate Mexican history in some of its more im- 
portant details before and after the Spanish Contjuest. The codex 
consists of three distinct i)ortions, viz., (i) a calendar of stated days of 
ceremonial festivities, of which seven leaves are no longer extant ; (2) 
a horoscopic volume, named tonal-amatl, of which seven leaves are also 
missing ; and (3) a chronologic history of Mexican events. 

The series of feast days in the existing portion of the codex begins 
with the seventh of the eighteen moons of the Nahuatl year ; it was 
called tecuil vitontl and comprised the period equivalent to the end of 
our June and the beginning of July. A full list of the Nahua lunations 
or moons (of twenty days each) has been included (pages 7, 8) by the 
learned editor, Dr E. T. Hamy. The nemontomi or five intercalary 
days are inserted after the eighteenth moon. 

The ionalamatl {tonalli, " sign of birth or nativity," and amatl, 
"paper") is divided into series of thirteen days each, thus forming a 
total of 360 days — five days less than the civil year. This curious 
monument of astrology is based w^holly on superstition, but it gives an 
idea of the intellectual capacity of the people formerly inhabiting the 
central plains of Mexico. 

The third portion, or chronologic history, is headed by the god 
Huitzilopochtli, represented as armed with reed-lances and ready for 
attack by a group of Indians dressed in skins of wild animals, and by a 
female figure called Tonanicaca, " our mother standing," as she is seen 
standing on the top of a hill. This personage is recognized as a common 
symbol of Aztlan, the mother country of the Nahua, a name which the 
historian Duran interprets " lugar de la blancura." Following is an 
enumeration of the towns and sites which the Nahua passed through on 
their celebrated migration from the northwest, all of them accompanied 
by the dates expressed in the calendar signs*. The start was made from 
Aztlan in 1197, and the eight tribes which participated in the migration 
are given as Chichimeca, Nonoalco, Michihuaca, Cohuixca, Totonaca, 
Cuexteca. Olmeca, and Xicalanga. This list agrees pretty closely with 



the one occurring in the parallel Codex Vaticanus, in which the tribes 
are represented as starting from the " seven caves." These names 
testify to the fact that at least four, if not five, racial and linguistic 
families of Mexico took part in the migration — the Nahua, Tarasco 
Totonaca, and Maya, the last mentioned being represented by the 
Huaxteca. From 11 97 to 1562 all the events which appeared to be of 
importance were carefully recorded by the chronicler— royal succes- 
sions, conquests, wars, comets, eclipses, etc. In spite of many lacunes 
in the supputation of the year, the Codex Tellerianus, with its perfectly 
legible Spanish handwriting, forms one of the most valuable records 
of early Mexican events that has been handed down from the sixteenth 
century. Students of Mexican hieroglyphics will not fail to express their 
gratitude to the Due de Loubat for his continued generosity in making 
available tliese means of prosecuting their inquiries. 

A. S. Gatschet. 

Cere?nonial Deposits Found in an Ancient Pueblo Estufa in Northern New 
Mexico, U.S. A. By George H. Pepper. New York: 1899. 
4°, 6 pp., I pi., 6 figs. 

This brochure is a reprint, in highly creditable style, of the author's 
paper in Monumental Records, and describes one of many important 
results of the Hyde Expedition which for several seasons has been 
conducting excavations for the American Museum of Natural History 
in the pueblo ruins of Chaco cailon, New Mexico, under the immediate 
direction of Mr Pepper. 

Pueblo Bonito, which is the largest of nine great ruined towns in the 
canon mentioned, measures about 300 by 550 feet, is semicircular in 
shape, and is surrounded by the remains of a massive wall which once 
enclosed the 500 rooms or more which formed this great communal 
structure. The pueblo contained two central courts or plazas, in the 
western one of which was exposed a circular kiva or council chamber, 
251^ feet in diameter and constructed of faced blocks of sandstone. 
Excavation of the chamber revealed an adobe floor 15 feet beneath the 
surface, with the usual firebowl in the center. Surrounding the kiva 
wall was a bench 2 feet 2 inches wide by 2 feet high, built up across 
which, and at regular intervals, were six oblong masonry blocks or 
pillars. On the western side of the kiva, just before reaching the pillar 
level, a hollow clay cylinder, 6 inches in diameter, was found with the 
top broken in and the ends resting on two of the pillars, while on the 
bottom, and clinging to the inner face, wefe fibers and strips of bark 
which showed the former proximity of one of a series of logs, laid 

I/O ^.U/-:A'/C^X anthropologist [n. s., 2, 1900 

hori/onlally in a circle, which supported the roof-beams in a manner 
similar to that employed in some of the still roofed kivas observed by 
NordenskiiJld in tlie Mesa Verde region. The removal of a circular 
adobe caji resting on one of the horizontal logs revealed a well-rounded 
cavity in which were deposited turquoise and shell beads, pieces of 
crude shell, and turquoise in the matrix. Examination of the roof- 
beams resting on each of the six supports on the kiva bench showed a 
similar log with its cavity containing an offering. These offerings Mr 
Pepper regards, and very reasonably, as a sacrificial deposit indicative 
of some ceremony connected with the construction of the kiva. The 
author calls attention to an interesting observation made by Dr Fewkes, 
who witnessed a house-dedication ceremony at one of the Hopi villages, 
noting that particles of food, shell fragments, and beads were deposited 
in a small cavity in the wall at the left of the doorway of the newly 
erected dwelling, which was then sealed with adobe. 

There can be no doubt that as the researches of the Hyde Expedi- 
tion continue in this fruitful field much knowledge will be gained 
concerning the culture of the Indians who built and occupied the cliff 
and valley dwellings of the caiion region of the Southwest, as well 
as the meaning of many of the surviving customs and rites among their 
living descendants. F. W. Hodge. 

History of the Nan World Called America. By Edward John P.a.yne. 
Vol. II. Oxford : Clarendon press, 1899, 8°, xxviii., 604 pp. 

This is a work of great learning and originality. Volume i, which 
was printed in 1892, devotes its first 26S pages, called Book i, to the 
preparation of the Old World to discover the New, the finding of which 
was only an episode in the universal scheme of exploration. Book 11, 
extending without a break or rest from page 269 in volume i to page 
604 in volume 11, is devoted to aboriginal America preparing itself 
unconsciously through the ages to enter the arena of history. 

The fundamental activity in all this was the food quest, which the 
author claims first to have brought into prominence ; but in this he 
neglects Morgan and Ward. However, he does insist louder than any 
predecessor that the search for food, the preparation of food, the very 
acts and noises of the food getter and devourer are at the root of 

A branch of the human sjjecies wandered into the New World, like 
other animal species procri^ated on the soil of the Old World, when the 
two — afterward parted by a depression of the earth's crust and the for- 
mation of a shallow strait connecting the Arctic sea with the Pacific 



ocean— were continuous. Driven about by the increasing ice-fields of 
successive glacial periods, this branch spread over the New World in 
all its parts, while it was distinguished from the inferior animals only 
by some painful and strenuous form of articulate speech, by the posses- 
sion of rude stone implements, and by the possession of fire-sticks. In 
each continent after ages and ages of changes, only the last of which 
were visible at the Conquest, one stock reached higher progress — the 
Nahuatlaca and the Aymara-Quechua. The formation of the Warrior 
and the Peasant class, or the development of militarism and industrialism 
consentaneously through food industries, and the evolution of religion 
continue the discussion of the first volume. The unit of aboriginal life 
and history is the pueblo, and the highest result of progress the domi- 
nant pueblo. In the middle of a paragraph on page 61 the panorama 
changes to the discussion of Migration, on page 78 to th*e discussion of 
Ethnological Unity, and at the bottom of page 81 to American lan- 
guages. This third treats of the origin of language as shown in the lan- 
guages of America. The unit of significance is not the root, but the 
holophrase or "polysyllabic unit of utterance." Articulation is traced 
from the strenuous movements in the mastication and ingestion of foods, 
through increasing oralization, relaxation, and adjustments. These 
strenuous movements had their origin in the erect position of the An- 
thropoidea. If these two hundred pages were printed separately they 
would form a memorable volume on philology. Sixty pages are devoted 
to primitive mathematics, in which the vicenary system is specially em- 
phasized. Here the author would be pleased to examine McGee's late 
study on "The Beginning of Mathematics." The relation of arith- 
metic to calendars and cycles and to games finds abundant illustration 
in American studies. The remainder of the volume, commencing on 
page 372, takes up, first, indigenous advancement, with patolli for a 
text, proceeds across the Miocene bridge, to discuss the spread of man 
over the New World, the paleo-ethnic small race, who first wandered 
from the Old World to the New (three of whose crania are said to be 
in the Peabody Museum, taken from the Trenton gravels), the Eskimo, 
the Athapascan, the Algonquian-Iroquois, the Nahuatlaca, and South 
American stocks and migrations. The Caribs are set forth with inter- 
esting originality and traced even into the Mississippi valley. The last 
hundred and fifty pages are devoted to Mexico and Peru, where the 
author is most at home and where he finds the best opportunity to dem- 
onstrate his theorem that the food quest overrides every other considera- 
tion in originating and developing human languages, industries, esthetic 
activities, social structures and functions, knowledges and religions. 

172 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 2, 1900 

In Spite of the charming literary style, original suggestions, and 
great erudition displayed in this volume, we find it a difficult book to 
read. Instead of dividing it into chapters, the author has adopted the 
style of the double magic-lantern exhibition, in which, from beginning 
to finish, one picture fades from the screen and another takes its place 
•without a break. The reader will acknowledge his obligation to the 
writer on every page for citations from old and rare books not within 
his reach, and if he misses any names it will be those of men now liv- 
ing and working. One regrets, for instance, to read hundreds of pages 
on ancient Mexico in which the name of Seler is wanting. 

O. T. Mason. 



Capitan (L.) La science prehistorique, 
ses methodes. (Rev. de I'Ecole d'An- 
throp., Paris, Nov. 15, iSgg, ix, 333- 
349.) The paper deals with the proper 
methods and utilization of other sciences 
in studies of the prehistoric ; it should 
be read in extenso. — A. H. 

Ethnographical collections in Ger- 
many. (Nature, Lond., Sept. 14, 1899, 
LX, 461-462.) Emphasizes the poverty 
of the collections in England by com- 
paring them with those in Berlin. — 
R. B. D. 

Holl (M.) Ueber die Lage des Ohres. 
(Mitth. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 1899, 
XXIX, 171.) An examination of the 
correctness of the position of the ear in 
Egyptian (and classic) sculpture. The 
conclusions are that, in reference to 
the skull, the Egyptian sculptors placed 
the ear correctly ; in reference to the 
face, the position of the ear seems ab- 
normal, owing to a distortion of the 
features. This distortion consisted of 
an undue preponderance of the nasal 
over the lower region of the face, and 
was due to a desire to give the head 
the appearance of youth. — A. L. K. 

Mahoudeau (Pierre G.) Les premieres 
manifestations de la matiere vivante. 
(Rev. de I'Ecole d'Anthrop., Paris, 
Dec. 15, 1899, IX, 365-378.) The au- 
thor reviews the main theories which 
have thus far been proposed to explain 
the appearance of life on the earth, and 
gives an extended notice to " Bathy- 
bius," the supposed most primitive 
living substance discovered. The con- 
clusions of the erudite author are : 
" Life and motion are in reality one 
and the same phenomenon. Motion 
of extreme slowness suffices to the ag- 
gregations of inorganic molecules, 
while to the organic compounds of car- 
bon a more rapid motion is necessary. 
The organic life is a very unstable, 
excessively rapid modification of the 
eternal motion of matter ; it is the 
most delicate manifestation of that 
great universal life which commences 
at the atom of cosmic ether, to end, on 

this planet, in the superior being man " 
—A. H. 

Temple (R. C.) Beginnings of cur- 
rency. (Jour. Anthrop. Inst., Lond., 
1899, II, 99-122.) A discussion of the 
evolution of currency from barter by a 
recognition of a certain staple article 
as standard of value. Often the stand- 
ard of value loses its usefulness, or it 
may never have had such usefulness, 
and becomes purely a medium of ex- 
change. The examples given in the 
paper are taken from ihe Far East, but 
the accompanying plates illustrate cur- 
rency from all parts of the world. — F. B. 

Thulie (Henri). ^ Origine du mysticisme. 
(Revue de I'Ecole d'Anthrop., Paris, 
Oct. 15, 1899, IX, 323-327.) The author 
attributes, as did Spinoza, the origin of 
mysticism to man's fears. Primitive 
man was exposed to many dangers and 
witnessed many inexplicable natural 
phenomena which sustained his fear 
and anguish. Night, lightning and 
thunder, and everything powerful or 
terrible, including dangerous animals 
and diseases, inspired terror and led 
primitive man to invoke the powers 
from which he suffered. Fire — 
precious, terrible, and unexplainable at 
the same time — became early the sub- 
ject of cult. The fact that primitive 
man was everywhere exposed to radi- 
cally the same dangers and witnessed 
similar natural phenomena, "explains 
the facts that all over the world, with 
all primitive people, we find the same 
superstitious procedures, nearly the 
same legends, deformed or transformed 
with transformation of the languages ; 
and fundamentally the same cult, 
modified by surroundings and the level 
of knowledge. It is fear that is the 
starting-point of all those superstitions, 
mysticisms, and cults." 

There are many long preserved tra- 
ditions and usages among civilized 
peoples which are the remnants of their 
primitive mysticism. — A. H. 

Vierkandt (A.) Die primitive Sittlich- 
keit der Naturvolker. (Cilobus, Braun- 
schw., 1899, Lxxvi, 149.) The moral- 
ity of primitive man manifests itself 





in the purity of sexual relations, hos- 
pitality, strength of social bonds among 
members of the community, and in 
their honesty. These phenomena are 
explained in several ways: Honesty is 
due to the fact that the publicity of 
life makes the concealment of theft, 
etc., impossible. The lack of strong 
competition between members of one 
comnuinity prevents the rise of struggles 
within the community. Uniformity in 
education and lack of intelligence and 
of a strong volition are considered 
further causes of the morality of primi- 
tive man. — F. B. 
Ward (R. DeC.) Acclimatization of the 
white man in the tropics. (Bull. Am. 
Geog. Soc, N. Y., iSgg. x.KXi, 367- 
36S.) Quotes various medical journals 
as upholding the theory that acclimati- 
zation is impossible. — R. B. D. 

United States and Canada 

Beauchamp (W. M.) Archaeology in 
New York. (Am. Antiquarian, Chica- 
go, 1899, XXI, 315-316,344-343.) Pub- 
lications of the New York State Uni- 
versity on local archeology. — H. I. S. 

Blake (William P.) Aboriginal tur- 
quoise mining in Arizona and New 
Mexico. (.Am. Antiquarian, Chicago, 
1899. XXI, 278-284.) The use of tur- 
quoise is considered evidence of the 
racial unity of the prehistoric occupants 
of this region. The identity of chal- 
chuite and turquoise discussed. An 
old shaft and a stone hammer, found 
near by, are illustrated. — H. I. .S. 

Dennis (Alfred Pearce). Life on a Yu- 
kon trail. (Nat. Geog. Mag., Wash., 
1899, X. 377-391. 457-466.) Several 
pages are devoted to a popular descrip- 
tion of the Indians (" Tahltan ") of the 
region. — H. I- S. 

Gatschet (A. S.) Water -monsters of 
American aborigines. (Jour. Am. 
Folk-Lore, Boston, 1899, xii, 255- 
260.) Aquatic monsters are found in 
the folklore of every people. Amcmg 
the .American Indians the monsters 
have in themselves more of animal than 
of human characteristics, and these ap- 
pear usually in an exaggerated form. 
The horned snail, snakes, tigers, hsh, 
etc., figure among these monsters. — 
H. i. S. 

Henning (Ch. L.) Die Onondaga-In- 
dianer des Staates New York. (Globus, 
Braunschw., 1S99, i.xxvi,i98, 222.) In- 
formation on the Onondaga reser\'ation 
and traditional material obtained from 
Daniel La Fort and Albert Cusick, with 
references to older literature. The 
author reports that the clan organiza- 
tion is said to have been instituted by 
Hiawatha. — F. B. 

Horsford (Cornelia). Vinland and its 
ruins. Some of the evidences that 
Northmen were in Massachusetts in 
pre-Columbian days. (Appleton's Pop. 
Sci. Monthly, Dec, 1899 ; also reprint.) 
The author adduces strong evidence to 
.show that on " the only point of land on 
the coast of North America [i. e., the 
vicinity of the mouth of Charles river, 
Mass. J which we have found to corre- 
spond with the description of the site of 
Thortinn Karlsefni's houses, ruins have 
been dug out which bear peculiar fea- 
tures characteristic of the period in 
Iceland known as the Saga-time, and 
differing in certain essential features 
from the handiwork of all the native 
races of North America, and, as far as 
is known at present, from all other 
races in Europe or in America in post- 
Columbian days." — F. W. H. 

Kroeber (A. L.) Tales of the Smith 
Sound Eskimo. (Jour. Am. Folk- 
Lore, Boston, 1899, XII, 166-182.) 
Tales collected in 1897-98 in New- 
York City from visiting Eskimo. Simi- 
larities with the tales of other Eskimo 
tribes are pointed out. — H. I. S. 

Lummis (C. F.) My brother's keeper 
1-V. (Land of Sunshine, Los Angeles, 
Aug. -Dec, 1899.) A stringent criti- 
cism of the policy of the government 
toward the Indians, especially in regard 
to the methods of educating Indian 
children, based mainly on personal ob- 
servation among the Pueblos. — A. S. G. 

Meredith (H. C.) Aboriginal art in ob- 
sidian. (Land of Sunshine, Los An- 
geles, 1899, XI, 255-25S.) A brief de- 
scription of a collection of obsidian 
implements found in California and 
attributed to the "Digger" Indians. 
Some are of sickle shape, which, the 
editor explains, is due ti) the character 
of the material rather than to special 
effort in thus flaking it.— F. W. H. 

Peet (S. D.) The cliff-dwellers and the 
wild tribes. (Am. Antiquarian. Chi- 



cago, 1899, XXI, 349-368.) Theauthor 
attempts to show the main points of 
difiference between the wild tribes of 
the Southwest and the Pueblos and 
their cliff-d welling ancestors. The 
paper is based solely on the work of 
others, without regard to its good, bad, 
or indifferent character ; it contains 
nothing new, but much that is errone- 
ous. Those who scan the illustrations 
(all of which have been used before) 
will recognize Dr Fewkes' portrait 
of the " Chief of the Antelope Priests " 
at Moki now doing service as a "Na- 
vajo priest." — F. \V. H. 

The beginnings of pueblo archi- 
tecture. (Am. Antiquarian, Chicago, 
1899, XXI, 317-328.) An illustrated 
editorial containing long quotations 
mainly from Mindeleff — H. I. S. 

Prehistoric irrigation. (Am. Anti- 
quarian, Chicago, 1899, ^^i' 285- 
308.) The social condition of the 
Pueblos is connected with irrigation ; 
methods of storing water and of irri- 
gating are touched upon and the dis- 
tribution of ditches is mentioned. The 
author believes the ditches are older 
than has been supposed ; their builders 
were agricultural people, under a vil- 
lage government, who changed from 
savage and nomadic life at a very early 
time and before the present geological 
conditions in that region. — H. I. S. 

Putnam (F. W.) A problem in Ameri- 
can anthropology. (Science, N. Y., 
Aug. 25, 1899, X, 225-236 ; Nature! 
Lond., Sept. 7, 1899, lx, 451-455.) 
In his address as retiring president 
of the American Association for the 
Advancement of Science, Professor 
Putnam reviews the development of 
the different theories as to the origin 
and unity of the American Indians. 
He considers that from cranial and 
other evidence several groups or types 
may be distinguished, and endorses the 
view that the American Indian does 
not constitute a homogeneous race. 
Both Eurafrican and Asiatic origins for 
these types are suggested. The Mound- 
builders are regarded as related to the 
ancient Mexicans, the relationship being 
traced largely through the art and sym- 
bolism of the two peoples. — R. B. U. 

Webber (Ellen R. C.) An old Kwan- 
thuni village— its people and its fall. 
(Am. Antiquarian, Chicago, 1899, xxi, 

309-314.) A description of the shell- 
heap at Port Hammond, B. C, based 
on but little exploration. With it is 
given a legend, some details of which 
are incorrect, and ethnological notes 
from Port Hammond and the interior 
of B. C. All is woven into a history 
of the shell-heap for which the author 
has well disclaimed responsibility. — 
H. I. S. 

Wickersham (Jas.) Notes on the In- 
dians of Washington. (Am. Anti- 
quarian, Chicago, 1899, XXI, 369-375.) 
The Washington State Philological 
Society is organized to include the 
study and recording of the Indian lan- 
guages of the state. — H. I. S. 

Mexico and Central America 

Corner (\Vm.) Mitla : an archaeological 
study of the ancient ruins and remains 
in that pueblo. (Jour. Anth. Inst., 
Lond., 1899, II, 29-50.) The various 
ruins at Mitla are described from per- 
sonal observation and are illustrated by 
seven plates and ten text figures. Dis- 
cussions of a theoretical nature by Mr 
Maudslay and Col. Geo. Carl Church 
follow.— J. R. S. 

Forstemann (E.) Drei Inschriften von 
Palenque. (Globus, Braunschw., 1899, 
Lxxvi, 176.) Proof that the inscrip- 
tions in the three temples of Palenque 
are closely related. — F. B. 

Starr (Frederick). Holy Week in Mexico. 
(Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, Boston, 1899, 
XII, 161-165.) Some elements which 
enter into Holy Week celebration in 
Mexico are found in every Catholic 
land ; some are simply Spanish, but 
others are peculiar to ^^exico. — H. I. S. 

South America 

Berlin (A. F.) Terra-cotta antiquities 
from the land of the Incas. (Am. 
Antiquarian, Chicago, 1899, xxi, 271- 
277.) Description of pottery, dishes, 
stamps, etc., in the collection of the 
late Dr T. W. Detwiller, of Bethlehem. 
Penn.— H. I. S. 

Moreno (F. P.) Explorations in Pata- 
gonia. (Geog. Journ., Lond.. 1899, 
XIV, 242-269, 353-373.) Although 
primarily geological and geographical 
in its nature, Dr Moreno's paper deals 
incidentally with archeological matters. 



[n. S., 2, I^OO 

The remains of the now extinct races 
in this region are said to resemble 
those of the Cliaco and IJrazil ; some 
remains were found ilitTerin^ from all 
others as yet discoveretl in South Amer- 
ica. Cranial deformation of all types 
was noticed. — R. B. D. 


de Barthelmy (Conite). Au pays des 
Muis, (Bull. Soc. Gc'og. de Paris, 
1899, 7" scr., .\x, 330-343.) The term 
" Mois " means merely "savage," 
hence many different tribes are con- 
founded under one name. Two of 
these tribes, the Daviats and the Se- 
dangs, are referred to, the former build- 
ing their villages in the open and 
fortifying them, the latter concealing 
their small towns in the depths of the 
forest. — R. B. D. 

Bastian (A.) Mittheilungen von einer 
Reise nach Niederljindisch- Indien. 
(Verh. d. Berl. Ges. fiir Anth., Ethn., 
u. Urgesch., 1899, xxxi, 420.) Deals 
with the .Mohammedan, Hindu, and 
fetishisiic elements of lavan religion. 
—A. L. K. 

Carey (F. W.) A trip to the Chinese 
Shan states. (Geog. Journ., London, 
1S99, XIV, 378-394.) A brief account 
of the Shans is given, and reference 
made to the Akkas and Loles, two 
tribes differing in some respect from 
the Shans. — R. B. D. 

Collineau {Dr). L'infanticideetl' avor- 
tenient en Chine. (Revue d. I'Ecole 
d'Anthrop., Paris, Nov. 15, 1899, ix, 
350-353.) These observations proceed 
from Dr Matignon, of the French Le- 
gation at Peking. Infanticide andabor- 
tion in China, according to these reliable 
observations, are not so common as re- 
ported by some authors, nevertheless 
they are frequent ami are practiced 
with " more cynicism " than in other 
countries. Means to prevent concep- 
tion or to produce abortion are openly 
and undisguisedly advertised. The 
most frefpient causes of these ]>ractices 
are poverty and all forms of supersti- 
tion. A daughter is considered " a 
merchandise from which one cannot 
relieve himself except at a loss." which 
sentiment favors female infanticide. 
In certain localities the girls are pre- 
served only because they may <>nce 
]iossibly become a source of revenue 
by being sold into prostitution. The 

author enumerates the main causes of 
infanticide connected with dogma and 
superstition ; again female infants are 
at a disadvantage. The death of the in- 
fant is decided by the family ; methods 
of death differ, but drowning of some 
sort and exposure to cold jiredominate. 
—A. II. 

Duckworth (\V. L. H.) Note on a skull 
from Syria. (Jour. Anth. Inst., 
Lond., 1S99, I'. I45-'5I-) '^'he sub- 
ject of this sketch was "picked up" 
near Damascus after the massacres of 
i860. After comparing it with other 
skulls from the same region the author 
seems inclined to regard it as from an 
individual who if not a Turk at least 
had Turkish blood.— J. R. S. 

Holdich (T. H.) Swatis and Afridis. 
(Jour. Anth. Inst., Lond., 1899, 11, 
2-9.) The ruling class among the 
Swatis are Afghans, and they have been 
subjected by the successive rulers of 
the Punjab ; the Afridis are of Indian 
origin, living from remote times in iso- 
lated independence. They are divided 
into bands, but there is scarcely any 
more centralized form of government 
in each than the i^aternal. They are 
characterized as treacherous, cruel, and 
regardless of family ties, but, on the 
other hand, brave, intelligent, and re- 
specters of civilized methods of war- 
fare. — J. R. S. 

The Arab tribes of our Indian 

frontier. (Jour. Anth. Inst., Lond., 
1S99, II, 10-19.) This paper is sup- 
plementary to the preceding, taking in 
the southern section of the northwest- 
ern border of India. In spite of the 
barrenness of the country, Baloochistan, 
lying on the high road between Persia 
and India, has been traversed and oc- 
cupied by innumerable peoples from 
early times. Remnants of a very large 
number of these are still in the country. 
Most prominent are the Brahuis in the 
west and the Baluch in the east which 
the author classes as Dravidian and 
Arabian respectively. In character, 
especially in the absence of fanaticism, 
the Baluch compare favorably with the 
northern trilies. In the discussion 
which this ]>aper called forth, an Aryan 
origin of the Baluch was advocated 
rather than an Arabian origin. — ]. 
R. S. 

Karsten (Paula). Kinder und Kinder- 
sjiiele der Inder und Singhalesen. 



(Globus, Biaunschw., iSgg, LXXVI, 
213, 234.) Observations on a visiting 
troupe of natives of India in regard to 
the treatment of infants, early mar- 
riages, and children's games. — F. B. 

Klementz (D.) Voyages de Dmitri 
Klementz en Mongolie Occidentale. 
(Bull. Soc. Geog. Paris, 1899, T ser. , 
XX, 308-329.) A brief account of the 
explorations of the author from 1885 to 
1897, apparently as a member of the 
Prjevalsky expedition. The Soiots of 
the Saian mountains, a people related 
to the Samoyeds but long under Turk- 
ish influence, are described ; some de- 
tails in regard to the Buriats are also 
given. Ruins and inscriptions, the 
work of an earlier population, were 
found throughout the area. — R. B. D. 

Olssufjev (A. W.) Der Anadyr-Bezirk 
nach A. W. Olssufjev. Trans, by D. 
Krahmer. (Peterm. Mitt., Gotha, 
1899, XLV, 29-37, 228-235, 261-268.) 
In the second of these three articles 
the Chukchi are described in some 
detail. Their division into groups, their 
physical characters, dress, social or- 
ganization, and mode of life are, taken 
up in succession. The Lamuts, as the 
Tunguse are called in this region, differ 
from the Chukchi very considerably, 
are inferior to them in physical develop- 
ment, and are hunters and not pastoral 
or settled people as are the Chukchi. — 
R. B. D. 

Preuss (K. Th.) Die Zauber- Muster 
der Orang Semang in Malaka. Nach 
den Materialien von H. V. Stevens. 
(Zeitshr. fur Ethn., Berlin, 1S99, xxxi, 
137.) A continuation of the investiga- 
tion begun by A. Griinwedel in vol. 
XXV of the same journal. The designs, 
or pictographs, which are supposed 
to avert disease by magic, are cut into 
bamboo combs or sticks and carried on 
the person. Each design prevents a 
malady and seems to consist chiefly of 
the symbol of that disease and the 
symbol of a flower having magic 
power. The system is highly devel- 
oped and complex, and not yet alto- 
gether clear. — A. L. K. 

Rosier (E.) Ausgrabungen in Trans- 
kaukasien. (Verh. d. Berl. Ges. flir 
Anthr., Ethn., u. Urgesch., 1899, 
XXXI, 243.) Some of the finds give 
evidence of an advanced state of tech- 
nology. — A. L. K. 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2 — 12 

Schumacher (Rob.) Eine Reise zu den 
Tschin-huan in Formosa. ((ilobus, 
Braunschw., 1899, Lxxvi, 217.) De- 
scription of a visit to the mountain 
tribes of Formosa, with sketches of 
implements. — F. B. 

von Stenin (P.) Jochelsons Porschun- 
gen unter den Jukagiren. (Globus, 
Braunschw., 1899, i.XXVi, 166.) A brief 
summary of W. Jochelson's important 
investigations on the Vukagheer. Re- 
port on the traditions, customs, and 
social organization of this tribe. They 
had no cliiefs. Forms of respectful 
address, like those present in other 
Asiatic languages, occur. Women erect 
the tent, carry game home, and do 
household work. The armor, which is 
made of rods of reindeer antlers, is 
decorated. Tribal feuds were often 
settled by duels between prominent 
men. Two interesting pictographs* 
(charts) accompany the paper. — F. B. 

Turley (R. T.) Through the Hun Kiang 
gorges ; or notes of a tour in No Man's 
Land, Manchuria. (Geog. Journ., 
Lond., i8gq, XIV, 292-302.) Contains 
a few details as to the distribution of 
the Koreans and Chinese in this region, 
the susceptibility of the latter to fevers, 
and their organization into guilds. — 
R. B. D. 

Australia and Pacific Islands 

von Biilow (W.) Beitrjige zur Ethno- 
graphie der Samoa-Inseln. (Int. Archiv 
f. Ethnog., Leiden, 1899, .xii, 129-145): 

III, Das Handwerkszeug des Tatuirer's. 
Brief description of implements and 
methods of Samoan tattooing. 

IV, Die Taube in den Sprachbildern der 
Samoaner. Account of peculiar influ- 
ences of the dove, dove hunting, etc., 
upon the vocabulary, particularly in 
modifying the so-called ' Hauptlings 
sprache ' as distinguished from the ver- 
nacular. The fact that the dove is 
but slightly concerned in the religious 
myths may account for its selection. 

V, le toga (Heilige Matten). Describes 
hand-plaited mats used as sacred offer- 
ings and on ceremonial occasions. Re- 
garded as gifts of the gods. Tradition 
to that effect is given in Samoan with 
German translation. 

VI, Der Ursprung des .-Vitu Moso. Tra- 
dition in Samoan with German transla- 
tion. — L. F. 



[N. S.. 


Karutz (D>) Hrei Knochengerathe von 
den Anachoreten. (Int. Archiv. f. 
Ethn., Leiden, 1899. xii, 146-148.) 
Description and discussion of bone im- 
plements in the Lubeck Museum. 

von Luschan (F.) Neue Beitrage zur 
Kthnographie der Matty-lnsel. (Int. 
Archiv f. Ethn., Leiden, 1899, xii, 121- 
128.) A brief report of observations 
and collections made during a visit in 
1897 ^'f ^^ German man-of-war Faiki: 
to .Slatty island, off the coast of New 
Cuiinea. Weapons and utensils are 
described, and a photograph and 
drawings of a characteristic and very in- 
teresting form of native canoe are given. 
No ]ihysical measurements nor linguis- 
tic results. Question of stock relation- 
shiji remains unsolved. — L. F. 

Perkins (Herbert). Some Australian 
' tree carvings. (Jour. Anthr. Inst., 
Lond., iSgq, II, 152.) Tliese tree 
carvings are preserved in the Australian 
Museum at Sydney. It was thought 
that they might refer in some way to 
the boomerang, or have been set to 
mark the graves of certain prominent 
men, but the author suggests that they 
had some connection with the "Bora" 
rites of initiation to manhood. All are 
said to come from one district of central 
New South Wales, west of the moun- 
tains. The paper is illustrated. — 
J. R. S. 

Roth (H. Ling). Cave shelters and 
the aborigines of Tasmania. (Nature, 
Lond., Oct. 5, 1899, LX, 545.) Note 
on the discovery of a cave shelter near 
Hobart.— R. B. D. 


Bennett (Albert L.) Ethnographical 
notes on the Fang. (Jour. Anthr. Inst., 
Lond., 1S99. II, 66-97, 3 pi.) A very 
complete anthropological account of 
this West African tribe by one long 
resident among them. It is especially 
full in the sections devoted to fetishes 
and religious rites, and contains some 
material regarding the " African pyg- 
mies." — J. R. S. 

de Cardi (Comte C. N.) Ju-ju laws 
and customs in the Niger delta. (Journ. 
Anthr. Inst., London, 1899, II, 51-63.) 
The account of customs and rites given 
under this head are from one who has 1 
had long and direct experience with the 
natives of the region indicated. The 

chief headings in the paper are " Ju- 
juism," "Native curse -words and 
sticks," " Clitoridectomy." In the 
" discussion " following Miss Kingsley 
furnishes much information regarding 
the social organization of the Kru. 
The text is illustrated by two plates and 
supplemented by four reproductions 
from photographs of Sherbro, west 
coast of .Africa. — J. R. S. 

Dorsey (G. A.) The ocimbanda, or 
witch-doctor of the Ovimhundu of 
Portuguese Southwest Africa. (Jour. 
Am. Folk-Lore, Boston, i?99, Xll, 
183-188.) Description of a complete 
" medicine chest " of a witch-doctor. — 
H. I. S. 

Hutter. Politische und sociale V'erhalt- 
nisse bei den Graslandstammen Nord- 
kameruns. (Globus, Braunschw., 1899, 
LXXVi, 2S4, 303.) Description of the 
political organization and methods of 
warfare, trade, and laws of the tribes 
northeast of Cameroon. — F. B. 

Marriott (H. P. Fitzgerald). The secret 
societies of W^est Africa. (Jour. Anth. 
Inst., Lond., 1S99, II, 21-27.) This is 
an abstract only, and the facts con- 
tained were drawn principally from 
sources beyond the author's immedi- 
ate experience. The compilation bears 
upon a very important phase of African 
culture in tlie region west of the Niger. 
—J. R. S. 


Blinker (J. R.) Das siebenbiirgisch- 
sachsische Bauernhaus. (Mitth. d. 
Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 1899, XXIX, 191.) 
A contentiim that the (ierman peasant 
house of Transylvania is typically 
Aryan and not of specifically South 
German origin. — A. L. K. 

Ella (Samuel). Dialect changes in the 
Polynesian languages. (Jour. Anthrop. 
Inst., Lond., 1890, il, 154-180) .\ 
concise and apparently full summary of 
phonetic changes among the various 
Polynesian dialects is given, followed 
by a brief account of the grammar and 
a comparative list of several common 
Polynesian words. The author has had 
long experience among the peoples 
speaking these dialects, especially in 
the Samoan group. — J. R. S. 

Cesky Lid [a Czech journal devoted to 
Czech and Slavonic folklore and eth- 
nology, Ed. B. Niederle, director 



Czech Ethnolog. Museum, Prague, Bo- 
hemia], vol. IX, Prague, i8gg. This 
volume contains a large number of in- 
teresting smaller contributions to Czech 
and Slavonic folklore, ethnology, and 
archeology. O. Fisch and F. J. Ce- 
cetka contribute to the history of vas- 
salage in Bohemia. O. Malec, A. 
Hlavinka, and C. Zibrt describe the 
picturesque costumes worn by the com- 
mon people in certain districts of Bo- 
hemia and Moravia. Papers by F. 
Kretz and R. Tyrsova deal respectively 
with the subjects of lace making and 
embroidery among the common people. 
Dusan Jurkovic describes the painting 
of certain external parts of the houses 
in Valachia, while V. liauer gives the 
nomenclature of various parts of the 
house in Silesia. Dances and songs of 
the people are the subjects of the com. 
munications of A. Alavinka, J. S 
Baar, J. L. Holub, J. Vluka, K. V. 
Adamek, L. (^uis ; while some tales, 
collected among common people, are 
given by I. Plosek and F. V. Bouchal. 
C, Zibrt continues his effort toward ex- 
plaining the superstitions among the 
Czecho-Slavonic peoples at the end of 
last and the beginning of this century. 
C. Holas writes about "traditional lit- 
erature." F. Kretz contributes to the 
history of a certain type of pottery in 
Slavonia. Mushrooms in western Mo- 
ravian folklore is the title of a paper by 
F. Silhavy. J. V. Neudoerfel describes 
an interesting custom among the com- 
mon people of the Chotebor district. 
The day consecrated in the calendar to 
Sta Katharina is a " ladies' day." The 
women prepare an elaborate feast for 
the occasion, which is participated in 
mainly by married people. The wife 
on this day assumes the role and the 
rights of her husband, and vice versa. 
There is a dance in the evening, and 
the women continue in the masculine 
role by choosing the partners, paying 
the musicians, ordering the "solos," 
etc. The men submit cheerfully to 
their feminine role. This performance 
ends at midnight with a grand supper, 
after which a regular dance, in which 
the unmarried also participate, is con- 
ducted. K. Labler reports some curi- 
ous municipal rules, from the year 
1582, in Brandejs nad Labem. Fi- 
nally, J. Vyhlidal writes about the life 
of Silesian children, describing certain 

of their customs, ditties, calls, ^ etc. 
'Phe numerous contributors of C'esky 
Lid are mainly teachers, physicians, 
and other more or less scientific men,' 
who are in direct contact with the com- 
mon people. Of Czecho-Slavonic folk- 
lore, songs, dances, and customs there 
is almost no end, and they differ more 
or less in every district and almost in 
every old village. — A. II. 
Kaindl (Raimund F.) Zauberglaube bei 
den Huzulen. (Globus, Braunschwg., 
1899, Lxxvi, 22g, 252.) Kaindl publ 
lisheda description of the beliefs of the 
Ruthenians on witchcraft in Globus, 
vols. 61 and 71. The beliefs of the 
Huzuls, the Ruthenians of the moun- 
tains, are described in the present paper. 
Most sorcery is believed to be accom- 
plished with the help of the devil ; but 
other means are also available. The 
belief in vampires is current. Some 
tales regarding vampires and witches 
are given. Certain people are able to 
exert supernatural control over the 
weather. Hail and storms are believed 
to be the work of the devil. Cattle may 
be bewitched and protected or cured 
by supernatural means. Sickness is 
cured in the same way. The author 
also describes philters, beliefs in re- 
gard to fishing, hunting, etc. — F. B. 
Ohnefalsch-Richter (M.) Neues uber 
die auf Cypern angestellten Ausgra- 
bungen. (Verb. d. Berl. Ges. fur 
Anthr., Ethn., u. Urgesch., iSqg, 
XXXI, 2g8.) The author continues his 
report of the results of excavations, 
and concludes by tracing the develop- 
ment of Cyprian culture and empha- 
sizing the importance of the island as 
the chief ancient point of communica- 
tion of Orient and Occident. — A. L. K. 
Read (C. H.) Presidential address. 
Section H, British Association for the 
Advancement of Science. (Nature, 
Lond., Oct. 5, iSgg, lx, 554-557.) 
Treats of the necessity of expert as 
against amateur investigation of arche- 
ologic remains in England, and urges 
the prosecution of anthropologic work 
in the British Empire on the scale that 
it is being carried on in Germany. — 
R. B. D. 

Tetzner (F.) Die Philipponen in Ost- 
preussen. (Globus, Braunschw., iSgg, 
i.xxvi, i8i-ig2.) Description of the 
history and customs of the descendants 
of a Russian sect in eastern Prussia — 
F. B. 


The International Congresses. — As announced in the last issue 
of this journal the fourth Inti knational Congrkss of Psychology 
will be held under the patronage of the French government in the 
Palais des Congres of the Paris Exposition, August 20th to 25th. The 
first international reunion of psychologists was held during the Paris 
Exposition of 1889, and resulted in periodical meetings with a perma- 
nent organization. The second congress met in London in 1892, and 
the third, which arranged the organization of the coming meeting, in 
Munich in 1896. The congress ajjpeals to all who may be interested in 
the study of the human mind. The president of the committee is Prof. 
Th. Ribot, the vice-president Dr Charles Richet, and the secretary Dr 
Pierre Janet, while of the seven sections of the congress Professor Delage 
is chairman of the section of animal and comparative psychology, anthro- 
pology, and ethnology. 

The twelfth International Congress of Prehistoric Anthro- 
pology AND Archeology will be held in the Palais des Congres, 
August 20th to 25th, the meetings being synchronous with those of the 
Congress of Psychology. The committee of organization is an un- 
usually strong one, consisting of thirty-one of the most prominent 
anthropologists in France. Its officers are M. Alexandre Bertrand, 
president ; M. Albert Gaudry and Dr E. T. Hamy, vice-presidents ; 
Dr R. Verneau, general secretary ; Dr G. Papillault, secretary ; M. 
Henri Herbert (74 rue Claude-Bernard), treasurer. The membership 
fee is fifteen francs. 

The International Congress of Ethnographic Sciences will 
hold its third session in the Palais des Congres, August 26th to Sep- 
tember I St. The committee of organization are : President, M. Maurice 
Block, president of the Societe d'Ethnographie ; first vice-president, 
M. le Baron Textor de Ravisi ; vice-presidents, MM. Boban-Duverger, 
Gauttard, Greverath, and Leon de Rosny ; general secretary, M. Georges 
Raynaud; secretaries, MM. Rene Allain, Laporte, Pouvrier, and 
Thomas ; treasurer, M. Leclere. American ethnologists proposing to 
attend the meetings of the congress or contemplating the presentation 
of papers should communicate as soon as practicable with M. Boban- 
Duverger, 18 rue Thibaud, or with the general secretary at 82 rue 

1 80 


Mouffetard. The membership fee is 12 francs. The congress will 
comprise seven sections, as follows: i, General ethnology; 11, sociology, 
ethics ; iii, ethnographic psychology ; iv, science of religion ; v, lin- 
guistics and paleography ; vi, arts and industries ; vii, descriptive 

The International Folklore Congress will hold its session at 
the Palais des Congres, September 10-12, the general subjects to be dis- 
cussed being classed under the sections Oral literature and popular art, 
and Traditional ethnography. The membership fee is 12 francs. 
Although French has been designated as the official language of the 
congress, papers maybe presented also in German, English, Italian, and 
Latin, in which latter event they must be accompanied by a resume in 
French, and should be in the hands of the secretary by July ist. The 
committee of organization consists of M. Gaston Paris, honorary presi- 
dent ; M. Charles Beauquier, president, MM. J. F. Blade, Loys Brueyre, 
and Eugene Miintz, vice-presidents ; M. Paul Sebillot (80 Boulevard 
Saint- Marcel), general secretary ; MM. Emile Blemont, George Don- 
cieux, and Raoul Rosieres, secretaries ; M. A. Certeux, treasurer. 

No meetings of greater interest to American anthropologists will be 
held during the exposition than those of the twelfth International 
Congress of Americanists, which also will be held under the patronage 
of the French government, the session beginning September 17th. The 
committee of organization has been selected from the Societe des Amer- 
icanistes de Paris, in accordance with the decision of the last congress. 
The president is Professor Hamy, with Prince Roland Bonaparte and 
the Marquis de Nadaillac as vice-presidents. Among the members of 
the committee are Baron de Baye, M. Desire Charnay, Professor Lavas- 
seur, M. le Due de Loubat (who has been so instrumental in advancing 
the interests of .\merican anthropology), MM. Maspero, Oppert, and 
Rosny, and Mr Henry Vignaud of the United States Embassy at Paris. 
The general secretary is M. Henri Froidevaux, 12 rue Notre-Dame-des- 
Champs ; the treasurer, M. Jules Hebert, Musee d'Ethnographie du 
Trocadero, Paris. The object of the International Congress of Amer- 
icanists is to contribute to the progress of scientific research concerning 
the Western Hemisphere, especially for the periods preceding and im- 
mediately following the discovery. Any person interested in the subject 
may become a member on payment of the subscription of 15 francs. 
The work of the congress has been divided into four sections, embracing 
practically every phase of American archeology, ethnology, and early 
history, as follows : i, History and geography ; 2, anthropology and 
ethnology ; 3, archeology ; 4, linguistics and paleography. Memoirs 

1 82 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

requiring more than fifteen minutes for reading will be presented only 
by abstract and in French. Papers by persons unable to be present 
should be in the hands of the secretary before Sejitember ist. 

It is hoped that American students will be well represented at the 
various congresses either in person or by papers. The latter will be 
published, with illustrations when necessary, in the rcjjorts of the re- 
spective congresses, which are sent free to members. 

Mexicans and Fatalism. — In nothing, perhaps, are the Mexican 
inhabitants of southwestern United States more markedly peculiar than 
in their fatalism. " God has so willed it ; so may it be," is one of their 
commonest aphorisms — the idea upon which the most trivial actions of 
their lives appear to be based. 

The town of Socorro, situated on the Rio Grande, 75 miles south of 
Albucjuerque, New Mexico, had suffered terribly from floods which, in 
the rainy season, were carried from the mountains by arroyos passing 
directly through the town. On examination it was discovered that by 
a small expenditure of money two miles above the place, the waters 
could be diverted, thereby making life and i)roperty jjerfectly safe. 
Don Camilio Baca, a large jjroperty-holder, when ajjproached in regard 
to a subscription for the purpose of carrying out this work, replied, 
"God i)laced the arroyo there, and there is where I want it to stay." 
And this, too, in spite of the fact that his own house had been washed 
down in a recent flood. 

The smallpox may be raging in its most virulent form, but the Mexi- 
cans — so far from seeking to avoid it — will take their children with 
them when they visit a house in which it is present. An American 
who was once taken care of in the house of a Mexican (by the way, the 
Spanish language has no word for home) while suffering severely from 
smallpox, told me that the women would bring their babies and lay 
them on his bed in order that they might contract the disease. This 
was done with a twofold purpose — that the children might have it 
when small (at which time they think it less likely to prove fatal), and 
that the i)arents might not be put to the trouble of rearing their children 
only to have them die after all. And yet, as parents, they are ordinarily 
most kind and pleasant, this apparent hard-heartedness being merely a 
reflection of their fatalism. Living as they have for generations in 
usually floorless, insanitary houses, generally crowded closely together 
even in the small towns, formerly without medical assistance being 
obtainable, has tended to foster the idea of submitting to what they 
imagine is "God's will." 

I know of one little to A-n that lost thirty-eight of its forty-five children 


at one visitation of smallpox — nearly all under twelve years of 
age — that length of time having elapsed since the last scourge had 
swept over them. The disease in this case was particularly fatal, but 
even in this instance there was an acquiescence unknown to people of 
Anglo-Saxon derivation. In many of these cases, no doubt, the chil- 
dren would not have contracted the disease had they not been pur- 
posely exposed to it. The Mexicans who live in or near American 
towns, or towns in which the American population predominates, have, 
of course, learned more of modern thought in regard to such things 
than have those of the more isolated villages, or the rural folk. 

This fatalism, while producing many serious results, has still its 
redeeming features. It leads to a certain contentedness, a sort of placid 
cheerfulness, that is somewhat of a relief to the insistent American 
strenuousness that will not down. 

While the ordinary Mexican has a roof to shelter himself and 
family, — no matter how humble his abode may be, — and a little food 
in the house, he seems to be perfectly happy. Life, to him, is not a 
perpetual battle of acquisition. He is as happy over his pot of beans 
and chile, with the inevitable tortilla, as a crowned king. 

When a member of a family dies, one or two days will be given up 
to mourning, after which they appear entirely reconciled to the new 
conditions and all vain regrets are banished. I have heard but once 
of any violent or dangerous outburst caused by grief at the death of a 
relation. In this instance a physician had been called to attend a 
young man, bedridden with a long-neglected case of diphtheria. After 
taking some medicine, the patient appeared to grow much better, and 
getting out of bed, bade his people good-bye. He then lay down 
again and was dead within fifteen minutes. The old father, frantic 
with grief, obtained a knife and was prevented only by force from 
attacking the doctor. 

The men are usually kind and affectionate husbands ; but very sel- 
dom does it happen when a woman dies that her husband remains 
single for a long time ; indeed many are married within six weeks or 
three months. Fatalism includes in its list of attributes not only the 
art of expecting and submitting, but also that of forgetting. 

U. Francis Duff. 

Polynesian Ethnology.— In a recent letter to Mr William H. 
Babcock of Washington, Mr Edward Tregear, the well-known ethnolo- 
gist of Wellington, New Zealand, writes as follows regarding the natives 
of that and other islands of Polynesia : 

" The only people of New Zealand who can be called mountaineers 

1 84 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2. 1900 

are the Uruwera of the eastern coast. Do 1 consider these mountaineers 
and the Moriori of the same race ? Well, no, only as branches of the 
Polynesian race, just as Maoris and Tahitians are the same people. 
The Moriori were a peaceful, quiet i)cople, almost without weapons, 
untattooed, with their language full of queer sounds. The Uruwera, 
on the contrary, were a very warlike and grim j^eople, apparently of 
real New Zealand stock. Our best authorities consider them 'the 
people of the land,' who were here centuries at least before canoes 
came from Hawaiki five hundred years ago. They claim to be 
autochthonous, but that is doubtful, for they have the regular Polynesian 
legends born in far other lands than these. There is absolutely no 
sign that New Zealand was occupied by a dark — a Negrito — people. 
The Uruwera have among them many people with fair hair and blue 
eyes (with no possibility of European cross), so that by the other Maori 
they are called * Fair-haired.' The fairies of the Maori are also said to 
have fair hair and blue eyes, so that the elves-and-gnomes theory 
would be untenable here if the prior inhabitants had been short and 
swarthy like the Andaman and Nicobar islanders. I must mention, 
however, that the Maori recognize some short, dark fairies — the 

" I believe that the Maori darkened in this way : Their canoes, as 
they passed eastward from India, were full of bold and warlike ex- 
plorers, with few if any women. As they reached the Malay islands 
they stoi)ped to plant food. Their yams and taro grown, they started 
again, i)erhaps in a year, perhaps not for a century ; but wherever they 
stopped they took the women of the land as wives. Alfuros then, the 
Malays had not come down from southeastern Asia. Then on to 
Papua, to the New Hebrides, New Britain, New Caledonia, Fiji,— 
always black wives, always darkening from the original Aryan type. 

" If by Maoris one means the ' Norman invasion ' from Hawaiki 
five hundred years ago, there were certainly people here before them. 
There are forts in New Zealand of almost that age, with giant trees 
growing from their earthworks, one of the latter being three miles in 
length. Ten thousand men could hardly defend such a wall. There 
are parts of the country where forty great forts may be counted at 
once. The country must have swarmed with people, and all these had 
to descend from a handful of canoemen and three or four women. 
Moreover, their legends tell of fierce battles which were fought soon 
after landing. But whether these inhabitants were Papuans or a 
prior migration of Polynesians cannot be determined. 

" The Uruwera are the same in appearance as other New Zealand 


peoples if we except the occasional light hair. They are utterly unlike 
the Negrito or Papuan, they have no tint or shade of that dusky black 
under the skin that marks the Hindoo people, nor of the ' blue black ' 
of the Fijian and Melanesian. They do not differ in stature, appear- 
ance, tattooing, or anything else from the true Maori, except that, owing 
to their isolation, they have kept their native bearing and ancient 
customs in greater purity. 

"I have not observed much difference between the Moriori and the 
Maori. Most of the Moriori had Jewish noses ; Tapu, their priest- 
chief, had a most tremendous Jewish nose. Their language is, I think, 
a subdialect of Maori, but with queer variations. Strangely enough 
they have the Eastern causative. A causative prefix whaka, or 
faka, is applied to verbs in New Zealand, Tonga, Samoa, and West 
Polynesia — haere, to go ; whaka haere, to cause to go ; takoto, to lie down ; 
whaka takoto, to lay down. In the east — Hawaii, the Marquesas, etc. — 
the natives use hoko or hoo for w/iaka, and this the Maori also do. 

" I have visited the Chatham islanders and talked with their oldest 
priest, noting their genealogies, legends, etc. Mr W. A. Shand, a 
native interpreter at the Chathams, was born among them and is the 
only man who thoroughly understands that curious and nearly extinct 
people, their language, religion, etc. He has published, in parts, in the 
Polynesian Journal, a complete history and description of the Moriori, 
giving the legends in their dialect, their songs, etc." 

Divisions of Some West Australian Tribes.— In an article 
contributed in 1898 to the American Philosophical Society, I described 
the eight intermarrying divisions of the Wom-by-a tribe, occupying the 
Cressweil Downs station and surrounding country. In that paper it 
was stated that this eight-section system extended from the boundary 
of Queensland to that of West Australia, and that it was in force over 
the greater part of the Northern Territory, a name given to the northern 
portion of South AustraHa.' Later in the year I ascertained that 
eight analogous sections, with slight variations in the names, existed 
among native tribes in the northwestern corner of Queensland. The 
names of these eight sections, with the order of their intermarriage and 
the descent of the offspring, are fully detailed in an article published in 
the July, 1899, issue of this journal. 

More recently it has been my good fortune to obtain reliable par- 
ticulars of a similar eight-section system among some large and im- 
portant tribes in West Australia. The tribes dealt with inhabit the 

^ Divisions of Australian Tribes; Proc. Amer. Fhilos. Soc, Phila., vol. xxxvii, 
pp. 131-154- 



[n. S., 2, 1900 

country from Cambridge gulf southward for about 300 miles and ex- 
tending westwardly from the boundary between the Northern Territory 
and West Australia for a hundred miles or more. This immense area 
includes the country drained by Ord, Denham, King, Forrest, and 
other rivers, Stirling creek, Sturt creek, Margaret river, and down 
Fitzroy river from its source to Minnie Pool, or farther westward. 
Seme of the best known of the tribes within the geographic limits 
mentioned are the Lunga, Keha, Perrakee, Mayu, Goonien, Nigena, 
Booneba, Jarrou, and Wolmaharry. The nomenclature of the eight 
sections in use among these tribes, their laws of intermarriage, and the 
designation of the children will readily be understood by an examina- 
tion of the following table : 












































As hitherto explained in dealing with similar organizations among 
the tribes of the Northern Territory and Queensland, the community 
is segregated into two phratries, each of which is subdivided into four 
sections. Each phratry has perpetual succession, or is maintained in- 
tact, by means of its women. For example, the daughter belongs to 
the same phratry as her mother, but to a different section. Taking 
the genealogy of the women composing ]>hratry A in the above table, 
it is seen that Nungulla is the mother of Nabijerry ; Nabijerry has a 
daughter Naboron ; Naboron produces Nabungarty ; and Nabungarty 
is the mother of Nungulla, being the sectional name with which we 
commenced, and this series is continually repeated in the same order. 
Every woman, therefore, takes the same sectional name as her great- 
great-grandmother, descent being invariably reckoned in the maternal 

In examining the table it will be observed that the sons take the 
sectional name of their paternal grandfather. For example, a Jungurra 


man begets a son Jabulgie by a Niingulla woman of phratry A. Jabulgie 
on attaining puberty marries Nackara, one of the women of the B 
phratry, and begets a son Jungurra, being the sectional name of his 
grandfather. The men who marry the women of the A phratry are 
the fathers of the men who marry the women of the B phratry, and 
vice versa. R. H. Mathews. 

Deaths. — Since the publication of the last number of this journal, 
death has removed a number of eminent men whose researches in 
various fields of anthropology have been of world-wide importance. 
Sir John William Dawson died at Montreal, November 19th, aged 
seventy-nine years. Although preeminently a geologist, his studies 
dwelt long on the borderland of the Science of Man, and several of his 
contributions to the subject have become classic. In i860 he published 
" Archaia, or Studies of the Cosmology and Natural History of the 
Hebrew Scriptures" ; in 1873 his "Story of the Earth and Man" first 
appeared, and it has since passed through many editions. Dawson's 
"Science and the Bible" (1875), "The Dawn of Life" (1875), "Fossil 
Men and their Modern Representatives" (1878 and 1880), were pub- 
lished in the order given ; his contributions to periodical literature 
and to the publications of various scientific institutions are numerous 
and many of them highly important. The loss of Sir William Dawson 
is a serious one to the scientific world, and particularly will it be felt 
by the institutions with which he had been so long and so honorably 

Although perhaps more widely known through his contributions to 
ornithology and kindred subjects, Dr Elliott Coues, who died at 
Johns Hopkins Hospital, Baltimore, December 25th, aged fifty-seven 
years, did much to elucidate the problems in the ethnology and history 
of the regions covered by various early explorers of the Great West. 
Lewis and Clark, Pike, Thompson and Henry, Fowler, Larpenteur, and 
Garc^s blazed the way through unexplored wilds, but the value of their 
labors was increased a hundred-fold by the scholarly treatment which 
their journals received at the hand of Elliott Coues. 

Walter James Hoffman died at Reading, Pennsylvania, Novem- 
ber 8, 1899, aged fifty-three years. Born at Weidasville, Pa., May 30, 
1846, he was graduated from Jefferson Medical College, Philadelphia, 
in 1866, and practiced his profession in Reading until the outbreak of 
the Franco-Prussian war when he was commissioned as surgeon in the 
Prussian army. On his return to the United States he was appointed 
acting assistant-surgeon, U. S. army, and was detailed as naturalist to 
the Wheeler Survey during its explorations in Arizona and Nevada. 

l88 AMERICAN ANTHROrOLOGlST [n. s., 2, 1900 

In 1872 he was ordered to Grand River agency, North Dakota, and 
detailed as surgeon of the Northern Pacific Railroad Survey under 
(General Stanley. In 1877 he became a member of the Hayden Survey 
as ethnologist and mineralogist, and at the organization of the Bureau 
of Ethnology in 1879 accepted an appointment as assistant ethnologist. 
His researches led him among many Indian tribes, notably the Ojibwa 
and the Menomini, and his memoir on the latter tribe, published by the 
Bureau of Ethnology, was awarded honorable mention by the Loubat 
Prize Committee in 1898. Dr Hoffman's bibliography is extensive 
both in number and in scope. He was a member of many European 
and American scientific and historical societies, and until shortly prior 
to his death was United States Consul at Mannheim, Germany. 

Other Recent Deaths : Dr Adolf Ernst, Director of the Na- 
tional Museum at Caracas, Venezuela, and author of numerous papers on 
the ethnology of that country. Dr Edward Petri, Professor of Geogra- 
phy and Anthropology in the University of St Petersburg, aged forty-five 
years. Mr James Simpson, curator of the anatomical museum of the 
University of Edinburgh. On October 25th, Grant Allen, author of 
" Physiological Esthetics," " The Color Sense," " Evolution of the Idea 
of God," "Charles Darwin," "The Evolutionist at Large," " Force and 
Energy," etc. 

Indian Canoe Making. — The material being ready, i. e., the 
bark, the ribs, and the slats, a suitable piece of ground is selected near 
a supply of water, — one that is level, preferably of clay, into which 
stakes, when driven, will remain upright and solid. The stakes are 
about three feet long and are driven into the earth fully eighteen inches. 
Two are fixed at each end, or where each end of the canoe is to be, 
and between these pairs two rows are driven corresponding to the 
"beam " dimensions of the intended vessel, the number depending on 
whether the canoe is to be one, two, or more fathoms in length. One 
of two fathoms long has, I think, seven stakes on each side, but the 
number of stakes also varies with the size of the pieces of bark, for if 
these are small, additional stakes are employed to support the joints. 
The stakes, of course, are driven into the ground in the form which 
the canoe is to take. 

If the bark has been cut some months before, it is softened by 
sleeping. Enough pieces are united with overlapping edges, by means 
of a stout twine, if it may be so called, made from spruce roots. The 
natural curve is of no assistance to the canoe maker, because the grain 
of the bark runs crosswise of the canoe ; moreover, the inner side of 
the bark is made the outer side of the work. 


The two ends of this bottom strip, having been sharply doubled, 
are forced between the end stakes, and the united pieces of bark are 
slightly hollow all along in consequence of this doubling at the ends. 
A fire having been lighted close by, stones are heated, and these are 
placed in the hollowed bark which has meanwhile been filled with 
water. Very soon the bark has been sufficiently steamed to be forced 
downward between the stakes to the ground. Strips to form the upper 
portions of the sides are now added by the stitching method, and by 
the application of pine pitch to all the joints. 

The ribs are next put in place. These are usually of cedar, from 
an inch and a half to two inches in width, and less than a quarter of an 
inch thick in the middle, lengthwise ; toward the ends they become 
thinner, and throughout their whole length they are thinned on the 
edges. They are placed from a half to three-quarters of an inch apart, 
and between them and the bark are inserted slats, of the same material 
and similarly made, reaching the whole length of the canoe. Together 
these form almost a complete hning. They not only add stiffness to 
the boat, but they prevent injury by pressure from within. Gunwale 
bars are lashed through the bark inside and outside and over the ends 
of the ribs with spruce bark. The vessel is stiffened by three bars 
from gunwale to gunwale — one in the middle and one near each end 
— which are also bound with spruce-root thongs. The bars are light, 
the central one being about three inches wide and three-eighths of an 
inch thick in the middle and thinned toward the edges, the other about 
two inches wide and thinned similarly. Holes are bored in the ends 
of them to receive the thongs. David Boyle. 

The Codex Cospianus, so named from its former owner, the 
Marquis Fernando Cospi (a Bologna patrician of the seventeenth century 
who formed a museum which he afterward presented to his native city), 
has recently been reproduced in facsimile by photochromography at the 
expense of the Due de Loubat. The execution of the work is marvel- 
ously fine, and reflects great credit on the Danesi publishing house of 
Rome. The manuscript was first published in colors by Lord Kings- 
borough in the second volume of his Antiquities of Mexico ; it is of the 
so-called pre-Columbian class, by which name are designated such 
Mexican manuscripts as show no trace of the Spanish conquest, and 
hence may be older than the Cortez invasion. A part of the codex is 
painted on the obverse and another part on the reverse only : some 
parts show pictures on both sides. The whole represents the work of 
two "artists, one of whom performed his task remarkably well. The 
first part shows symbolic pictures arranged in little squares, thirteen in 


each row, which is the number of days in the so-called Mexican week- 
Most of the squares are occupied by two figures only, and as there are 
two hundred and sixty squares, Professor Thomas has concluded that 
"this first part is a tonalaniatl, applying to the 260-day calendar chart. 
This reads from left to right, beginning with the lower line and going 
up, like that of the Vatican codex, while that of the Borgian codex 
reads from right to left and from bottom ui)ward. The tonalattnUl of 
the Codex Cospianus appears to be much more symbolic or mystical 
than the other two mentioned. The day symbols vary more from the 
typical, as usual, and, moreover, each has an accompanying symbol, 
which probably has some reference to the nine ' lords of the night.' 
These symbols appear to be repeated at every ninth one, though some- 
what varied in form." Professor Thomas also believes that, though be- 
longing to the pre-Columbian series, the Cospi codex appears to be of 
more recent origin than the Codex Borgianus, as it introduces the dots 
and lines in expressing numbers ; it is also incomplete, as there are but 
eleven of the larger legless sitting figures, this number corresponding 
with no known number in the Mexican time system. As to the signifi- 
cation of the single figures composing the tonalamatl or " book of life- 
signs," the appended Spanish " Description " is almost silent, and in most 
cases tlieir meaning can only be surmised. 

Another part of the codex (pages 9-32) is occupied by pictures of 
warriors or war gods, monsters, houses or temples, or by a single human 
figure, all in bright colors, beneath which are numeral signs, chiefly of 
the numbers six, seven, eight, and nine. These marks seem to give a 
chronologic character to the whole work, which, when fully understood, 
will be of great literary and ethnologic interest. 

An inscription states that the codex was presented by Valerio Zani 
to the Marquis Cospi, December 26, 1665. It now belongs to the 
University Library of Bologna, 

A. S. Gatschet. 

Sir Hans Sloane was a born collector, ])ossessing in high degree 
the habit of accurate observation and recording so necessary for the 
identification of objects and the preservation of information concerning 
them. It is well known that his collections and the house in, which 
they were stored, bequeathed to Great Britain, were the nucleus of the 
British Museum. He was physician to the Duke of Albemarle while 
the latter was Governor of Jamaica at the close of the seventeenth 
century. His History of Jamaica is a model for explorers and museum 
collectors. The volumes are in large quarto, with full-size drawings of 
plants, insects, and birds. The first volume was published in 1707, 



and after a lapse of twenty years the second appeared. Sir Hans ex- 
plains this delay by telling of his collection and the time and labor 
expended (out of his daily practice as a physician) in arranging, classify- 
ing, and labeling it. After listing many thousands of natural history 
specimens, Sir Hans continues — 

Humana, viz. Stones of the Kidney and Bladder, Anatomical Prepara- 
tions, and the like. 
Miscellaneous things not comprehended with the foregoing, both 

Natural and Artificial, 
Things relating to the Customs of Antient Times, or Antiquities, Urns, 

Instruments, &c.. 
Large Seals, 

Pictures, many relating to Natural History, 
Mathematical Instruments, 

Large Vessels, Handles, and other things made of Agats, Jaspers, Cor- 
nelians, Christals, besides many Camei and Seals, excisa, and in- 
Medals, antient, as Samaritan, Phaenician, and Coins in all Metals, 
Books in Miniature or Colours, with fine Drawings of Plants, Insects, 
Birds, Quadrupeds, Fishes, and all sorts of natural and artificial 
Books of Prints, &:c.. 

Volumes of Manuscripts, the greatest part of them relating to Physick, 
and Natural History, Travels, &:c. 
The etymology of " pickaninnies " or, as Sloane spells \t, pii^aninnies, 
is given in his work. It is a corruption oi peqtienos fii/los, applied to the 
slave or black babies of Jamaica. Thomas Wilson. 

Borgiano Mexican Codex — Another very important Nahuatl 
manuscript has been reproduced for the use of students through the 
munificence of the Due de Loubat. The Borgiano codex antedates 
the conquest of Mexico, and ranks among the very rare codices pre- 
served in Mexico and Europe which are conventionally called pre- 
Columbian. It excels in size, and consequently in the richness of its 
pictorial text, all the others known, while in the integrity of its repro- 
duction, including the preservation in facsimile of the original binding, 
it is equaled only by Vatican codex No. 3773, published also under the 
direction of the Due de Loubat in 1896. Linguistically and ethno- 
graphically considered, the Borgiano codex is a Nahuatl manuscript 
from Anahuac ; in regard to its contents, it is ritualistic, or, as P. 
Fabrega defines it, a historical, ritualistic, and astronomical almanac. 
It therefore differs greatly from the Maya and Zapotec, as well as from 

19- AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 2. 1900 

the historical and tributary codices. The codex is the property of the 
ethnographical museum of the Congregation de Propaganda Fide at 
Rome, and was called Borgiano because it was once tlie property of 
Cardinal Stefano Borgia, who died in 1804. The facsimile reproduc- 
tion of the original is so perfect that even the most minute details of 
the binding are represented. The material of the codex consists of a 
strip of the skin of a Mexican deer, 10 meters in length and 27 centi- 
meters in width, and comprising fourteen ])ieces of varying length, 
glued together and prepared to receive the writing by means of a thin 
coaling or sizing of transparent glue. The strip was folded in thirty- 
nine equal parts, one over the other, in the form of a screen, making a 
volume 27 centimeters high by 26^ centimeters wide. At a period sub- 
sequent to the completion of its pictorial text, the volume was covered 
with two thin boards, to which the two extremities of the strip were 
fastened with nails. The first three folded parts of the strip (pp. 74- 
76) have been slightly scorched. The text is written upon both sides 
of the skin. Like the Cospianus, the Borgiano codex was published 
by Lord Kingsborough, but it is hardly necessary to add that the Due 
de Loubat's reproduction far exceeds the former in beauty, faith- 
fulness, and freedom from arbitrary additions. 

A. S. Gatschet. 

The Dresden Museum. — Dr A. B. Meyer, Director of the Royal 
Zoological, Anthropological, and Ethnographical Museum at Dresden, 
who recently visited the United States on a special mission from the 
government of Saxony, for the purpose of inspecting its museums and 
scientific institutions, calls attention to the omission, from the article on 
The Anthropological Museums of Central Europe, by Dr George A. 
Dorsey. published in the July, 1899, number of this journal, of refer- 
ence to the museum under his direction. In a note, dated September 25th 
last, Dr Meyer says : 

" Dr Dorsey, . . . speaking of the anthropological collections of 
Germany and Austria, mentions only those of Berlin and Vienna, 
entirely overlooking that of Dresden. I therefore take this opportunity 
of saying that the Dresden collection is the greatest public anthropo- 
logical collection in Germany, covering over 2000 skulls, a great series 
of skeletons, busts, and samples of hair, besides jiossessing the most 
complete set of anthropometric instruments I know of." 

Under date of October 26th, Dr Meyer sup[)lements his previous 
note with the following information : 

"The cases and desks wherein the anthropologic collection is 
exhibited are forty meters long, the cases three to four meters high. 


There are about 40 skeletons of the races of the earth, chiefly from 
the East ; about 2000 skulls, among them being about 500 Melane- 
sians, 350 Philippine islanders (40 Negritos, and many deformed, from 
caves), about 130 criminals and insane, about 600 of the various 
European races, etc., besides many single bones from different parts 
of the earth. There are about 500 casts of busts, heads, skulls, brains, 
and single parts of the body, including 63 specimens of criminals and 
insane, about 150 of races, 120 of celebrated persons, etc. There are 
about 250 samples of hair from various races, chiefly Eastern, and about 
50 anthropometric instruments of all kinds. The entire collection num- 
bers about 3000 catalogued specimens. Th^re are, besides, 73 osteo- 
logical specimens of anthropoid apes." 

Hindu Superstitions. — Mr M. R. Pedlow gives the following 
superstitions among Hindus in the Central Provinces, in the Indian 
Antiquary for February : 

If sparrows nest in a house-eaves, or any one scribbles on the floor 
with charcoal, or spiders make webs on the walls, the owner will fall 
into poverty. 

To guard children against the evil eye, their mothers disfigure them 
by applying lampblack to the eyes or make black spots on their fore- 
head, cheek, or chin ; but girls are usually tattooed, not marked in 
this way. 

When children are attacked by the evil eye they show it by their ap- 
petite falling off. To remedy this, the mother takes salt, dried chillies, 
and charcoal and puts them into a pot of water colored with lime 
and turmeric. This is waved three times over the child, and then 
spilled on the ground, or the ingredients are cast dry into the fire with 
some of the child's hair. 

Fruit and vegetable gardens and patches of cultivation stand in need 
of protection from the evil eye, or else their growth will be stunted, 
even if they are watered daily. 

The owners of gardens take the following precaution : A scarecrow 
or some animal's bones or a whitewashed pot is set up in the plot. 

Black or blue threads, or pieces of leather or cowries are also 
fastened to the necks or legs of the house cattle to avoid the evil eye. 
On proof of pregnancy, the wife washes herself profusely, taking 
much care to avoid the shade of a man falling on her, in the belief that 
her child, if born, would take after that man in features, though not in 
mental character. 

White Mountain Apache baskets are of many shapes 
and sizes and are of two varieties — the bowl basket, /.yr7, and the 

AM. ANTH. K. S , a— 13 

194 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 2. 1900 

olla-shape basket, toose. The Apache also make basketry water-jars 
coated inside and outside with mesquite gum. The bowls and ollas 
are made from willow. I have often seen the women coming from 
the river almost hidden by loads of willow. When they arrive in 
camp they strip off the bark and leaves and wrap the osiers into 
small bundles. The black patterns are made with the Martynia pod. 
It takes a great many of these pods to furnish one pattern, because 
for even a moderate decoration the only part used is a shred of black 
from the prong. The only tools used are a butcher-knife and a 
small awl. When the woman begins to work on a basket she soaks 
the willows in water to make them pliable, then strips off the fine 
splints for sewing by putting the end of the switch in her mouth and 
paring off the filaments with a knife. In this they are so expert that 
the strips are wonderfully uniform. They then prepare the small osieis 
on which to work the coil. They punch a hole with the awl for every 
wrap, and push the filament through, as in threading a needle, pulling it 
very tight. They piece out the splints very neatly in the bowl basket, 
and always end on the inside, terminating them with their knives. As 
soon as the basket is finished it is put into use. K. T. Dodge. 

Dr Fewkes' Researches. — In a letter from Dr J. Walter 
Fewkes, he states that before going to Tusayan he remained a week in 
Holbrook, Arizona, to make notes, sketches, and photographs of a 
collection of two thousand objects of pottery, stone, bone, and shell 
from the region, formed by Mr F. J. Wattron. He says: "The 
collection is jjarticularly rich in Homolobi specimens, and the pottery 
has a few new pictographs. The Sikyatki specimens reveal a most in- 
structive cult which I had long suspected existed in that prehistoric 
pueblo, but had only fragmentary evidence of it. I hope the collection 
will find a permanent home in some institution." The enthusiasm 
with which Dr Fewkes entered his winter's work at the Hopi villages, 
with all its privations, betokens the true explorer, and no one doubts 
that the results will jjrove as valuable as his previous investigations in 
this field. Walter Hough. 

Anthropology in England. — In comparing the interest taken in 
anthr()i)ulogy in Kngland and on the continent. Nature (October 19th) 
says : "As an example of the interest that is taken in anthropology on 
the continent, we call attention to the publication of the free courses 
of lectures delivered by Prof. E. Morselli, at Turin and Genoa. The 
title of the publication is ' Antropologia Generale : Lezioni su I'Uomo 
econdo la Teoria dell' Evoluzione.' When will it be jjossible for the 


English public to hear systematic lectures on anthropology of any kind, 
free or otherwise ? " 

In its issue of December 14th, the same journal, commenting on 
the article by Dr G. A. Dorsey on " The Anthropological Museums 
of Central Europe," published in the July, 1899, number of the 
American Anthropologist^ says : " It is clear that in the United States 
the study of ethnology is being pursued with the same enthusiasm as 
in Germany, and that it has succeeded in a similar manner in securing 
a large measure of popular support. Viewed in the light of these facts, 
the conditions of things in Great Britain appears doubly deplorable." 

The Vai or Vei are the only negroes who possess a true and in- 
digenous writing. They occupy a territory on the confines of Sierra 
Leone and Liberia. The alphabet is syllabic, and it is the only 
syllabic alphabet existing in Africa. The first account of this re- 
markable language was published by Forbes and Norris in 1849, 
and Koelle also wrote on it in 1849 and 1854. Since then nothing 
has been published thereon till the recent study of M. M. Delafosse 
{^Anthropologic^ tome x, 1899, pp. 129, 294). Forbes and Koelle 
asserted that the alphabet was invented about 1829 or 1839, but Dela- 
fosse considers it at least two hundred years old and perhaps older ; it 
is not even certain that it was invented by the Vai themselves. Forbes 
was also wrong in stating that this alphabet was no longer in use in 
1849 ; as a matter of fact, it is still increasingly employed. Of the 226 
characters in the alphabet, 25 resemble Berber consonants in form, and 
20 resemble European letters and numerals ; but these may be purely 
superficial resemblances, as the sounds do not correspond. The 
author does not consider that the Vai alphabet has been derived from 
these sources. 

An Ostiak Custom. — Mr William Tegg relates a custom of the 
Ostiaks who, desiring to test their women, give to them a handful of 
hair pulled from a bearskin. If the woman accepts the gift the man 
may be assured of her honesty and purity, for her belief is that if it 
were otherwise, the bear, whose hair was pulled, would return at the 
end of three years and devour her. Thomas Wilson. 


Dr G. A. Dorsey, curator of anthropology of the Field Columbian 
Museum, accompanied by an assistant and Rev. H. R. Voth, have 
returned to Chicago from the Hopi pueblo of Oraibi, Arizona, whence 
they departed December 6th. The aim of the expedition was to pro- 
cure additional ethnological material, to witness the aj)proaching 

196 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2. 1900 

solstice ceremony in order to obtain suggestions for new groups, and to 
start a systematic and somewhat extended excavation for the purpose 
of strengthening the Museum's archeological exhibit from Tusayan. 
The expenses were covered by Mr Stanley R. McCormick of Chicago, 
who placed S5000 at the disposal of the Museum in addition to the 
$10,000 already expended on the Hopis. The splendid exhibit, which 
fills three large halls, is attracting many visitors. An account of the 
Voth collection was given in the Anthropologist for April last. 

The University of Pennsylvania's Free Museum of Science 
and Art at Philadelphia, one of the late Dr William Pepi)er's cherished 
hopes, was formally opened on December 20th in the presence of 
several thousand people. Immediately following the presentation to 
the board of trustees of the museum, a bronze statue of the late Dr 
Pepper, the gift of friends, was unveiled. The presentation speech 
was made by ex-Senator George F. Edmunds, in behalf of the Dr 
Pepper testimonial committee. In connection with his address, Dr 
Edmunds was delegated by Mrs Frances Sergeant Pepper, the widow 
of Dr Pepper, to present to the university trustees, as a memorial to 
her husband, a gift of $50,000 to continue the work which Dr Pepper 

The thirteenth lecture course on science and travel at the 
Field Columbian Museum will be given during March and April. 
Those of anthropologic interest are : March 24, " Primitive American 
art with illustrations drawn chiefly from studies in aboriginal games," 
by Mr Stewart Culin ; March 31, "Archeological discoveries on the 
North Pacific coast of America," by Mr Harlan I. Smith ; April 7, 
"Soyaluna, a Hopi winter solstice ceremony," by Rev. H. R. 
Voth ; April 28, " Indian tribes of the great plains," by Mr James 

Archeological explorations were conducted about Long Island 
sound and lower Hudson valley during last season by Mr M. Raymond 
Harrington, in the interest of the American Museum of Natural 
History. The researches have brought to light a number of Indian 
burials as well as specimens from shell-heaps. Mr Marshall H. 
Saville, of the American Museum, left New York in the latter part of 
December for the purpose of carrying on excavations at the ruins of 
Xoxo for a season of three months. 

Swiss Lake Skulls. — M. E. Pitard describes in Anthropologic 
(tome X, 1899, p. 281) three crania from Swiss Lake sites. 'I he first, 
from Point, with an index of 91.5, belongs to the Rhetian or Dissentis 


type, and is remarkably similar to a skull described by M. Verneau 
from Concise, which that author believed to belong to the bronze age ; 
but M. Pitard asserts that his example is neolithic. The other two 
crania were found in the same layer at Concise, and are of the bronze 
age ; their indices are 77.6 and 84.6. 

The Folk-Lore Society of London, it is stated, has placed on 
permanent deposit in the Museum of Archeology and Ethnology of 
Cambridge University a collection consisting of more than 600 objects 
illustrating the folklore of Mexico. The collection, which was made in 
Mexico by Prof. Frederick Starr of the University of Chicago, was 
exhibited last June at a joint meeting of the Folk-Lore Society and the 
Anthropological Institute. 

The valuable library relating to the American Indians collected 
by the late J. Hammond Trumbull has been acquired by the Watkinson 
Library at Hartford. Dr Trumbull's manuscript Natick Dictionary, 
compiled mainly from the various translations of John Eliot, has been 
presented to the American Antiquarian Society at Worcester, and steps 
have been taken toward its publication. 

The foundation of a chair of American Archeology at the 
University of Berlin by the Due de Loubat, has given a great impetus 
to the development of the teaching of anthropology at that university. 
Recently it has been announced that Dr Adolf Bastian has been made 
Professor Ordinarius of Ethnology. This has been followed by the 
announcement of the appointment of Dr Felix von Luschan as Professor 
(extraordinarius) of Anthropology. 

A committee, consisting of Mr James E. Scripps, Mr George W. 
Bates, of Detroit, and Prof. Francis W. Kelsey, of the University of 
Michigan, was appointed at the annual meeting of the Detroit branch 
of the Archaeological Institute of America, and was instructed to name 
a general committee to prepare a memorial to be submitted to the next 
State legislature on the subject of an archeological survey of Michigan. 

The American Arch^ologist, formerly The Antiquarian, of 
Columbus, Ohio, has been purchased by Popular Science (not Appletons 
Popular Science Monthly) of New York City, and will be merged into 
and become a part of the archeological department of that magazine 
conducted by Mr Warren K. Moorehead, assisted by Messrs J. F. 
Snyder and A. F. Berlin. 

Mr George Byron Gordon started for Central America, De- 
cember 5th, on an archeological expedition under the auspices of the 

198 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Peabody Museum of Harvard University. Arrangements have been 
made by which explorations will be renewed at the ruins of Copan, 
where the Museum has done much important work during previous 

By the will of Thomas .Armstrong, of Plattsburgh, N. Y., Union 
College is to receive between $100,000 and $150,000. It is required 
that the college shall endow a chair of sociology and offer a certain 
number of annual prizes and scholarships for the sons of Clinton 
County farmers. — Science. 

Thk Society of Moscow has established "an 
archeological commission" (i. e., an Historical Manuscripts Commission), 
according to the American Historical Eeinew, the function of which is 
to print reports on the contents of the lesser public and private archives 
of Russia. 

Mrs Eliz.'Vbeth A. Johnson, of White Rock, Republic county, 
Kansas, has donated to the Kansas State Historical Society eleven 
acres of land, embracing the site of the Pawnee Indian village where 
Capt. Zebulon Montgomery Pike, in 1806, first raised the American 
flag on Kansas soil. 

Anthropological Institute. — .At a meeting of the Anthropo- 
logical Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, held January 30th, Mr 
C. H. Read was elected president, Mr A. L. Lewis treasurer, and Mr 
J. L. Myres secretary for the ensuing year. 

Dr Merton L. Miller, author of an interesting and instructive 
" Preliminary Study of the Pueblo of Taos, New Mexico," Chicago, 
1898, has been appointed to an associateship in anthropology in the 
University of Chicago. 

Dr Daniel P. McMillan has received an appointment in the 
Child-study Department recently established in the public schools of 

Mr \V. L. H. Duckworth has been appointed to the University 
lectureship in physical anthroi)ology, Cambridge, England. 

The dignity of a peerage has been conferred on Sir John 
Lubbock, Bart. 




American Anthropologist 


Vol. 2 April-June, 1900 No. 2 



Dialects of the Chinook language were spoken along both 
banks of Columbia river from the Cascades to the sea, and for 
some distance up the Willamette. They are divided into two sets, 
Upper and Lower, the former embracing those " from the Cas- 
cades to Grey's Bay on the northern bank of the river and to 
a point a little above Astoria on the southern " ; the latter " the 
Clatsop dialect of the lower Columbia and the Chinook of Shoal- 
water Bay." These last are now practically extinct. 

Horatio Hale, philologist of the Wilkes expedition, 1838-42, 
made a slight study of this language, the results of which are con- 
tained in the section on " Ethnography and Philology," of the 
reports of that expedition, pages 562-564, as " 6. The Tsliimik 
Family^ It was based mainly on the Watlala dialect of Upper 
Chinook. In Vol. II of the Transactions of the American Ethno- 
logical Society, (pages xxiii-clxxxviii) this account was reprinted 

' Thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy accepted by the Committee of the 
Division of American Archeology and Ethnology of Harvard University. 

200 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, igoo 

under the title : " Hales Indians of North-west America and vocab- 
ularies of North America; with an introduction. By Albert 
Gallatin." Prof. Friedrich Miiller copied it again into his 
Grundriss der SpracJiivissenscliaft, 1882, Vol. II, part i, pages 
254-256, adding a few suggestions which were generally correct. 

In the summers of 1890 and 1891 Prof. I'ranz Boas, having 
learned that the dialects of Lower Chinook were almost extinct, 
succeeded in collecting a series of Chinook Texts, which were 
published by the Bureau of Ethnology in 1894. From studies of 
the language in these and the following years Professor Boas out- 
lined its grammar in " Notes on the Chinook Language," pub- 
lished in the A7)icrican AntJiropologist for January, 1893 (pp. 55- 
()^. These " outlines," the printed texts, and the manuscript 
notes made by Professor Boas are the bases of the present study 
into the morphology of the verb. 


Figures appended to the examples given refer to the corre- 
sponding page and line in the published Chinook Texts; thus, 
213.19 means that the preceding example will be found in line 
19, page 213. K. refers to the Katlamat notes, ex. after the page 
number (e. g., 213 ex.) indicates that the illustration was taken 
from notes on that page of Professor Boas' original note-books. 

Sounds in the words to which attention is desired are 

I. Phonetic Laws 

Phonetic changes play such an important part in Chinook that 
they will be the first subjects for consideration. The appended 
alphabet is taken from the Introduction to Professor Boas' 
Chinook Texts: 

a, e, i, o, u, have their continental sounds (short), 
a, e, I, o, Q, long vowels. 
A, E, I, o, u, obscure vowels. 

swanton] morphology OF THE CHINOOK VERB 201 

% ^ \ °> "> vowels not articulated but indicated by the position of the 

a as in German Bar. 

a atv in law. 

6 (? in German voll. 

e ^ in <^^//. 

separates vowels which do not form diphthongs, 
ai / in island. 

au otv in how. 

I as in English, 

II very long, slightly palatized by allowing a greater portion 

of the back of the tongue to touch the palate. 
T posterior palatal I ; the tip of the tongue touches the alveoli 

of the lower jaw, the back of the tongue is pressed 

against the hard palate, sonans. 
L the same, short and exploded (surd ; Lepsius' /). 

Lj the same, with very great stress of explosion. 

q velar k. 

k English k. 

k' palatized k (Lepsius' ^') almost ky. 

kX might be better defined as a posterior palatal k, between k 

and k'. 
X as ch in German Bach. 

X X pronounced at posterior border of hard palate. 

x' palatal x as in German ich. 

s, c, are evidently the same sound and might be written s' or c', 

both being palatized ; c (English sh^ is pronounced 

with open teeth, the tongue almost touching the palate 

immediately behind the alveoli ; s is modified in the 

same manner. 

' / as in English, but surd and sonant are difficult to dis- 

' ^ C tinguish. 

g, k) '^ 

h as in English. 

y as vayear. 

w as in English. 

m is pronounced with semi-clausure of the nose and with very 

slight compression of the lips ; it partakes, therefore, of 
the character of b and tv. 
n is pronounced with semi-clausure of the nose ; it partakes, 

therefore, of the character of d. 

202 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

j designates increased stress of articulation. 

! designates increased stress of articulation due to the elision 

of q. 

c is a very decj) laryngeal intonation, due to the elision of q. 

2, 4 designate excessive length of vowels, representing approxi- 

mately the double and fourfold mora. 

In this tabic it will be observed that several pairs of sounds — 
d and /, b and /, g and k — arc noted as " difficult to distinguish." 
This is probably not due to lack of fixity in the sound itself, but 
is because one Chinook sound is mediate between the pair used 
by us. In the present paper one or the other of the above pairs of 
sounds will be used indiscriminately. b, however, has been 
entirely replaced by / or ;;/. The two remaining unaspirated k- 
sounds — t and q — will often be found grammatical equivalents 
of k and^, and a similar interrelation prevails between the three 
aspirates, .v, X, and x. The vowels e and i, o and u constitute 
two grammatically interchangeable pairs ; a, the only vowel outside 
of these of grammatical significance, will be found more closely 
related to the 0-71 than to the e-i pair. 

To summarize, in tabular form, grammatical equivalents are — 

0, u (to which a is closely related), 
e, i, 

X', g, k' (rarely q and ' ) -\ These will be 
q,^ (. referred to 

X, X, X', the "aspirates" ) as " k-sounds." 

More important is the relation existing between the sounds /, 
«, and c. NixEVtcEmaox, he heard about it (266.21),' becomes, 
for instance, in the third person plural noxOi'^tcEmaox, they heard 
about it (266.4) ; anix'E;/EmO'sx'i;m, I fool him (i 10 ex.), becomes 
atcuXuzmo'sx'Em, he fooled them (178.15), the / and // changing 
to e (or i). Again, agigE'/xC-m, she called him (157.10), changes 

See explanations, p. 200. 

swanton] morphology of THE CHINOOK VERB 203 

to nugu^^xe'ma, I will call them (153 ex.), and axEwo'ten, she 
helped sing (150.10), to nuxo^'xo'ten, they helped sing (260.21). 
A direct change from / to n is probably indicated in the words 
o'po/, night (108.10), and nop6//Em, it got dark (23.5). We know, 
however, that the frequentative suffix / becomes n under certain 
conditions. Examples are akso'pEnaw, she jumps about (192.13); 
nixE'nko^z, he ran about (127.13); oxune'w, she was drifting about 
(223.10); tcupEna'/nL, he jumps much (iii ex. K.) ; atcLEl^- 
e'mE;/iL, he gives him food always (22.12). In such words as 
akso'pEnaw and oxune';^, it is evident that the use of n is 
governed by the preceding n, but no definite rule can be found 
for the others. The change from / or n to <?, however, is always 
accompanied by the insertion of an (or ii) immediately before it, 

A slight change which ought to be noted in this connection is 
the omission of a succeeding o ox a prefix when the above change 
occurs. We have atcayaV^x, he did her to him (i 18.10), but 
atcta'wzx, he did them to them (95.2); aqe'LE/i^tx, they gave him 
to it (267.26), and aqta'w/tx, they gave them to them (249.13) 
where %v stands for ii^ and the succeeding and a are dropped. 

An important harmonic law now confronts us which must, 
indeed, be considered the most important in the language. It 
has already been indicated in the examples given above, — 
nixE'ltcEmaox and n<?x^e'tcEma6x, agigE'lxem and n?/gMexe'ma, 
— where the insertion of o (or u) after x and g follows upon the 
insertion of an or u before those letters. Stated in full, this law 
dictates that, when the vowel o or ii falls before a k-sound, the 
vowel a immediately following is changed to o, and unless the k- 
sound is one of a group of stem consonants, any other sound has 
o inserted before it. In ncx<?e'tcEma6x, for instance, x preceded 
by is immediately followed by a new o inserted before e. The 
same is true of g in n?Zgz^exe'ma. In these cases the action of the 
law is somewhat obscured by the change of / to r, but ^gwe'pXati 
(bark-tree, 125 ex.), n^xckj^e'neyak (bundles, 66.22), and 0^0 VuW 
(woman, 60.1), will bring it out clearly. aLge'pXate, alder country 

204 AMERICAN AX THROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

(340 ex.), contains the same element -gepXa as ^g/^c'pXati, the only 
real difference being in the initial vowel, and we find conformably 
to our law that a second appears between g, the k-sound, and 
c. Here the k-sound is followed by c: in the next example, 
n(?x^k;i?e'neyak, from inixkj'e'niak, the second is inserted between 
two consonants, x and /•, x being here the reflexive prefix. This 
word also illustrates the possibility of two successive insertions, 
for we have one between x and k, and a second between ki and c. 
The third example we have given, ^■'^■j'k;/il, woman, illustrates this 
still further, besides giving an example of the application of the 
law to the vowel a. L^a'gil is a neuter form of the same word. 
being substituted for Z, a is then changed to 0, and a second is 
inserted after ^'■. Other examples of the displacement of ahyo 
are, tqage'lx'te (firebrands, 43 ex. K.), singular, ^q^gue'lx'te 
(43 ex. K.) ; Lk'asks (child, 5 ex.), ?/k'J'ckc (girl, 108.2). Further 
cases of insertion are na'xLXa (she begins to burn, 108.16), \\o- 
x^'LXa (they burn, 108.15); ne'Xko (he went home, 1 14.21), n^-'x()ko 
(they went home, 1 18.25) ; e'ktcxam (he sang, 235.12), ^J'k^JtcxEm 
(they sang, 167.4). Successive changes under proper conditions 
may extend to the end of the word. Lga'xa, her child (neuter ; 
177.6), becomes, for instance, iigdY.0 in the feminine (146.9). This 
word and o^o'k/nl illustrate the possibility of changes in the stem 
where the k-sounds are succeeded by a or c. With a group of 
consonants in the stem the case is different. atcLe'lu/r (he spears 
him, 183.5), atco'/Yf/iVamit (he roasts her, 94.4), atci'Lu/^r/ (he 
sees it, 1 84. 18), preserve their stems -kc, -ktckt, -kct, intact, although 
k is immediately preceded by u. The converse of the law is 
illustrated sufficiently by examples already given, (J'k^/rxEm, x\o- 
xJZxa, uk'J'ckc, d(\oguc'\x-\.c, where the changes stop at /, Z, c, 
and e. Its great importance, and the necessity of always bearing 
it in mind, are shown by the difference between L^a'gil and 
o^O'kuil, tqage'lx-te and oqogue'lx'te, Lga'xa and ugo'xo. In 
operation it is practically infallible, and the predilection of the 
Chinook for sounds of the k-group makes it an ever present factor. 

swanton] morphology OF THE CHINOOK VERB 205 

Directly connected with this phenomenon, although not under 
the same law, are certain usages and tendencies also involving o 
and the k-sounds. The regular objective prefix for the third per- 
son plural of a transitive verb and the corresponding subjective 
prefix of an intransitive verb, ordinarily /, become o when followed 
by a k-sound. Examples illustrating the normal use of t are, 
agE^ukc, she saw them (75.22), atciVax, he did them (9.5), 
n/a'owil, I catch them ; aVgELx, they went down to the beach 
(133.18), a/gE'tctolax, they went down river (266.10); but com- 
pare with these aq?/go'-om, they reached them (89.7) ; atcJ'xox, 
he did them (46.18) ; acg^J'Xuina, they (two) placed them in the 
ground (30.12); n?^go'goimx, they said (266.5); nt^goLa'yax, 
they move (245.9); n?/!xoexo'tenema, they helped sing (260.21). 

Again, the third person plural pronominal prefix of the intran- 
sitive verb before k, g, t, or q infixes a syllable go. Ne'k'im, he 
said (107.1), becomes nu^^^'k'oim, they said (270.7) ; ni^/qxamt, 
he looked (191. 17), nu^?/gue'qxamt, they looked (62.1) ; amckLe'- 
watck, you (pi.) paddle (227.12), nu^d<Le'watck, they paddled 
(128.25) ; Ixge'staqjoama, we will make war (145 ex.), nu^z/gue'- 
staq joamx, they go to war (270.1). 

When there are two objective prefixes, the second in this per- 
son and number is always o. This is partly a necessary con- 
sequence of the above rules, because a second object never occurs 
unless followed by a modifying prefix which can only be k-, x-, 
gEl-, /-, or n-. If / falls before k-, x-, or gEl-, it would therefore 
change to in obedience to the rule governing in first objects. 
Before /- or n-, t also changes to o, and the /- or n- gives place to e 
or // atcaLE'lqamx, he shouted at him {lit., he sent her forth to 
it) 164.26, atca?«(7z'qamx, he shouted (///., he sent her forth to 
them) 164. 1. The w is of no significance. Atcaya'lax, he did 
her to him (i 18.10), atcta'wzx, he did them to them (95.2); 
aqe'LElotx, they gave him to it (267.26) ; aqta'wztx, they gave 
them to them (249.13) illustrate the same, w simply standing 
for u. This phenomenon will recall cases already treated when 

206 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

we first spoke of the change of / or ;/ to c : agigE'/xem, she called 
him (157.10), nug//<'xe'ma, I will call them. But there the 
change to e seemed due to the preceding o, while in the cases now 
under consideration the change to o seems to be brought about by 
that of / to e. It may therefore be stated as a rule that, among 
the prefixes, // must be changed to oc. 

Besides transformations governed by laws, there arc certain 
marked tendencies to the insertion of o after a final k-sound : 
aLxuwu'tcatk, he hears (235.6), amxauwu'tcatk^, you hear (229. 
4); atcio'latck, he lifted him (74.23), amiola'tcg^?, you lift him 
(225.11); yukj'o'niak, he is hanging (302 ex.), aniukj'o'niakvJ, 
I hang him (302 ex.). The sufifix -Uk may always take a terminal 
0. When these k-sounds are followed by some sufifix, an o is still 
more likely to be inserted : tgE'tciqLk, they are crosswise (278 ex.), 
aLXtcc'qLg/^x, it is usually across (238.6). Between a k-sound 
and m, however, a is used instead of o. A favorite combination 
is the use of a k-sound followed by o and immediately preceded 
by a. The future suffix^, in Lgid'xo (it will make him, 38.16), 
becomes, for instance, a, — tkcauw^^'x^ (they will make them (2) 
to them, 35 ex.) — when for any reason the preceding a is lost. 
Other examples of a preceding a are Lp^qx<7-ikc (shags, 89.2), lax 
mkui'ko-it (he cannot do it, 204.13), nicWgd' qxo-\t (he lay on his 
back, 147.5). There is also a sufifix -ako. And as we have found 
o occurring after k-sounds not preceded by a, so we also find 
a preceding the same variety of sounds not followed by o, in 
places where we should regularly expect something else. Such 
are contained in atc^f'qc, he bit her (146.9), aqt^r'xc, they cut 
them (96.12), ay^'qsti, he had enough (46.17). The significance 
of these changes will become clear when we approach the subject 
of verbal prefixes. 

Finally we have to deal with a set of changes closely con- 
nected with the use of the accent. When the accent preceding a 
velar or palatal I' is changed over so as to stand after it, the full 
sound of the velar or palatal frequently disappears, leaving only a 

swanton] morphology of THE CHINOOK VERB 20/ 

slight catch, ^ or an increased stress in pronouncing the conso- 
nant preceding, !, to mark its omission : L^'^auwilqt, his blood 
(204.16), L^^'wulqt, blood (204.16); olxa'^xalptckix, our fire (73.21), 
6^0'lEptckix, fire (37.20) ; e'^;ireL, creek (i 15.10), t.'a'LEma, creeks 
(93.1). This rule by no means covers all cases, and especially 
cases where the omitted velar is in the penultimate syllable. 
There is a marked disinclination to accent the ultima; e'^;«ramstk, 
single spit (50 voc.) becomes in the possessive not tga^ii'mstk 
(my single spit, 332 ex.), or tg<^'^;t-amstk, but tgrt'%mstk. And 
so with o'kxoX., root (199 ex.), tg^'-^at, my root; o'qxoY., fish 
weir (217 ex.), uy^^'^aL, his fish weir (217 ex.). A rule covering 
most of these exceptions is the following : When more than one 
sound appears before the velar, and the velar is in the penultimate 
syllable, the velar may be omitted without a change of accent. 
All that can be stated with unqualified certainty is that where q is 
variable, in those forms in which it is retained, the accent precedes. 
e, i, and E on receiving the accent are frequently strengthened 
to a; i and E sometimes to c- : I'ckjaL', basket (321 ex.), Ltckj'al^'- 
yukc, baskets (321 ex.); ica'yz'm, grizzly bear (61.3), icay^^'mukc, 
grizzly bears (145.16); aLe'g£:la-itx, it was in a canoe (226.25), 
ataga'la-it, they were in a canoe (133.5); itca'lEXamztk, her bed 
(76.8), ilEm/tk, a bed (177.17); ataxE'lgzLx, she burns (193.14), 
LElxEt'lg/Lxae, we make fire with it (ir.25) ; anio'1^1, I bend it 
(i 14 ex.), ixEl^'l, he becomes a little bent (i 14 ex.). a is frequently 
inserted to carry the accent, especially in verbs where the accent 
is thrown forward of the verbal prefix o. Instead of atcl'ax (he 
did him) we find atccfyax; for aLga'mlax(it did her to you), aLga- 
ma'lax. The following words insert such a vowel into the stem : 
mLopia'LXa, you will gather it (43.4), agiup^i'yaLX, she gathered 
him (42.25); atcia'qona-itx, he put him on him (165.4), atciuqo- 
^'na-it, he put him on him (165.3) ! LuXune'n, it floated about 
(272.23), aLuXua'nitck, it floated (47.19); tia'kunat, its spring 
salmon (92.12), igu^^'nat, spring salmon (92.11). The insertion 
of E to carry the accent is also common. 

208 AMERICAN ANTHK0P0L0G1ST [n. s,, 2, 1900 

II. The Parts of Speech 

An adequate comprehension of one part of speech requires 
some knowledge of the others. I shall therefore introduce the 
main theme with a brief chapter on the other elements that 
make up the Chinook language. 

Substantives are classed under five genders, indicated by the 
following prefixes: masculine /-, feminine o-, neuter Z-, dualV-, 
plural /-. These prefixes are pronominal. Thus we have from the 
stem -kanax (chief), /ka'nax, lie (more strictly liini) chief, or male 
chief (29.4) ; i?k6'nax, sJie (strictly Jier) chief, or chieftainess 
(146.20) ; Lka'nax, it chief, chief of undefined gender (29.18) ; 
/kana'ximct, them chiefs (194.2) : from the stem -goLe'lEXEmk 
(person), zgoLe'lEXEmk, male person (234.1) ; goLe'lEXEmk, an 
indefinite person (226.8) ; fgoLe'lEXEmk, them two persons (i 17.6). 
The language therefore possesses three numbers as well, singular, 
dual, and plural. As used at the time when the materials for 
this language were collected, the provinces of these genders were 
by no means clearly defined. It is not surprising to find such 
words as z'go'ma, arrow; r'maL, bay; z'le'e, earth, which in 
English would be neuter, assigned to the masculine, or J'cgan, 
bucket, i?it^'waLXt^, bailer, ^tso'oitk, dip-net, to the feminine. 
The classification of objects with total disregard for consistency 
is a familiar enough phenomenon in all languages. But in 
Chinook the same form may be used both in singular and in plural, 
singular prefixes appearing in the plural, dual or plural in the 
singular. Words which convey no idea of duality or plurality 
to us are in one or the other of these genders, and vice versa, or 
the same noun may have plural forms in two different genders, 
while -kc, the regular plural suffix, occurs after the prefix Z- almost 
as frequently as after t-. Thus, the plural of ikani'm, canoe 
(157.15), is (^kunl'm (133.6); of Opa'utc, crab-apple (voc. 32), 
Zpa'utc, crab-apples (voc. 32) ; of ete'late (a kind of berry ; Gj ex. 
K.) also rte'latc; of igo'matk. arrowpoint (218.22), /goma'tgEma 

swanton] morphology of the CHINOOK VERB 209 

(218.24). t!'o^, house (67.9); tqsto'totx", aspidium root (331 
ex.); tqamila'lEq, beach (75.3), are plural: cka'kole, eel; c^ola'I, 
ground-hog blanket (177.16) ; cEqoala'la, gun (247 ex.), dual. The 
forms ending in -7na, like igonna'tgEwz^, are, however, readily ex- 
plained, -7na being the distributive suffix. The arrowpoints are 
not conceived of as one group of so many points, but each point 
is taken by itself, the / referring to one at a time. The suf^x for 
the true plural is, as we have said, -kc, which, with few exceptions, 
is found only with the pronominal prefixes /- or Z-. -kc seems to 
have originally indicated a plurality of human beings. From 
some plural forms tEpo'te, arms (27.7) ; tkEmEla'pIix', armpits 
(213.9) ; tl'a'na, beavers (99 ex.); t'E'tsikin, chipmunks (58 ex.); 
tE'cgan, boards (38.9), both -kc and ma are absent. 

In spite of all exceptions indicated, the. use of i and as distin- 
guishing masculine and feminine objects is fairly amenable to 
rule, and much the same may be said of c- and /-, especially in 
words like ckulkulo'L, double-pointed harpoon (109.2); ^E'qxo 
double-pointed arrow (192.21); /E'pco, grass (191. 17); /kte'ma, 
dentalia (248.22) ; but the use of Z-, which we have called the 
neuter prefix, is more obscure. It seems primarily and perhaps 
originally to have had an indefinite function, zkj'ackc, child, be- 
ing a sort of noncommittal form of ik;a'ckc, boy, or okj'o'ckc, girl. 
In the plural it occurs more frequently with the sufifix -ma than 
with 'kc which associates it with the distributive. Not infre- 
quently a substantive may take two plurals, one in t and one in 
L. To o'npitc, chicken-hawk (192.12), we find the plurals 
/EnpE'tckc (115 ex.) and ZEnpE'tckc (89.17), both having the 
regular plural suffix; ik'i'kala, husband (16.10), has /EnE'mckc 
(138.6) and ZEnE'mckc (165 ex.). 

Some few substantives have a plural prefix na-: w^te'tanue, 
Indians (234.12), «<^ua'itk, nets (95.23), and some names of places 
a locative prefix na- (at), A^^zkotja't, (271.2), TVrtya'aqctaowe 
(229.20). Words indicating relationship have a special plural 
suffix -«rt;/(^: e'qsiX, father-in-law (24.3), tE'qsixv/rt;/^:?, fathers-in-law 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2 — 14. 




J, 1900 

(104 ex. K.) ; o'qxamgc, female cousin (27 voc), LqxaugE«^;m, 
cousins (III ex. K.). The substantival suffix -tk is used to 
indicate the point of anything: igo'ma. arrow for birds (218.17), 
igO'ma/X-, arrow-point (218.22), and -tc to mark that an object is 
of wood, Lia'xctcqLk"/<s his cross-sticks (313 ex.), omc'etcwaLx//, 
thy bailer (118.2). The plurals of substantives not infrequently 
have different stems from the singular: ik'i'kala, husband 
(253.17), tEnE'mckc, husbands (138.6); Lkj'a'ckc, child (256.13), 
tka'cocinikc, children (138.9). A long list of animal names have 
duplicated stems, as iq;'c'sq;es, blue-jay (28.16), I'pEnpEn, badger 
(62.14), iqoc'lqocl, owl (61.13). Names of birds are almost all 

The idea of possession plays an important part in Chinook, 
and since the possessive prefixes are likely to appear frequently 
it will be best to append a complete list : 
































our two selves' (incl.) itxa'- otxa'- 

our two selves' (excl.) inta'- onta - 

your two selves' imta'- omta'- 

their two selves' iota'- ucta'- 

Ltxa'- ctxa - txa - 

[Lnta'-] [cnta'-] tnta'- 

LEmta'- [cmta'-] tnita' 

Lcta'- [eta'-] tcta'- 

our (incl.) 
our (excl.) 

ilxa'- ulxa'- [LElxa'-] cilxa- tlxa'- 

intca'- untca'- Lntca'- [cintca'-] tntca'- 

imca'- umca'- LEmca'- [cEnica'-] tEmca'- 

ita'- uta'- Lga'- eta'- tga'- 

The bracketed forms are those of which no examples have 
actually been found, although there is little room for doubt con- 
cerning them. The initial sound, it will be observed, is identical, 
in each case, with the substantival pronominal prefix for the 

swanton] morphology of THE CHINOOK VERB 211 

corresponding gender, and we shall find that, except in the first 
person singular and third person singular feminine, the sounds 
following are identical with the objective pronominal prefix in 
the verb. A k-sound immediately following the possessive pre- 
fix is aspirated, and, when the accent is thrown farther back, 
certain slight euphonic changes are introduced such as have been 
already treated. 

Excepting demonstratives and verbs, the remaining parts of 
speech present few difificult problems. In the following chapter 
we shall show that adjectives are morphologically identical with 
the continuative form of the intransitive verb. They agree in 
gender with the nouns upon which they depend. Numerals 
above one take the sufifix -ks when they indicate human beings. 
Cardinal numerals above the first are otherwise invariable. eXt, 
one, possesses gender and has a peculiar form, e'Xat, for human 
beings. The cardinal adverb is formed by the use of a suffix-/, 
but the ordinal adverb also takes a possessive prefix iLa -. The nu- 
meral three will illustrate these changes well, as follows: cardinal, 
Lon (76.10); with human beings, aLo'ni/C'.y (196. i) ; ordinal (with 
feminine substantive), aLd'\.oxi (211.20); cardinal adverb, Lo'n?, 
three times (23.18); ordinal adverb, iLd'l.onc, the third time 
(191. 10). Ordinals (very naturally) agree with the substantives on 
which they depend, ia'newa, first, seems to be from an entirely 
difTerent stem from the cardinal, one. Independent personal pro- 
nouns are formed by sufifixing -aika to the objective pronominal 
prefixes of the first and second persons in all numbers, -axka to 
the third person singular and dual, -acka to the third person 
plural. The interrogative pronoun e'kta is identical with the 
substantive for " thing," and is treated accordingly. When there 
is no interrogative pronoun or adverb, interrogation is indicated 
by the particle na. Demonstratives have not been thoroughly 
investigated, but four complete series are known to exist, marking 
various degrees of nearness in time or place and of visibility or 
invisibility. They incorporate the pronominal prefixes and are 

212 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

introduced either by q or x'. Those introduced by q indicate 
greater remoteness than the others. When standing for human 
beings a sufifix -r appears: qo'ta, those things (22.11), qo'ta^-, 
those persons (27.15). Adverbs are usually invariable, go is the 
sole preposition covering all kinds of ideas of location, such as 
are expressed by our prepositions at, to, in, on, etc. Ma'nix, 
when; qO — po, if; qe'wa, if, are the only important subordinate 
conjunctions. The use of ta'kE, then, and a'lta, now, to intro- 
duce sentences is exceedingly common. There are three 
coordinate conjunctions, k;a, ka, cka. The first of these connects 
substantives, and cka seems to have an introductory function. 
All are translated by our coordinate conjunction and. Interjec- 
tions and exclamatory particles are numerous. 

III. Tense 

In common with other American languages Chinook sharply 
distinguishes between transitive and intransitive verbs. This 
division becomes of especial importance when we take up the 
subject of tense, because three of the five tenses — aorist of the 
transitive, transitional, continuative, future, and perfect — are 
bounded by the line between intransitive and transitive. 

Morphologically considered the aorist of the transitive and 
the transitional are one and the same tense, both being marked 
by a prefix a. Before vowels, or, in other words, before the pro- 
nominal prefixes of the third person singular masculine and fem- 
inine and the third person plural, this prefix changes to n except 
when the pronoun is followed by a or 0. In this case the mascu- 
line form is aya- or ayo-, the third person plural, atg'E-. Examples 
of the regular use of ;/- are we'xax, he becomes (22.3), wa'xax, she 
becomes (43.15), wo'xox, they become (28.8) ; of the exception, 
ayo, he went (i 14.21), wo'ya, she went (114.20), ^'tgl, they 
went (116.25). The aorist of the transitive is used so continually 
that no especial illustrations need be introduced. The transi- 
tional is, in fact, merely divided from the aorist of the transitive 

swanton] morphology OF THE CHINOOK VERB 213 

to which it normally belongs for purposes of contrast with the 
continuative, a wholly intransitive tense. This is morphologically 
distinguished by the absence of the aoristic sign. In use the tran- 
sitional represents an action as completed within a limited time, 
the continuative as extending for an undefined time, either in the 
present or the past. The latter is similar to our participle in 
-ing .with an auxiliary: she is singing, he was walking. The 
verbs nc'xax and ike'x illustrate its use excellently, ne'xax mean- 
ing he became, ike'x, he was. alxoma'yol, we drifted (149 ex.); 
ne'Lxam, he came down to the beach (235.14) ; ayo'ko, he flew 
(157.24), are other examples of the transitional; Ixoma'yol, we 
are (or were) drifting (149 ex.); e'Lxam, he is coming down to 
the beach (235.14); Loc, it is there (167.8), of the continuative. 
The continuative is a purely intransitive tense, because in transi- 
tive verbs the object limits the action in such manner as to pre- 
clude the possibility of its occurrence. 

Adjectives are morphologically identical with this latter form 
of the verb, io'Lqte, "long," for instance, being equally well 
rendered, he is long, and the resemblance becomes striking when 
we consider the third person plural, tgE'Lqte, since the substitu- 
tion oi gE- for 0- in this connection is an especial feature of intran- 
sitive verbs. The substantive also presents striking analogies. 
Recurring to the examples used in the section on the parts of 
speech it will be seen that ika'nax might be rendered " he is a 
chief," Lka'nax, " it is a chief," tkana'ximct, " they are chiefs," 
cgoLe'lEXEmk, "they two are persons." Only the feminine pre- 
fix 0-, oko'nax, presents difficulties ; but when we actually find 
mka'nax, you chief or you are a chief (21 8.1), and ngoLe'lEXEmk, 
I am a person (68.2), that objection is largely discounted. In 
Upper Chinook the feminine a persists in nouns. 

The future tense is regularly marked by a suffix -a, which, 
antithetically to the prefix ^-, is always the last sound in the verb. 
After q or x, -a in conformity with the phonetic tendency noted 
in section I usually changes to : ania'wa^, I killed him (114.7), 

214 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST \y.. s., 2. iqoo 

tgEmuwa'^^?, they will kill you (66.17); a'mtax, you do them 
(17.2), tcinla'xc?, he will do them for me (70.6). After a final a or 
C y is inserted before adding the tense suffix : atco'pEna, he 
jumped (72.12), tcopEna'jvr, he will jump (186.23) ; aLkto'guaxe, 
they swept them (, mcktugue'xejv?, you will sweep them 
(130.8). The reason for this is evident, -aya also becomes the 
future termination when preceded by certain consonants, especi- 
ally X and m : atcixe'lotcx, he looks at him (25.3), tcinxela'tcr^j^z, 
he shall look at me (25.15); anto'kcEm, I dried (salmon) (336 ex.), 
antukcEm<?'jv7, I shall dry (salmon) (336 ex.). 

The perfect tense is indicated by a suffix-/, the aoristic prefix, 
as in the future, being absent: oxu'Lxa/, it had burnt (166.10); 
o'Lxa/, she has come down to the beach (107.9) » sa'npJ/, she had 
closed her eyes (47.18) ; Lo'yamt, it had arrived (22.17) ; io'mEqti/, 
he had died (238.14); e'x*LXa-u/, he was angry (96.8) ; nia'qci/, 
I have him held in the mouth (183 ex.); q;oa'p tcina'x/, he has 
got near me (116 ex.). It is thus found indifferently with transi- 
tive or intransitive verbs. 

IV. Pronominal Prefixes 

Besides a few slight changes in the aoristic sign, already noted, 
the difference between transitive and intransitive verbs is marked 
morphologically by their pronominal prefixes. The objective 
pronominal prefixes of the transitive, agreeably to a well-known 
law prevailing among American languages, are identical with the 
intransitive subjective prefixes. These are the following : 

I St Person 


\ inclusive tx- Ix 

( exclusive nt- ntc- 

2d Person ni- mt- mc- 

iMASC. i- ) 

FEM. a- \ c- (or ct- ) t- 

With two exceptions the subjective prefixes are identical with 
the objective. In tiic third person singular masculine, however. 

swanton] morphology OF THE CHINOOK VERB 21$ 

the subjective prefix is tc- and in the feminine^ (or /c). Thus 
we have a/kto'cgam, they took them (248.2), azkLa'wa^, it killed 
it, but a/^io'cgam. a^io'cam, he took him, she took him (42 ex., 
74.2); a/<:a'vva^, a^a'wa^, he killed her, she killed her (186.25, 
176.9). The third person dual is always c- and never ct- as some- 
times in the objective. We also have to add an indefinite sub- 
jective prefix q, they did, someone did ; a^^a'wa^, they killed her, 
or she is killed (99.14). The feminine objective prefix disappears 
before o and a. After subjective prefixes in the dual, plural, or 
third person neuter singular, a ^ or y^ is inserted, at-^to'cgam, 
aL/^La'wa^ ; and in the pronominal combinations I- thee, I you 2, 
I- you (pi.), the rule for subjective prefixes does not hold, a_yam- 
o'cgam, ajamto'cgam, aj'amco'cgam appearing instead of awamo'- 
cgam, awamto'cgam, a/zamco'cgam. We also find a^m-, we 2 
(exclusive), thee, or we (pi.) (exclusive), thee; a<7mt,we 2 you 2- or 
we (pi.), you 2 ; a^mc-, we 2, you (pi.), or we (pi.), you (pi.), instead 
of awtkm-, a///rkm- ; aw/kmt-, a;//rkmt ; aw/kmc-, aw/t'kmc-. The use 
of pronominal prefixes in the intransitive presents few peculiarities. 
a-, the aoristic prefix, as noted in the chapter preceding, regularly 
changes to n- in the third person singular, masculine and femi- 
nine, and in the third person plural. In the third person plural 
before o, ato-, which we should naturally look for, is replaced by 
atgE', -atgE'tctolax, they go up river (266.10), o being weakened 
to E, seemingly, and 3. g inserted between it and the pronominal 
prefix.' This is analogous to the use of g between pronominal 
prefixes in the transitive. 

In addition to its regular subjective and objective prefixes the 
transitive verb may take a third, a second objective. This is 
morphologically identical with the corresponding first objective 
prefix and is always followed by some other prefix having the 
force of a preposition: atctc^Vot, he gave them to her (66.21), 
aqt/;foL, they won them from him (30.18), aqaz^E'kxol, they put 
her on him (48.26), atcaZAwqa'na-it, he threw her into it (172.23). 

' See pages 212, 213. 

2l6 AMERICAX AiXTHKOPOLOGlST [n. s., 2, 1900 

The use of this object with /- nearly corresponds to that of our 
indirect object, and the fact, which we shall again refer to, that 
/-, unlike the other prepositional prefixes, does not displace the 
following prefix o, may indicate that some distinction is drawn 
between it and them. It is to be noted that when the subject of 
a transitive verb is in the first person singular and its second 
object in the second person singular, the subjective pronominal 
prefix seems to be omitted: iamKlo'ta, I will give him to thee 
(216.17), tamElo'ta, I will give them to thee (15 ex.), camkEmo'- 
ktia, I will pay them 2 to thee (24.1 1). 

Connected to the transitive with two objects by the closest 
possible ties is a form which we shall have to call half-transitive. 
It is identical morphologically \\\\.\\ the intransitive plus a second 
pronominal prefix, and, as the subject of the intransitive is 
morphologically identical with the object of the transitive, so the 
subject and object of the half-transitive are morphologically iden- 
tical with the two objects of the transitive. Some examples will 
illustrate: a;/Zr'ltcko, I oil him (163 ex.), means literally, I it 
(i. e., oil) on him put ; aZa;/xE'ltcgo, I oil myself, it (oil) to my- 
self is put (143 ex.). The important point with the Chinook be- 
ing the object of the action and not who performed it, the 
pronominal subjective prefix is dropped in the second case. A 
similar explanation may be made for the change from 
at^«z,E'lqamx, he shouts at it {lit., he sends her (the cry) forth to 
it; 164.26), to n^/xE'lqamx, it shouted (///., she went forth from 
it; 48.15). In these cases the omitted subject is identical with 
the second object, and that identity is indicated by the reflexive 
prefix X-: aZa;/xE'ltcgo is thus the same as a;/i!:a;/E'ltcgo, 
naZxE'lqamx as aZgrt'Z.E'lqamx,where ;/- and L- refer respectively to 
the same person. Although it thus happens that a large propor- 
tion of half-transitives are reflexive, the reflexive prefix is by no 
means essential. Sometimes it would seem that the subject is a 
matter of too little importance to require mention, and in such 
cases it might usually be rendered by the indefinite prefix q. 


someone. The subject of the half-transitive is really the mediate 
agent, the real agent being unexpressed. This becomes apparent 
in verbs employing the passive sufifix -x'it, which are always in- 
transitive or half-transitive. a/(:rt:gE'lltcim (47.18) means that he, 
a man, struck her, a diving bird; but ajj/^'gEltce'mExit (157. i) 
means that he, a stone (which word is masculine), was struck by 
some indefinite agent against her. A similar explanation will 
hold for nzV^Elga'x'it, he is stuck to me (42 ex.), and n^yz'n'uya'xit, 
he is choked with a feminine object (198 ex.). But the same is 
true of many verbs without -x'it : <Te'laot, she has been (fastened) 
to him (261.15), nzV/E'ntctXom, I get breathless (96 ex.), ajj/^/go'om, 
he reached them (166.6), aj'^e'taqL, he left her (212.23), although 
in some cases the exact interpretation is a dif^cult matter. 

In combination the pronominal prefixes of the half-transitive 
present few anomalies. The object, like the second object in the 
transitive, is inserted after the regular subjective form for the in- 
transitive without any sounds between. Two masculine prefixes, 
i-i, coalesce into e and two feminines into a. The masculine 
singular subject and feminine object combine in the transitional 
as aya-, the aoristic prefix obeying the rule for cases where the pro- 
nominal subject is followed by a or 0: aj/«e'taqL, he left her (187.2). 
In the third person plural the objective prefix is always 0, in agree- 
ment with the laws laid down in our first section. Thus we have 
a/<?e'taqL, they left them (98.21), a/«gota'6m, he met them 
(164.12), ajj'^'kuiya, he went to get them (95.12). In this peculiar- 
ity the object of the half-transitive again agrees with the second 
object of the transitive. The insertion of a new prefix also ob- 
viates the necessity of changing /- to<?-as subject of the third per- 
son plural: a/t^xLxo, he hung them over his shoulders (109.22), 
a^E'wxLxo, I hang them over my shoulders (337 ex.). 

V. Prefixes Modifying the Pronominal Objects 

Following the pronominal prefixes in both transitive and in- 
transitive, and always present, where no other sound occurs 

2l8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, iqoo 

between those prefixes and the stem, is a rather problematic pre- 
fix o-\ atcio'cgam, he took him (135.9); a}7''l<o, he flew (157.24). 
It would seem to convey a general sense of motion, more 
especially of motion /r<';;/ the subject of the action. 

This is partially suggested by the fact that it is always re- 
placed in presence of the prefix /-, toward the speaker. " I carried 
him," for instance, is ana'y;/k'i (107 ex.), but " I brought him," 
a'ni/ki (105 ex.), u- being directly replaced by /-. If we suppose 
that the general idea of motion in the speaker's mind is away 
from himself, then o- would become the common prefix of 
motion, /- being employed only in cases where he wishes to 
specify a movement in the opposite direction. At any rate the 
wide use of o- indicates some very general meaning. We must 
take it as the starting-point in treating of post-pronominal pre- 
fixes. It is the primordial element, as it were, w^hich yields to 
others by a certain kind of replacement. 

Besides its regular occurrence after the direct object of the 
transitive and the subject of the intransitive, it is usually, though 
not always, retained after the prepositional prefix /- : atcaya'/Jt 
he gave her to him (65.16), atciaV^ix, he did him to her (9.14), 
ama-i/J'ktcgutc, you push her into him (130.14), and occasionally 
with others, especially when the verb stem is short. In atcc'l.^vrx, 
he did him on it (153.17), and na-i^^'tXu-it, she stood on him 
(109 ex.), we have two examples after the prefix g-. In con- 
formity with the phonetic tendency already noted, — as in the 
word atcc'Lga.x just given — often changes to a before </, /', 
and X. 

The first replacement to be considered, and one which is 
closely connected with the subject of pronominal prefixes also, is 
that by ki- (or k^. When this takes the place of o in a transitive 
verb having two objects, one of these objects is omitted ; when 
it occurs in a transitive verb with one object, the verb becomes 
intransitive. It is, in short, a device for the free omission of 

swantonJ morphology OF THE CHINOOK VERB 219 

In the first case it is usually the first object which passes out. 
Thus atcZe'b^kc, he speared it into him (183.5), becomes atce'- 
1/^zkc, he speared him (133.6); aqiLgEm^"'ktiX, they pay him to 
it (261.23), atcagEmE^z'ktc, he paid her (161. 9). A few verbs 
lose the second object ; agi^'btk, she put him into her (43.22), 
ag^'l^ztk, she put him into (13.9). Examples of a change from 
transitive to intransitive are atCcVy/zL, he won him (48.18), ne'/^'zL, 
he won (29.4); aLkL^)'kctx, it looked at it (256.8), aLE'/^zkct, it looked 
(2 18.9) ; atci«'qxamt, he looked at him (30.6), ni^t'-'qxamt, he looked 
(191. 17); aksrtxu'to, she gave birth to two (25.26), nay^xa'to, she 
gave birth (25.25). This prefix is employed in the formation of 
participles and even substantives ; gita'>^zkElal, the seeing ones 
(198.20), itci'/^rqamt, my seeing (130.3), t>('/pala'wul, word (98 ex.), 
from the verb stems -kEl(kEl), to see ; -qamt, to see ; -palawul, to 
speak a language. A few verbs have kje instead of ki : akLij'xtkin, 
she searched for it (12.5), na/'/'e'xtkin, she searched, also ita'/^/e- 
tenax, what has been killed (245.22). Whether there is a different 
meaning involved is doubtful. 

A still more important prefix displacing o- is the reflexive pre- 
fix X. In treating of half-transitive verbs some incidental remarks 
were made about this, and, in fact, it is difficult to avoid en- 
countering it at every turn. It occurs in five different situations, 
which may be placed in two groups : first, cases where the re- 
flexive is placed after the subject of the intransitive, the object of 
the transitive, and the subject of the half-transitive ; second, 
where it is placed after the second object of the transitive and 
the object of the half-transitive. 

The intransitive illustrates the reflexive in its simplest use : 
agio'lEl, she shakes him often (72.24), ne',trela, he shook (146.4), i. 
e., he shook himself; aniaskj'Ema'tco, I throw him headlong into 
water (60 ex.), an;ira'ski'amukLpa, I jump headlong into water (60 
ex.), i. e., I throw ///j/^^//" headlong into water. Generally the re- 
flexive is used in the plural where we should use the reciprocal 
expression " each other " : atcto'maqt, he shot them (32 K. ex.), 

220 AMKKJCA.V A\TH ROPOLOGIST [n. s,, 2, 1900 

nujfo'maqt, they fight, or they shoot eacli other (270.7). Again, 
the reflexive is used sometimes where a simple intransitive would 
better suit English ways of thought, atcupo'nit (9.4) is trans- 
lated " he hung her up," ni.rpO'nit (107.14), " he hung," and strictly 
nixpo'nit would mean " he hung himself," although we know from 
the context of that particular story that he was hung there by 
someone else. 

After the object of the transitive x siiows that the object 
belongs to the subject: atcio'latck, he raised him (25.21), i. e., 
somebody else or something belonging to somebody else ; but 
mckL;rc'latck, you (pi.) raise it ! (50.19), i. e., you raise your own ! 
ago'pcut, she hid somebody or something not necessarily her 
own, aga^ro'pcam, she hid her own (feminine object ; 206.5) ; 
aLklxfi'ma, it heard it (186.3); atci.rtca'ma, he understood him 
(116.6), lit., he heard his own. Comparing this use with the in- 
transitive, just given, it will be seen that they readily pass into 
each other by the addition or subtraction of a subjective prefix. 
Thus WfkLxc'latck, you raise your neuter object, becomes aZxe'- 
latck, it raises itself ; a^axo'pcam, she hid her own (fem. obj.), 
n^xo'pcam, she (i. e., the feminine object) hid herself; or, on the 
other hand, n^^xela, he shook, becomes a/^e'xela, he shook his 
own (masculine object); awxa'skj'amukLpa, I jump headlong into 
water, a;«Enxa'sk;'amukLpa, you throw me (supposing I am your 
relative or slave) into the water; n//x6'maqt, they fight, a/^oxo'- 
maqt, he shot them (members of his own family or his slaves) ; 
n/xpo'nit, he hung, a/<:/xp6'nit, he hung his own (masc. obj.) up. 

There are not many cases of the use of x after the subject of 
a half-transitive verb, but those that do exist agree in every re- 
spect morphologically with its use in the intransitive, except that 
a pronominal object follows. In am.t-anElgu'Litck, you tell me 
(97.10), VI is the pronominal subject and n the object with x be- 
tween. Rendered literally this would probably be something like 
" you deliver yourself of information to me." ala'aLkjuniLuwa'- 
kotsgox, it hides (itself) in woods to watcli for it (199.17), is 

swanton] morphology OF THE CHINOOK VERB 221 

another example, L being the subject and a second L the 

The two remaining uses of this prefix, after the second object 
of a transitive verb and the object of a half-transitive, are morpho- 
logically identical. Transitive examples are amLa';ircgam, you 
take it from her (185.16) ; Lqj'op aqea';trax, they cut her head off, 
lit., they cut him from her (16.14); Laq" atca'e;rax, he took her 
away from him (150.11). Here the reflexive refers to possession 
exercised over the first object by the second. Following the 
object of a half-transitive its use is the same. Laq° ate';i;ax, " he 
took them off," means literally his own plural objects were taken 
off from him, and since " he " himself performed the action no 
subject is inserted. 

The relation between these two uses — after the second object 
of a transitive and the object of a half-transitive — is exactly 
parallel with the relation between those after the object of a 
transitive and the subject of an intransitive. aw^kLA'e'latck, you 
raised it (your own), becomes, when the subject is identical with 
the object, aZ;i;e'latck, it raised itself ; and here La'q" aUte'xax, 
he took them from him, becomes La'q° a/'e';i:ax (110.5), he took 
them off, when the subject and second object become identical. 
Since we have forms where the reflexive is used after the subject 
of a half-transitive, we ought to expect transitive verbs with two 
objects having this prefix between them. So far none have been 
observed ; but as half-transitives of the corresponding type are 
very rare, this is not altogether surprising. 

The reflexive prefix, then, in addition to its purely reflexive 
use has a possessive function. The possessor is indicated by 
the subject or the second object of the transitive and the object 
of the half-transitive; the thing possessed by the object of the 
transitive, by the subject of the intransitive and half transitive. 
In the subjects of the intransitive and half-transitive the thing 
possessed and the possessor coincide. 

222 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, igoo 

VI. Prepositioxal, Adverbial, and Modal Prefixes 
Three prefixes in Chinook convey a strictly prepositional 
meaning: /-, to or for; n-, into; /'-, on. They always occur in 
company with a second object in the transitive, an object in the 
half-transitive, or an object in the transitive with ki, 

I- has been referred to in a previous section where several ex- 
amples were given. We have also explained the change of /to i 
afters. Further examples of the use of this prefix are: in the 
transitive, atciaVax, he did him to her (9.4), amtEni/pa'yaLx, you 
gathered them for me (213. 24). ackLeVokixax, they two brought 
it to him (29.9), aqtaw^^makux, they gave them to them (246.10); 
in the half-transitive, tEn/fi'xo-ix, I know them (///., them to me 
are known; 45.21), LfiVoc, it was in her {lit., it to her was; 
71.6), cxana'/ax, they two come to be on me (193. i), a'e/aot, she 
did (hang) to it (224.15); in the transitive with /'/, IxLE/gc'ta- 
tEkca, we will throw (food) to it (1747). atce'/kikc, he spears him 
(133.6), aqeVgitgax, they placed him in (107.12). 

The uses of ;/- and /'- will be sufftciently understood from a 
few more illustrations : in the transitive, atcaLE';/'uya, he put her 
into it (172.6), atcaLE«qa'na-it, he threw her into it (173.6), 
antcawpa'naLx, I jump into her (60 ex.), ///., I jump them two 
(legs?) into her, man/C'o'tXumita, you will make her stand on me 
(24.13), aqa-i^E'kxol, they put her on him (48.26), acgia/('qa'na-it, 
they two put him on her (116. 10), atcLo'/C'xux, he poured it out 
on them (166.3); i'^ the half-transitive, sa';/pot, she closed her 
eyes (74.18; lit., them two had shut her within) ; nenE«LE'mko-it, 
he flew into my eye (74 ex.) ; ninE'wtctXom, I get out of breath 
(or he leaves from within me ; 96 ex.) ; Lo7'oc, it was on them 
(39.12), aL^o'tX, she stood on it (191.20); aLE'n>C'atka, it comes 
flying above me (37 ex.) ; in the transitive with ki-, atcay^-ge'tge, he 
covered her {lit., he put on her; 84 ex. K.), aLo^'-otgc'kxo-it, it 
covered them. No cases of n- in the transitive with /'/- have 
been found. In some instances, — sa'wpot, ninE'/ztctXom, al.E'n- 
/tatka, — the prefix cannot be literally translated into or on, but it 

swanton] morphology OF THE CHINOOK VERB 223 

is evident that the idea of something within, encompassed by, or 
above, on top of, is conveyed. The eyes are enclosed by the 
h'ds, the breath gives out from within, the bird is on in the sense 
of being above the speaker. 

Six prefixes may be classed as adverbial : gEl-, which indicates 
purpose, gEiH-, which conveys an idea of proximity or companion- 
ship, X-, " on the ground," k/-, " over and over " or " around and 
around," t/o-, "good," /-, toward speaker. In distinction from 
prepositional prefixes this set does not necessarily refer to an ob- 
ject expressed within the verb. A few examples will illustrate 
their use better than any description, but it must be borne in 
mind that scarcely one can be uniformly translated into English 
by the same set of words. 

Examples illustrating the use of — 

gj!/- : iam/^^/o'tga, I shall keep for you (128 ex.) ; aLgio-^'/cxEmx, 
it sings for him (260.17) ; atce'Z'^/oya, he went to seek him (175.24) ; 
amsgan^^-ff/o'tka, you shall keep her for me (154.5) ; aqa-i^-e'/lcim, they 
struck heron him for (a purpose) (65.16) ; mhg^s/a'xb, I shall do him 
with it for (a purpose) (24.8) ; naL^^'-'^/o'ya, she went to get it (224.21) ; 
na-i^i?7tcax, she leaves for his sake (250.14) ; nxa^^/o'kLa, I shall be 
carried to her for (a purpose) (208. ex.). 

gsm-: n\gEm\.6'ma., I shall accompany him (248 ex.) ; aqhgum- 
o'tXuit, they stand near it (238.4) ; Lamo-/r;;/6'ktia, I shall pay it to you 
(24.8) ; aqiLo-^wo'ktiX, they pay him to it (261.26) ; na-i/&£-;«o'tXuit, she 
stood in him (near by) (129. 11) ; aLxaL^-i-Vz/'apkax, she steamed her- 
self (239.27). 

X-, "on the ground" : e'A'oc, he is on the ground (39.18) ; a'A'oc, 
she is on the ground (191. 15) ; o.Yo'La-it, they are dead (17.2), ///., 
they are placed on the ground. 

J^/-, "over and over" or "around and around" : anEx-^'/e'niako, I 
roll him up (63 ex.) ; ania'/C'/Ematco, I throw him headlong into water 
(60 ex.) ; na'e^/ElapXuite, she fell down (headlong) (154.1). 

i/o; "good" or "well" {c(. U/o'kU, "good"): e2/.''J'cgam, hold 
him fast (or good) (44.15) ; itsEV.'^xotskin, I am a good worker (///., 
my good workings ; 69.11). 

t; toward speaker: akLe7k"qam, she brought it (124.24); atce'- 
/k"tc!am, he brought him (to the house ; 175.12,13) ; niE/gl'lEmam come 
and bring her (172.15); aLE'nka/ka, he comes flying above me (37 ex.). 

224 AMERICAN ANTIJ ROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2. 1900 

In use, — see the last example given, — adverbial prefixes are 
placed between prepositional prefixes and the stem. 

Reflexive forms of gEl- and gEju-, especially the former, are 
very common, and their use may be further illustrated. As might 
be expected they are practically confined tD the intransitive and 
half-transitive. Examples illustrating the use of — 

xeI- : nx^/to'ma, I accompany (i. e., I come along for myself ; 
3.131) ; ni.v/-/ki.a'ta-it, he remained awake ( ; na^^V'^oko, she 
awoke (for herself ; 186.10) ; na.xV/ta, she left (for her own purposes ; 
250.10) ; CA-^/ta'qta, they two meet (171 ex.) ;'yu, they two fight 
(16.13) ; naLAYz'/ax, it becomes (i. e., she makes it for herself ; 267.2) 
nic.vf'/uktco, they two let him fall (i. e., he fell from them two ; 127.5) 
na-i.r^7giLx, he made fire (176.16), or, "she burns for himself" 
naLA-aVqamx, it shouted (46.21), or, she shouted for itself ; aLa'xa/tciam 
she combed herself (13.2), or, it combed for herself; nan.VfVgamit. I 
strike it into myself (14 ex.). 

xEvi.\ c-r/zwEla'-itx, two stood close together (228.25); ninav^wt- 
ce'na, I lay it under myself (loi ex.) ; aLiXz'wotk, it stakes him (a bet ; 
30.16) ; nEn.rVwoa, I kill the relative (of an evil doer ; 203 ex.). 

Finally, we have a prefix /- identical in position with the prefix 
/- already considered, but conveying a totally different meaning. 
The verb with this prefix has the force of a potential, and in 
translation is rendered by one of our auxiliaries, may, can, must, 
would, etc. [tslEx atcLa'x,] ' for instance, means, he broke it, 
but tslEx tsLEVx, he can break it (61.8) ; [nekct ta'lalx aqto'piaL- 
xax,] they do not dig gamass ; nekct ta'lalx qtE'/piaLxax, they 
must not dig gamass (94.15) ; [nekct amta'qamt,] you do not see 
them ; nCkct mtEVqKmt, you cannot see them (177.14). So nakct 
taLi tiaya' ne/x means I cannot make him well (199.6,5), nakct 
Lkci/pc'Xunil, she must not blow it up (238.16), O'kta amcVuwa, 
what can you do? (61.19). Since the potential is not limited to 
any special time, the aOristic sign is usually dropped in presence 
of this prefix. Like the first mentioned /- it displaces o-. The 
frequent use of niikct in the examples given is due to the great 

' Forms not actu.illv found in tlie texts or notes are bracketed. 

swanton] morphology OF THE CHINOOK VERB 22$ 

number of these forms in portions of the Chinook Texts dealing 
with tabus, many of which may be consulted on page 238. 

VII. Suffixes 

The Chinook verb may take suffixes of three orders, which we 
shall treat under the following heads: {a) locative suffixes, ip) 
derivational suffixes, ic) generic suffixes. 

Locative suffixes, with the exception of -am, arriving, may be 
treated in pairs, as follows : -pa and -p! , -wulXt and -tcu, -Lx and 
-pick, -akd and -c. They indicate the various directions in which 
a motion may take place. 

-pa and -p! are almost exact equivalents for our words out and 
in : ^.yo' Qpa, he went out (64.19), aLo'/.^ it entered ; atco'kt/^:, he 
put them out (42.8); ne't/.^a, he came in (67.9); atcio'ti/^, he 
dipped him out (125.7); ne'cko/.^ he went in (167.18). -pf is 
found mainly with some form of the verb to go. 

-wulXt' and -ten are also nearly exact equivalents for our ad- 
verbs 2ip and doiun, either in the sense of up into the air and down 
into the earth, or in that of up and down a stream : ayoeW/Jf, he 
went up (17.1); nc'ltco, he descended; ayugo'zanlX, he flew up, 
(81 ex.) ; al^oe'luktcu, it fell down (177.21) ; ano'tctuw?^/^, I ascend 
a river (in a canoe; 134 ex.) ; niu'La'emita/<:(3a, I will let it down 
(46 ex.). 

-Lx and -ptck have no equivalents in English ; -Lx is used of a 
motion from a closed or shut-in place to an open one, from woods 
to an open prairie, from woods or houses to a beach, from a beach 
to the open sea, from the sides of a house to the center ; -ptck ex- 
presses motion in the opposite direction — the idea is perhaps 
best conveyed by our expressions " to the open," " to cover." 
Examples are : a'yoZ;tr, he went down to the beach (38.9) ; a'Lu- 
pUk, it went up to the woods (176.19) ; tcLo'guiz.t'at, he had car- 
ried it down to the beach (95.11) ; n6'ptcgE:x., she went up to the 
trees (92.2); amiala'maZa-, you threw him into her (118.19); 

' The / is difficult to distinguish. 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2 — 15. 

226 AMERICAN ANTHKOPOLOG 1ST [n. s.. 2, 1900 

ayo'Xuni/'/'r/'ax, he drifts ashore (261.5) ; a'yu/„r, he went to the 
middle of the house (6o. 10) ; z.yo ptck, he went to the sides of the 
house (60.13). -Ix is used much less frequentl}' than -pick. 

-ako and -i ' can usually be translated exactly by the English 
words rtr^;/^/^/ and across: vvxLd'ko, he went around him (88.24); 
aLixani<?7v/x, he rolls blanket about himself (24.22); nix-Ena'- 
n^r/'t', he turned around (162.10); aLauwea')77/v'/^it, he enclosed 
them (50 ex.); na-i'kutct<-, she crossed (74.5); anigElge'xaxr, I 
siiall swim across (217.11); nikatk;a'ya-/, I haul across (37 ex.) ; 
nigE'lkoko-/, I wade across from here {T^y ex.). 

The sufifix -(Tfu indicates that a thing is accomplished, that one 
has arrived at a certain point. We frequently find a verb of mo- 
tion followed immediately by the same verb with the suffix -<■?;;/. 
The second then means that that motion is accomplished. In 
Ime 5, page 74, we find nai'kotcte, na-igo'tctrtw/, she crossed, she 
j^of across. So atct6'kct<7;;/ means he arrived to see them (47.17); 
atci'tkirt-;//, he arrived bringing him (26.6) ; ayo'Lx^'w, he arrived 
at the beach (23.23) ; acxalge'taqt^77//e, they arrive to meet it 
(275.20). In aqLgaVw, it is met (117.24), and niXatfik^w, I 
return (35 ex.), -avi is changed into -oni after a k-souiid. 

After /, ;/, and the vowels this sufifix appears as -viani : Lga'lE- 
inam, go and take it (25.26); C'XtkinEwrt;;/, go and find him 
(25.14); aLXatgo';//c////, it got home (69.23); aLguguixc'///^?;//, it 
invited them (98.19) ; atcuigona'/z/r?///, he reached the smoke-hole 
to open it (226.4). 

The derivational suffi.xes are at the same time more important, 
more interesting, and more obscure. Two of them it has been 
found impossible to define with accuracy, and the others present 
no such simple problems to the English translator as the locative 
suffixes just considered. These suffixes are -x, -a-it, -a-itx, -im 
(or -Aw), -/, -Z, and -tck, all of which convey some idea of the fre- 
quency or duration of an act. 

-X is the sulTix used to indicate that anj'thing is customar}' or 

' These two suffixes are paired for convenience only ; bi)tli occur in the same word. 


usual. It will thus be found throughout large sections of the 
texts where customs and rites are treated. aLxEl'o'ko means she 
awakes, but aLxETokux, it is customary or usual for her to awake 
(238.2); nugo'go-im, they say (128.4), nugo'go-im^, it is custom- 
ary for them to say (266.5) ; aqL'Elge'memtom;ir, it is customary 
for them to pay it (204.14); aqexe'nxa.r, it is customary for them 
to place him upright (48.3), etc., etc. The usage is very distinct. 

-a-it marks continuity of condition or position. It signifies 
that the state of an object is one continuing through an indefinite 
period of time : ayo'L^-//, he sits there (i. e., continues to sit ; 
212.16); yakqa'n^-zV, he (rope) continues to lie there (104 ex.); 
naktca'x^-//, she continues to wail (275.2). The following, aLo'- 
zVo-it, it is hot (174.13); mkoV?^//, you are pretty (12.12); ayo't- 
y.2i-it, he stood (193. i), have the same suffix, a being simply 
changed into or u after the k-sounds. 

-a-itx is usually translated in the texts by the word "always," 
but more strictly it indicates what is habitual : antcoe'walx'tEm- 
a-itx, we habitually climb (a pole, etc.; 48.1) ; aLkqola'lEpi«-//x, 
they habitually went digging (roots; 74- 18); qsgEmoptca'lalEmrt- 
itx, they two used to lead you by the hand (117.8); ayo'tXu-it«- 
itx, he always stood (109.2) ; ayoLa'-it«-zV,r, he stayed habitually 
(127.J). It might perhaps be suspected that this suffix is nothing 
more than a combination of the two preceding, but whatever its 
origin it is now entirely independent, as is clearly shown by our 
last two examples, z.yo\.d' -it a-itx and diyo'iXtc-it a-itx, where a-it 
and a-itx occur together. Its relationship with x is very close, 
yet what is habitual with one man or a body of men may not be 
customary among the whole people. 

The suffix -im (or -Em) is a frequentative indicating that an 
action is performed at several distinct times. It recalls, some- 
what, -ma, the distributive sufiix of the substantive, ayo', he 
went, becomes with the addition of this suffix ayo'yzw, he went 
several times (192.10); [aLge'qLtuq,] it kicked him, becomes 
aLgeqLtu'qo-z/;/, it kicked him many times (68.24). So atcuxo- 

228 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

tcc'nan'/tw/x means "he pressed each with his fist" (98.16); 
atcLEl<uXotl-:'qo-/wx, he strewed on each (98.6); Lxa'xo-il^;«x, 
it shall become so every time (95-24); aqa-ilga'maltAwx, they 
strike her on it several times (202.10). 

-/, like the preceding, is a frequentative, but while the former 
shows that the action is performed several distinct times, and 
often upon several distinct objects, -/ marks the essential occur- 
rence of so many repeated movements as a part of the action 
itself. The actions expressed are, with the first suffix, few and 
comparatively limited, in the second, numerous and unlimited. 
Thus -/ is used of the many waves on the ocean, ugo'la/, surf 
(92.1); the many steps in walking, oxowa'yo/, the walkers (i. e. 
quadrupeds; 60.4); the many strokes of the wings in a bird's 
flight, ktgE'ka/, birds (///., the flying ones ; 60.05). Other cases 
are anio'lE/, I bend him often (114 ex.); agilge'xo-i/, she boiled 
much (68.19); nekLxe/, he crawled about much (70.24); giLa'ki- 
kEla/, the seers (those always seeing; 197- 1 5)- 

Sometimes -n is used instead of -/, in obedience to the phonetic 
tendency already noted. Thus we find oXun/w, she was drifting 
about (223.10), instead of oXuneV; niXE'nkon, he ran about 
(127.13); akso'pEna;/, she jumps about (192.13); aqtome'tcki;/, 
they find them by looking about (229.17). 

Closely related to -/ and continually occurring in conjunction 
with it is a third frequentative suffix -L. The exact meaning and 
use of this are still obscure. At different times it may be trans- 
lated by the adverbs much, often, continually, completely. Ex- 
amples are atcEmcgEle'moA, he invites you much (127.9); 
aqLgElga'xo-iyLx, he is asked often to do (his work; 240.24), and 
with 7 or -;/, mEnxkoVzZ, you pass me often (122 ex.) ; oxusgaV/z, 
they play much (17.4); EgitsgaV/z, she took often (264.9); 
acgia'qcimEwrZ, they two bit him all over (26.3) ; Lkcitpe'Xu;//Z, it 
blows him up (238.16) ; tcupEna';///., he jumps much (i 1 1 ex. K.) ; 
na6'yE^«Z, she stays (or camps) continually (275.3). 

When combined with the suffixes -/ (or. -;/) and -ako, or -/ 

swanton] morphology OF THE CHINOOK VERB 229 

and -pa, some remarkable phonetic changes are introduced. 
Thus the final o of -ako and a of -pa are dropped, -L taking their 
places, and not infrequently the a of -ako changes to <?, while k 
itself is apt to deepen into q : atcuguaVrt'^Z,, he recognized her 
(157.9) ; noxoexela7«/^7, they mix continually (132 ex.) ; qtcEnga'- 
liiqL, the one who always went first (89.5), illustrate the changes 
with -/ and -ako ; aLxat^Ema'nE;2z//^7, it is almost extinguished 
(50.26); aLkcikLka'na««/^Zx, she steps across (264.14); anuxu- 
ki'ue'niya«?^^7, I make a bundle of many things (125 ex.), those 
with -n and -ako ; VloXzHEpi, she was habitually digging it up 
(153.7); 'LoiQ'lipL, it was dripping often (96 ex.), those with -/ 
and -pa. 

Finally, there is a suffix, -tck, of the significance of which we 
know still less than of that of the above, but, since it continually 
replaces -/, it would seem to convey a similar or an antithetic 
meaning, and be more naturally included in this group of suffixes 
than in any other. Examples are : rxdiWitck, she danced (123.21) ; 
ayuXua'ni/^/^, he drifted (134.6); nqqe'wa/cy^o, I am paddling 
(134.26); atso'tXu-iVr/^, he made her ready (42.17), perhaps also, 
atcio'la/r^, he lifts him (25.21). 

As generic suffixes, are classed a pair which seem to give some 
distant reflection of our common division of verbs into active and 
passive. They are -aniit, " causing," and -x'it, " caused." The 
first of these may be used in the transitive or the intransitive with 
a reflexive ; -x'it only with the intransitive or half-transitive. The 
latter indicates that the subject receives some action from a source 
not specified in the verb. These two suffixes by no means divide 
all verbs between them like the active and passive voices in Eng- 
lish, and there are few cases where the same stem seems capable 
of assuming both. The following are examples of -ainit : mio- 
k;ue'matct«wzVa, you will cause him to be ashamed (75 ex.) ; 
aqa-elg(i'»i2V, they caused her to be fastened to him (16. i); aqixL- 
d'mitaXio, they caused themselves to pass around him (69 ex.) ; 
atcungoVzzV, he caused her to be carried away (ii-S); mcxexL^'- 

-30 AMERICAN AA' THKOPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, igoo 

w/Vako, you cause yourselves to be placed around (51 ex.); of 
-xit: nixi:rua'.f//, he gets bent (114 ex.); nuwa'AV/, she was 
pursued (223.10) ; oXo-ina'-V/V, they are placed (145.6) ; anuquna'- 
iti,i-/'/, I was thrown down (45.5) ; nelga'AV/, he was thrown head- 
foremost (99.25) ; ayagEltcc'mE.vvV, he was thrown against her 

A word should be said in conclusion on the order observed 
by suffixes when combined. Locatives aiwa^'s come before deri- 
vationals and give place on their part only to the generic suffix 
-aniit. When -am occurs with other locatives it is placed after 
them ; -x'it is always next to the stem ; -/, normally, is before all 
other derivationals, then comes -L, -a-it, or -tck, followed b}- -//;/. 
Next -a-itx or -x may be inserted, and at the end the temporal 
suffi.xes -a and -/. The locative t'-, across, is always last and is 
never found in combination with derivational suffixes except -x. 
These statements have reference only to the general order of 
suffixes, and it is not to be supposed that a whole series will be 
found in any one form. diX\\.co-c'wdLvt/-:7na-2tx, we continually 
climb (48.1), where we have the locative -wdlx't (equivalent to 
-wulXt), up, followed in succession by the derivationals -Em and 
-a-itx, gives the common order with three suffixes. Also note 
nikl.xe'la/-£/;/-^7-//A', he crawls about mucli (94.23), and aLk'iola'/E- 
pLa-itx, they habitually go digging (74.18) ; ayo'/Irtw, he entered 
(58 ex.). A final /, whether the suffix or a part of the stem, is 
usually doubled before other suffixes. 

VIII. Mood 

The indicative may well be considered the normal mood of 
every Chinook verb, and its use is illustrated by nearly all the 
examples given. The potential is differentiated from this by the 
insertion of a prefix /-, but as its use has been fully explained in 
section VII, all that remain to be examined are the imperative 
and two participles. 

In both transitive and intransitive the imperative lacks the 

swanton] morphology OF THE CHINOOK VERB 23 1 

aoristic sign a- and the verbal prefix o-. The intransitive changes 
no further: -^mJ'La-it, you stayed (11. 13), m£'La-it, stay! (15.13); 
ayd'tlL\x-\\., he stood (184.20), m£'tXu-it, stand ! (15.6) ; — and the 
same is true of the transitive verb when the command is ad- 
dressed to more than one person : [mckL?^cga'ma,] you (pi.) shall 
take it ; mck/z'ckam, you (pi.) take them ! (271.20) ; mckLxe'latck, 
raise it! (50.21); mcixLa'ko, go around him (138.15). When the 
command in the transitive is addressed to one person, however, 
the first pronominal prefix is dropped : [rt«/E'ct(?k"i], you (sing.) 
carried them two away, C2'k"ia, carry them two away (262,2) ; 
[«wi^"'cgam,] you took him, e'cgam, take him! (44.10); [«;«Lga'- 
lEmam,] you went and took it, Lga'lEmam, go and take it ! (25.26). 
The presence of a second object — e. g., ia'lot, give him to her I 
(90.6) — makes no difference.' Half-transitive imperatives simply 
drop the aoristic prefix : LEmcxE'ltcam, comb yourselves (138.5) ; 
amxE'lgiLx, make fire (149.11), Z and a being the respective sub- 
jects, inc and m the objects. It not infrequently happens that 
the future is used where we should employ an imperative ; as, 
for instance, mEtocka'mai, take hold of them {lit., you shall take 
hold of them; 13. i). 

The participles are the passive participle, formed by prefixing 
i-, and the active participle, which takes ^-, k-, or q-. In the former 
/- is immediately prefixed to the verb stem, and though suffixes, 
especially -/, frequently appear at the same time, they are not es- 
sential. From [aga'yu]stx, she carried him (43.26), is derived 
^'ctxul, load (61 ex.) ; from [aqio'JtcXam, they boiled him (46.7), 

' This omission is perhaps to be correlated with that noticed in treating the indirect 
object where we said that, when the subject is in the first person singular and the ob- 
ject in the second, the subjective prefix is omitted : tamElo'ta, I will give them to thee 
(15 ex.) ; LamgEmo'ktia, I pay it to thee (24.8). Probably it seemed natural to the 
Chinook, when two were conversing and one spoke of doing something to or for 
another, to assume that the speaker himself was the doer without indicating it by the 
pronominal prefix. Perhaps this may have something to do with the failure of tt to 
appear in the pronominal combinations ayam-, ayamt-, and ayamc-. In the impera- 
tive under consideration the subject of the command would generally be singular and 
could simply be understood. In duals and plurals the subjective prefixes would then 
be introduced for definiteness. 

232 AMERICAN AiXrHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

/tcxa'mal, boiled food (63 ex.); from [atcLo'Jtcna, he killed it 
(23.22), w'kjctcnax, what he killed (94.4). The last, it will be 
seen, inserts kjc, a common phenomenon in the formation of 
participles, as instanced in the discussion of ki, section V, and 
takes the masculine possessive prefix ia-. This participle, in fact, 
is treated exactly like a masculine noun, and may take all its 
possessive prefixes. We have zV/rt'ctxol, her load (75.8), as well 
as ^''ctXul ; /M'tcEXmal, what they had boiled (or their boilings) 
(46.22), as well as /tcXa'mal. We seem to have a few instances of 
passive participles of other genders : Z^<f'pona, what they 
brought to her (249.9) ! r/i?keme'mtom, what they had received 
in pay for curing (150. 12) ; <?;'a'tuwanXa, the one he was racing 
against (48.10). 

The active participle is formed in two different ways: first by 
prefixing X'-,^-, or ^- to a substantive or a verb-stem, preceded by a 
possessive prefix, or secondly by prefixing one of the same letters 
to a verb, in place of the sign of the aorist. Thus the stems 
-ckewal, -kEl, -kanate, -IXam, to walk, to see, life, people, may be 
built into the participles ^/M'ckewal, travelers (///., those possess- 
ing walking powers; 259.23); ^/M'kikElal, the seeing ones (those 
possessing seeing powers ; 196. i) ; ^/Z^'Xanate, those having souls 
(199.9) ; git(f\tXa.m, the people of a town (or those possessed of a 
town ; 248.1). Examples of the second method of forming active 
participles are: /^Lkex, being (261.29), from Lkex, it is: <7tgE'kal, 
birds (60.5), from tgE'kal, they fly ; /('Lkto'tx, the one who gives 
them away (255.3), from aLkto'tx, it gives them away; /'LkLa'x, 
the one who did it (202.9), from aLkLa'x, it did it. 

IX. Verh-stems 

Although the stems of many Chinook verbs are not clearly 
defined, they seem to have consisted normally of a single vowel 
sound or a small group of consonants : -o, to go ; -a, to pursue ; -tX, 
to stand ; -tk, to put ; -kef, to look, etc. In several cases the stem 
is an onomatopoetic element, which is also employed indepen- 

swanton] morphology OF THE CHINOOK VERB 233 

dently : nugugue'^/^^joamX, they go to war (270.1) ; staqjgia'xo, 
war she will make on him (116.25) ; z\.q.X.wi^q.' XoXoe, he blew them 
away (25,14); Xue'Xue agE'Lax, blow {or breathe), she did it 
(213.13); ackz//;;zi5;/.r, they two dived (47.12); LjEmE'ri atca'x, into 
water he sent her (162.20). The use of onomatopoetic elements as 
invariable verbs accompanied by a modifiable auxiliary is much 
more common than as stems with pronouns directly prefixed. 
Indeed, this is one of the marked features of the language, and 
requires considerable illustration. " To go " is the accompanying 
auxiliary in one or two places: LjEla'p ayo', he went underwater 
(14.16) ; but almost universally it is " to do " (atca'x, he did, etc.), 
or the reflexive form (ne'xax, he became). A selected list of ex- 
amples follows : Laq aqe'cxax, they took him away from them 
two (45.9) ; tsjE'xtsiEx aLga'yax, it split him up (45.19) ; tuwa'X 
no'xox, it became light (45.27) ; tcXup a'Lax,.it was extinguished 
(51.3); tcXEp ne'xax, he began to hesitate (///., he became hesi- 
tant ; 28.1) ; wax ike'x, blossom they (///., he) did (165.26); kj'a'ya 
ne'xax, he became nothing (29.10); qxul atce'lax, he hung him 
on him (27.16); Ljap atcia'x, he found him (139.23); ta'menua 
aLxa'x, he gave up (139.26). The number of illustrations 
might be multiplied almost indefinitely. Doubled onomato- 
poetic stems — tsjE'xtsjEx, split in pieces — convey a frequen- 
tative meaning. Many substantives are also used in this 
way: tXut no'xox, smoke they got (i.e., it became smoky; 45.22); 
Lka'pa aLi'xax, snow it became {or it snowed; 45.1); Lqa'kxul 
aLi'xax, hail it became {or it hailed ; 25.9); and again they are 
often used, like onomatopoetic words as verbal stems : o'utca, 
ear (5 ex.), woyjiiwi' tcatV, they listen (275.18) ; i'kta, thing (i 17. 1 1) ; 
iamkEm6'>^//<a:, I pay thee (24.9) ; o'kumatk, baton (191. 12), naui- 
Xe'matk, I beat time with a baton (27 ex.) ; naua'-itk, net (95.23), 
r\'\yi<^nainvd'-itkevasiva2i, I will make net (100 ex.); Lqetcame'te, 
comb (13.20), aZEnaxa'1/^rtw, I comb myself (8 ex.); o'pXa, al- 
der-bark (66.21), nLalJ'/Xrt, I dye in alder-bark juice (125 ex.) ; 
ta'ta, uncle (9.16), amEna'/^/^?, I am your uncle (23.26). 

234 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Some Chinook verbs form the singular and plural from entirely- 
different stems: io'c, he is there (2197), oxocla'-itx, they are 
there (153.10) ; nagE'tcax, she cried (40.3), noxoe'ncm, they cried 
(139.18); ayo'maqt, he was dead (275.1), nuxo'La-it, they were 
dead (41.25); atcia'wa', he killed him (22S.18), atctote'na, he 
killed them (11.6). 

Plurals are also formed from the singular by dieresis of the 
stem, as nixa'latck, he rose (38.9), nuxu/a^/^tck, they rose 
(127.14); nax^o'tam, she went to bathe (13.2), Ix^o'j/^tam, we go 
to bathe (174.3); ania'gi'o'La, I put a long stick on (something) 
(104 ex.), antiklVj^La, I put many sticks on (something) 
(104 ex.); nau'itck, she danced (123.21), mcXEluw^z jv^tck, you 
(pi.) dance (36 ex.). 

Where English would require verbs or adjectives, substantives 
are frequently employed in Chinook. Instead of " he fell sick," 
the expression is a'yatc!a nixa'lax, his sickness came to be on him 
(125.3); instead of "he was poor" (^r unfortunate), La'xauyam, 
his poverty {or misfortune) (234.15); instead of " the mother of 
you two is bad," LEmt-a'naa itca'qfatxal, your (two's) mother, her 
badness (13.24); instead of "he shot him," ia'ma^ aqc'lax, the 
shooting was done to him (71.8). 

A singular phenomenon is the personification of purely bodily 
states or actions which are then represented as acting upon the 
person who experiences or performs them. What with us is 
caused, becomes in the Chinook idea the agent. Thus instead of 
" I am hungry " the formula is o'lo gEna'xt, hunger, she has acted 
on me (70 ex.), instead of "she tells lies," igo'LgEli tcaxt, lies 
have acted on her (167.14). 

X. Comparison with the Verr in other American Languages 

The character of Chinook phonetics associates this language 
with those of the northwest coast. It abounds in k-sounds, 
catches, fortes, and explosive I's. 

swanton] morphology OF THE CHINOOK VERB 235 

The verb-stem undergoes few modifications. The absence of 
a close relationship between verbal and substantival stems, and 
the extreme shortness of the former compared with the latter, 
separate it still further from other grojjps such as Eskimo and 
Sioux. A very few verbs have substantival stems, while verbs 
themselves resemble substantatives only when used as participles. 
One of the most striking characteristics of the language is its ex- 
cessive employment of onomatopoetic elements, especially with 
an auxiliary. Such are rarely found either in Sioux or Eskimo. 
Singular and plural are formed from different stems in a remark- 
ably small number of cases. The language is thus very different 
from most other American languages and stands at the opposite 
pole from Athapascan which even admits of a different stem for 
each person. An equal simplicity appears when we turn to the 
cognate subject of reduplication. Curiously enough this wide- 
spread North American characteristic, usually employed to in- 
dicate distribution, collectivity, or different kinds of plurality, 
reaches its maximum development among the Salish, while here, 
close beside them, it is found only in the names of animals and 
in onomatopoetic stems, as simple duplication. Dieresis of the 
stem may be supposed to make up for this lack, but its use is 
very restricted. Metamorphoses caused by the harmonic law be- 
tween o and u and the k-sounds are almost the only stem changes 
still to be noted. Traces of them are found elsewhere, but the 
phenomenon does not reach anywhere near the same proportions. 
The tendency to elide velars is also peculiar. 

Comparing the use of affixes we find this language again very 
deficient. Setting aside the pronominal elements, Chinook may 
be called a suffixing language, and, insofar, similar to the major- 
ity of American tongues, but the number of such suffixes is very 
limited and the relations indicated correspondingly few. Com- 
pared with the excessive use of affixes in Kwakiutl, Eskimo, 
Tsimshian, and others, nine locatives, seven frequentatives and 
continuatives, three prepositionals, and six adverbials make a very 

236 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 2, 1900 

insignificant showinij indeed. Moreover, whole series of affixes, 
such as the nominal of Kwakiutl and the instrumental of Atha- 
pascan, Tsimshian, and Sioux, are wanting. Niceties of loca- 
tion, action, etc., which are and must be indicated in many of 
these tongues, arc not required in Ciiinook, but an opportunity 
is afforded for the expression of abstract ideas not permissible 
in them. The causative suffix has here a very limited range 
compared with its occurrence in Sioux. Of the various moods 
expressed by affixes in American languages, Chinook has only 
the potential. Tenses, as for example in the case of Choctaw, are 
usually much more numerous. 

The strong point in Chinook lies, however, in its pronominal 
system, which is developed to a point unapproached elsewhere 
on the continent. The existence of a separate prefix for every 
person of the three numbers, singular, dual, and plural, including 
exclusives and inclusives in the first person dual and plural, is of 
itself far from universal, but here the entirely exceptional presence 
of a sex crender increases the number still further. At the same 
time the number of morphologically distinct subjective affixes in 
the transitive is less than usually occurs. The indefinite subjec- 
tive finds its counterpart in an indefinite objective in Tlingit and 
Haida. The following table shows the possible combinations of 
pronominal prefixes: 

Subj. 1st Obj. 2d Obj. 

Transitive with i object - - 

Transitive with 2 objects - - 

Transitive with istobj. followed by ki 

Transitive with 2d obj. followed by ki 

Intransitive ----- 

Half-transitive - - - . 

And when one considers that by using the pronominal prefixes 
in the various persons in the transitive with two objects alone, 
about two thousand combinations can be formed, some idea is 
obtained of the great efficiency of the system. The employment 


Page 20 1, line 16, for t read t 

" 202 *' 29 " 266.21 read 226.21 

" 203 " 17 " 95.2 " 95.20 

" 205 " 31 " 95-2 " 95-20 

" 205 " 16 " 107. 1 " 107.2 

" 205 " 16 " 270.7 " 266.5 

" 206 " 21 " 89.2 " 89.21 

" 207 " 3 " 204.16 (second reference) read 204.7 

" 207 " 19 " icaya'mukc read Lcaya'mukc 

" 208 " 12 " goLe'lEXEmk " LgoLe'lEXEmk 

" 208 " 13 " 226.8 read 22.6.8 

" 211 " 19 " 76.10 " 176.10 

" 213 " 10 •' 235.14 " 235.15 

" 214 " 5 " III. 10 " 130.8 

" 216 " 25 " nalxE'lqamx read naLxE'laqmx 

" 217 " 5 " 157. 1 read 154.1 

" 219 " 9 " 30.6 " 213. II 

" 220 " 13 " 206.5 " 216.5 

" 222 " 14 " 193.1 " 193-19 

" 222 " 26 " 74.18 " 47.18 

" 223 " 20 " na-igE'ltcax read na-igE'ltax 

" 224 " 8 " 3.131 read 136.13 

" 224 " 9 " 186.10 " 186.11 

" 224 " 29 " 199.6.5 " 199.6.7 

" 225 '• 14 " 125.7 " 25.7 

" 227 " 13 " 12.12 " 12.13 

'' 228 " 1 " 98.16 " 98.6 

" 228 " 14 " 60.05 •' 60.5 

" 228 " 16 " 70.24 " 95.14 

" 231 " 10 " 262.2 " 26.22 

" 233 " 1 " staqigia'xo read staqi gia'xo 

" 233 " 18 " qxul read qxuL 

*' 233 " 25 " 45.1 " 42.1 

svvanton] morphology OF THE CHINOOK VERB 237 

of a second objective prefix, and the use of the half-transitive, 
seem to be extremely rare on this continent. 

Nominal sex gender is another striking peculiarity of Chinook. 
Traces of it are found elsewhere in North America among the 
Salish, the Chemakum, the Iroquois, and the somewhat question- 
able Taensa. The usual distinction between animate and inani- 
mate is found in demonstratives, adjectives, and, originally at 
least, in nouns. There is an almost excessive use of the auxilia- 
ries, to go and to do, especially the latter, but, singularly enough, 
other English auxiliaries such as may, must, can, might, would, 
which elsewhere in America are expressed by affixes, here appear 
as adverbs — qa'doxue, must ; aia'q, can ; qe'xtce, intending, 
qxa'oxaL, cannot — depending on the verb. 

Since the gender of each substantive is always indicated by a 
pronominal prefix, and since, if this substantive happens to be the 
subject, object, or second object of the verb, the relation is ex- 
pressed by a corresponding prefix in the verb itself, the substantives 
really stand in apposition to the verb. OLher substantives are 
connected to each other or to the verb by means of the general 
preposition go, or by the use of a possessive prefix. This latter 
method of subordinating substantives is very characteristic of the 
language. The verb is thus the vital center of a Chinook sen- 
tence, about which all else is built and upon which it all depends. 


Bv H. R. VOTH 

The marriage ceremony of the Hopi Indians of Arizona is a 
complicated and protracted performance, and while the customs 
and ceremonies in the different Hopi pueblos are essentially the 
same, I will confine myself to those observed at Oraibi, the 
largest and most primitive of the villages of Tusayan. 

It is well known that among some civilized as well as among 
some half-civilized peoples, a consideration is given for the woman 
or girl to be wedded ; and while in some cases this is done in 
such manner that it can hardly be said the woman is bought, in 
others it is equivalent to direct purchase. Among the Hopi 
Indians marriage by purchase does not exist. To be sure gifts 
are made to the bride and by the bride ; but the former can in 
no wise be regarded as an exchange for the woman, hence in this 
respect the marriage customs of Oraibi differ materially from 
those of many other primitive peoples, including many of the 
American tribes. Furthermore, among the Hopi the choice of a 
life companion is left almost entirely to the couple contemplating 
marriage, coercion on the part of the parents or guardians being 
exercised only in rare instances. 

The condition of affairs in a Ilopi village is such that young 
people have ample opportunity of becoming thoroughly ac- 
quainted. Nearly all the houses adjoin, and most of the streets 
are narrow. Families do not come and go as in a settlement of 
white people, and, above all, social intercourse is not influenced by 
language, occupation, social standing, or religious differences, as 
in most Caucasian communities. So the Hopi mingle with one 
another from early childhood ; they grow together into manhood 


vothJ okaibi marriage customs 239 

or womanhood ; on the connmon playground, in their daily occu- 
pations, in the many social and religious gatherings, they meet and 
learn to know and to love or to hate one another. When one has 
made his choice it is not a difficult matter to make the fact known 
to the other. To be sure this cannot be done through missives 
of love, because the young Hopi, with the exception of the few 
who in recent years have attended schools, are not versed in the 
art of writing. Although rare, opportunities are not lacking for 
a young man to meet the girl of his choice, either in the village 
or perhaps in company with an intimate friend outside the 
pueblo, and make known to her his feelings ; but after this an- 
nouncement it becomes more usual for lovers to meet alone 
either in the settlement or beyond its limits. 

The love affair of a young couple often remains a matter be- 
tween themselves so far as any public declaration of their rela- 
tions is concerned ; but under the circumstances of close 
communication in the village, above mentioned, the prospective 
relationship becomes an open secret at once. In many cases the 
young people soon inform their parents or guardians of their 
betrothal. A request for permission or sanction is rarely asked 
or indeed expected, acquiescence on the part of the parents being 
regarded as a matter of course. Viewed from our standpoint the 
young people may now be regarded as engaged or betrothed. 
The young man visits his affianced occasionally at her home. 
When it is decided by the young people that they are ready 
to be married, the parents, or their representatives, are notified. 
This " being ready " is determined to some extent by the 
pecuniary affairs of the husband-to-be. Young men have com- 
plained to me that they would like to get married, but " Nu 
ookiwa, nashta cavayo, nasJita moro, nasJita shiwa, nashta pisala' 
(I am poor ; have no horse, no burro, no metal (money), no 
blankets). A young man is expected to have at least these most 
necessary belongings, perhaps also some beads, and, if possible, a 
little money before he marries, but as his requirements in this 

240 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

respect are meager, the conditions are by no means strict. To 
some extent the time for the wedding is determined by the custom 
that marriages rarely, if ever, take place during summer, and sel- 
dom in late spring, when the Hopi are busy in their fields, but in 
autumn or winter, the time of leisure, of gaming and frolic, of 
ceremonies and katcma dances. 

As soon as the bride-elect has notified her mother, or, in event 
of the death of the mother, an aunt, that she is ready to be mar- 
ried, the mother takes down the girl's hair, which has hitherto 
been worn in two coils or whorls, and ties a knot in the loosened 
hair on each side of the head.' Taking a tray of meal made from 
white corn, the mother accompanies her daughter to the house of 
the latter's future husband. So far as present information goes, 
this is always done either late in the evening or very early in the 
morning. Arriving at the door, the mother calls, saying, " // 
kzvushuu " (Take this). The door is at once opened by the future 
mother-in-law or her substitute, who, of course, is acquainted with 
the situation. The latter takes the tray of meal, saying, " Ask- 
wa/i" (Thank you), " Pakii " (Come in), or " Katun " (Sit down). 
The girl enters, but the mother usually returns to her home. 

The girl is now called inovi (bride).° If she has come in the 
morning she is at once assigned a place at the meal-grinding 
trough, where she grinds white corn all day ; if late in the evening, 
she remains over night, sleeping with the female members of the 
family, and begins to grind corn the next morning. The young 
man goes about his business as usual — gathering wood in the hills, 
performing other tasks, or loitering in the kiva to which he belongs. 
Late in the afternoon the w^^'Z stops grinding corn and sits during 
the entire evening on folded skins or blankets, generally near the 
meal-troughs. She wears her usual clothing, but sometimes, I 

• I am told that in other villages the hair is not taken down until the girl arrives at 
the home of her betrothed. 

* The term viovi is applied indiscriminately both before and after the actual mar- 
riage ceremony or wedding-day. 

voth] ORAIBI marriage customs 24 1 

believe, she places over it the aide or white ceremonial blanket 
with a blue and red border. Little conversation is held with a 
viovi during this and the following days of the betrothal. When- 
ever I spoke to a young woman about to be married, she usually 
responded pleasantly to my inquiries, but informed me that 
she was expected not to talk much, and on one occasion the 
mother-in-law, who was an old friend, sat near by when I began 
to speak to the inovi and told me it was customary with the Hopi 
to speak very little to a bride. 

The next morning the corn-grinding is resumed and continued 
all day, white corn being selected as on the previous day. On 
the third day the grinding is again undertaken, but this time a 
bluish-black corn is used. In the evening of this day the various 
girl friends of the viovi bring trays of cornmeal to the house 
where the latter stays. On the next (fourth) morning these trays 
are filled with ears of corn and returned to their owners by the 
mother-in-law of the bride. This day may be called the wedding- 
day proper. 

Long before dawn the bride and her mother-in-law arise, and 
the mother of the bride arrives about the same time. The bride- 
groom and the remainder of his family then get up, and soon a 
number of female relations of both families, especially the aunts, 
begin to appear, each one bringing a small quantity of water in a 
vessel. At the fireplace in the corner water is being boiled in a 
large pot. The two mothers prepare, in two large bowls, foaming 
suds of the pounded roots of yucca {Yucca a7igustif olid), csWed by 
the Hopi mohu, to which some warm water is added. When this 
is ready the mothers kneel on the floor, placing the bowls of suds 
before them. The young man then kneels before the bowl pre- 
pared by his future mother-in-law, and the movi before the bowl 
of the young man's mother; their heads are then thoroughly 
washed with the suds. Although the two mothers do the princi- 
pal work, they are now and then assisted by the gathered relations, 
who pour a handful of suds over the head of each and aid in the 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2 — 16 

242 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

washing. Presently one after the other of the women and girls, 
and sometimes more than one at a time, creep in between the 
young couple, trying to hold their own heads over the bowls and 
feigning to displace the bride. Others try to tear away the in- 
truders and to take their places, the wrangling being accompanied 
with much hilarity. When the head-washing is about concluded, 
all who have brought water with them pour it on the heads of the 
couple, thus assisting in rinsing the hair. After thoroughly press- 
ing the water from the hair, the young man and the maid sit near 
the fireplace to warm and dry themselves. Most of the visitors 
then return to their homes. 

When the bridal couple have dried their hair, each takes a 
pinch of cornmeal and both leave the house and go silently to the 
eastern side of the mesa on which the pueblo of Oraibi is situated. 
Standing close to the edge they hold the meal to their lips, breathe 
a silent prayer, and then sprinkle the meal toward the dawn. 
They then return to the house as silently as they departed, and 
henceforth are regarded as husband and wife. *' What did you 
pray when you sprinkled the meal?" I asked a friend who had 
recently been married. " I asked God to make me happy," she 
answered ; but she had been attending the government school for 
a number of years. The usual prayer, I believe, is for a long and 
prosperous life, but the wording varies with the occasion. 

After the ceremony is over, the mother of the bride builds 
a fire under the piki stone, while the daughter prepares the 
batter and at once begins to bake a large quantity of ///'/ or 
paper-bread. After having built the fire the mother returns to 
her home. 

A number of the members of both families assemble and par- 
take of breakfast. Whether particular relations only are present 
at this meal, or whether a ceremony of any kind occurs in connec- 
tion with it, has not been ascertained, although it is believed that 
such is not the case. 

After breakfast the father of the young man takes some native 


voth] oraibi marriage customs 243 

cotton and, running through the village, distributes it among the 
relations and friends of the family, who pick the seeds from the 
cotton and then return it. Before the man leaves the house some 
wrangling takes place in which he and the bride take conspic- 
uous part and which is attended with much joking and hilarity. 
Whether this episode is the rule or an exception, and just what 
it consists of, are not fully known. On one occasion the father's 
hair, face, and clothing were daubed with clay when he emerged 
from the house with a ragged bag containing the cotton. Nothing 
of special significance occurs in the house during this day. Friends 
come and go, each one partaking of the food kept in readiness, 
the floor of the house, as usual, serving as a table. 

A few days later a cryer announces from the roof of a house 
that on a certain day the cotton for the movis bridal costume 
will be spun in the kivas. This announcement serves as an invi- 
tation to the friends of the young couple to participate in the 
spinning. Whether this invitation includes everyone in the vil- 
lage, or whether it is limited to the relations and friends of the 
two families, has not been fully ascertained, but there are reasons 
for believing that the invitation is a general one. Just after 
breakfast on the appointed day the men assemble in their respec- 
tive kivas and are soon at work, some in carding, others in spin- 
ning the cotton furnished by the parents of the bridegroom. 
The rasping of the carding combs and the buzzing of the primi- 
tive spindles are accompanied by the singing, joking, and laughter 
of those assembled. The affairs of the village are discussed, its 
gossip rehearsed, and occasionally some good story-teller relates 
interesting adventures of war and the chase during the busy hours 
occupied in the work. On one occasion the principal entertainer 
was an old man from a neighboring village. He related certain 
personal experiences of his younger days, when he had been on 
the warpath with other Hopi against another tribe, and the rapt 
attention with which the spinners listened to him, and the 
uproarious laughter that punctuated certain well-told incidents 

244 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2. 1900 

of his exploits, bore testimony to the old man's ability as an 

In the house where the marriage has taken place many busy 
hands, mostly those of women, have prepared dinner for the cot- 
ton spinners. On the previous evening sheep and goats, gener- 
ally ten in number, were killed, and these are now being cooked 
in a stew consisting mainly of corn. Large quantities oi piki are 
being baked and other dishes are in preparation in various houses. 
Late in the afternoon a herald announces that the feast is ready 
and invites the spinners, some of whom are already waiting on 
the neighboring house-tops. They respond to the invitation in 
scores, and arrange themselves in rows on each side of the food- 
bowls and baskets that are spread on the floors of the different 
rooms of the house and even of adjoining houses. The fingers 
serve as forks, knives, and spoons, and the stainless members con- 
trast strongly with the grimy hand after the meal is finished, bear- 
ing witness to the fact that the stew in the bowls has served a 
double purpose. After the visitors have finished the meal the re- 
lations and intimate friends of the family partake of the food, and 
generally little is left when all have been satisfied. 

The cotton that has been spun is taken by the spinners to the 
house of the young man, and the manufacture of the bridal cos- 
tume is soon commenced in one of the kivas. This costume con- 
sists of two square white blankets (one measuring about 60 by 72 
inches, the other about 50 by 60 inches), a white sash with long 
knotted fringes at each end, a reed mat in which the costume is 
afterward kept (plate Vlll), and a pair of buckskin moccasins to 
each of which is attached half a buckskin which serves as leg- 
gings. This costume is usually made by the bridegroom and his 
male relations, especially his father. One works on the robes, 
another on the moccasins, a third one on the belt, etc. ; each 
labors a few hours and then is relieved by another. It some- 
times requires several weeks to complete the costume. The 
finishing of the robes consists of giving them a coating of wet 


N. B. , VOL. 2, PL. IX 


This plate illustrates one of a series of Hopi figures now on exhibition in the Field Columbian Museum, 
e made at Oraibi under the direction of Dr G. A. Uorsey, Curator of 

The casts for these figures were made at Uraibi under the direction of Dr G. A. Uorsei 
the Department of Anthropology, to whom the author is indebted for the photoi;r,inhs fr 
this and plate vjii were prepared. s i ■ 

« hii h 

voth] oraibi marriage customs 245 

kaolin. They remain in the loom until dry, when they are taken 
out, folded, and carried to the house of the bride, where the 
tassels are made and appended. 

The entire costume is now given to the bride, who is regarded 
as having been married several weeks, and on the following morn- 
ing the final act in the marriage drama, the so-called " going 
home," takes place. The bride is arrayed in one of the white 
robes and puts on her moccasins. The other robe and the white 
belt are wrapped up in the reed mat, and shortly before sunrise 
the bride leaves the home of her husband's parents, where she 
has been staying since the marriage, and, holding the bundle with 
the robe and belt on her extended hands, walks slowly and alone 
through the streets to the home of her mother (plate IX). Here 
she is met by the latter at the door with the greeting ^^Askwali 
tivt pito " (Thanks that you have come). The mother takes 
the bundle from her daughter, the latter doffs the robe and 
moccasins, and the protracted marriage ceremony is over. 
During the day the young husband appears at the house of 
his mother-in-law, where the couple live until a house of their 
own is provided. If the house thus temporarily occupied 
chances to be crowded, another is sometimes soon prepared ; if 
not, the couple may live with the wife's father and mother for 
several years. 

The marriage costume is rolled in the mat receptacle, which is 
usually suspended from a roof-beam in a back room. The moc- 
casins are soon put to ordinary use, but the robes and belt are 
worn only on ceremonial occasions. One of the white robes is 
sometimes embroidered, when it becomes a ceremonial garment 
and is called ^ot/n. Often, however, on account of its strength 
and large size, it is sooner or later converted into a bag for use in 
transporting corn and watermelons on burros from the fields to 
the village. The other robe is generally preserved for a longer 
period, and is employed in various future ceremonies. The 
young mother puts it on at the name-giving ceremony of her 

246 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

first-born, and it often serves as a shroud when its owner is given 
her last resting-place. 

In conclusion, mention should be made of the fact that at the 
Niman-katcina, the " farewell " ceremony of the katcinas, when 
toward evening the latter are ready to depart, all the young 
women who have been married during the year appear in the 
crowd of spectators dressed in their white robes, look on for a 
time, and then go to their respective homes. Whether this is an 
essential part of the marriage ceremony, and what its significance 
is, have not yet been ascertained. 





The termination of the World's Columbian Exposition in 
October, 1893, made imperative the founding in Chicago of a 
permanent scientific museum. Not only had the chiefs of certain 
departments of the Exposition, especially those of Mines and 
Metallurgy, Anthropology, and Transportation, assembled ex- 
tensive exhibits which had been specially prepared with a view 
to the needs of a permanent museum, but opportunities were 
offered on every hand by domestic and foreign exhibitors for the 
immediate acquisition of valuable collections, which, under 
ordinary conditions, would consume much time and money for 
their assembling. The work of establishing a museum was given 
a new and irresistible impetus by the splendid gift, on October 
26, 1893, of one million dollars by Mr Marshall Field. Within a 
few months this fund had increased by cash contributions to the 
extent of nearly half a million dollars more. The Museum was 
incorporated on the 14th of September, 1893, as the "Columbian 
Museum of Chicago." On June 25, 1894, this name was changed 
to "Field Columbian Museum." Mr E. E. Ayer was elected 
president of the board of trustees and Mr H. N. Higinbotham 
was chosen chairman of the executive committee ; in October, 

M« Historical and Descriptive Account of the Field Columbian Museum, December, 
1894, 2inA Annual Report of the Director to the Board of Trustees, Vol. i, Nos. 1-5, 


248 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

1899, Mr Higinbotham was also elected president of the board, 
Mr Ayer having resigned in January of that year. 

During the fall and winter of 1893 the work of transferring 
the collections donated by the Exposition was being rapidly per- 
formed. The Fine Arts building of the Exposition had been de- 
cided upon as the temporary home of the new Museum, and 
space was at once allotted to the different departments. In the 
meantime many donations of valuable collections had been made 
by various Exposition commissioners, and many other collections 
were bought outright, and by the opening of the year 1894 the 
work of installation had been entered upon in earnest. The 
Museum was dedicated and declared open to the public on June 
2, 1894, by Mr Frederick J. V. Skiff, director. 

An examination of the director's first report shows that the 
Museum consisted at that time of the departments of Anthropol- 
ogy, Geology, Botany, Zoology, Ornithology, Industrial Arts, and 
the Columbus Memorial, and of the divisions of Transportation 
and the Railway. By this time also (October, 1895) four courses 
of lectures had been given, a publication series, including a guide, 
had been begun, a library had been organized, a thorough system 
of records and departmental inventories had been inaugurated, a 
section of photography and a printing of^ce had been established, 
and several expeditions had been undertaken in the interests of 
the various departments. 

From the director's reports for the five years are extracted the 
following statistics showing the total expenditure and the attend- 
ance for each year : 






















dorsey] the field COLUMBIAN museum 249 

Examining the latest available reports of the American 
Museum of Natural History (1898), and of the United States 
National Museum (1897), it is shown that their expenditures were 
$204,955.95 and $186,498.33 respectively. The attendance is not 
stated for the American Museum ; for the National Museum it 
was 229,606. 


Confining our attention now to the Department of Anthro- 
pology, let us first notice the material presented by the directors 
to the Museum at the close of the Exposition. These collections 
were obtained through special expeditions sent out under the 
direction of Professor Putnam, or by collectors resident in the 
field who were commissioned by the Department of Ethnology 
to undertake the work. The principal expedition to South 
America was under the direction of George A. Dorsey, who in 
1891 was sent to Peru, Ecuador, Chile, and Bolivia. Other 
collections from South America were gathered through United 
States naval officers, commissioned by the department to go to 
widely remote localities ; the result of their work is to be seen in 
the Scriven collection from Costa Rica, the Welles collection 
from Orinoco river, the Safford collection from Peru, and the 
Bertolette collection from Paraguay. 

The Central American field was covered by Mr Edward H. 
Thompson, United States Consul to Yucatan, under whose 
direction a series of casts from Central American ruins was pro- 
cured, as well as by the research conducted by Messrs Saville and 
Owens. The archeological collection from southern California 
was obtained through the services of Stephen Bowers, of Ventura, 

A series of archeological investigations among the ruined 
structures of North American aboriginal peoples was also initi- 
ated by Professor Putnam, and resulted in collections from Little 
Miami valley and the Hopewell group of mounds in Ross county, 

250 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST \^. s., 2, 1900 

Ohio, collected by Warren K. Moorehead ; the archeological col- 
lection from New Jersey by Ernest Volk, the Michigan collec- 
tions by Harlan I. Smith, and the collection from Ohio by Dr C. 
L. Metz ; also the models of Ohio earthworks prepared under 
Professor Putnam's direction. 

Expeditions were sent also to Alaska and among various In- 
dian tribes of Canada and the United States, principally for the 
purpose of gathering anthropometric data, but incidentally to 
collect ethnologic material. The most important of these ex- 
peditions were those to northwestern America, where extensive 
collections were made by Deans, Jacobson, Eells, Swan, Mor- 
rison, and Hunt, all under the personal direction of Dr Franz 
Boas. Other valuable ethnological collections were made by 
Cowie among the Cree, Wilson among the Assiniboin, McLean 
among the Blackfeet, and Hall among the Ojibwa. 

Chief among the collections presented to the Museum at its 
founding was that by President Ayer, comprising material from 
the Northwest coast, California, the Pueblo region, the Plains 
Indians, the Great Lakes region, Mississippi and Ohio valleys, and 
Mexico, the whole forming an extensive and unrivaled exhibit, 
the result of many years of discriminate collecting. Valuable 
collections were also donated by the governments of British 
Guiana, Mexico, and Nicaragua. Among the collections exhib- 
ited at the Exposition and purchased by the Museum should be 
mentioned the following: the Montez collection, illustrating the 
archeology of the Cuzco region of Peru ; the Colombia collection 
of gold, silver, stone, and ceramics from ancient Chibcha graves ; 
the Hassler collection from the Gran Chaco region of Paraguay ; 
the UmlaufT collection of ethnological material from northwestern 
America and from Patagonia, Africa, and Oceanica; the Peace 
collection from Melanesia; the Finsch collection from Polynesia; 
the Wyman collection of copper and stone implements from Wis- 
consin ; the Boas collection of skulls and skeletons ; the Remenyi 
collection from South Africa; the Pogosky collection from 

dorsey] the field COLUMBIAN museum 25 1 

Siberia ; the Lumholtz Mexican collection ; the Green cliff-dweller 
collection ; the Harris collection from Peru ; the Johnson collec- 
tion of Irish jewelry ; the Ward collection of skulls, skeletons, 
masks, etc., and the Cunningham collection of brain models. 

Naturally much osteological material of great ethnic value was 
procured along with many of the collections donated by the 
Exposition, as well as with many of the collections obtained by 
purchase. As a result the department was in possession of skulls 
and skeletons from Alaska, the Northwest coast, and several of 
the Plains tribes ; from Ohio, New Jersey, and Arkansas mounds; 
from prehistoric graves in Costa Rica, Colombia, Peru, Bolivia, 
and Chile ; and through the Boas and Ward purchases many speci- 
mens from America, Europe, Asia, Africa, and the Pacific islands. 

It should also be stated that in the section of industrial arts 
and transportation the Museum possessed a large amount of mate- 
rial which might be considered as a part of the anthropological 
exhibit, and indeed at a later date the section of industrial arts 
was abandoned and its collections were transferred to the Depart- 
ment of Anthropology. 

Thus at the very outset the Department of Anthropology 
began its existence with many extensive and important collec- 
tions representing many widely separated regions of the world, 
and illustrating many and diverse stages of culture and periods of 
time. Such was the condition of the department in the summer 
of 1894, six months after the close of the Exposition. The work, 
however, was only just begun. To be sure all these collections 
had been installed and the inventory had been commenced ; but 
the installation had been hurriedly performed, many of the collec- 
tions were in a state of confusion, the records of transfer and the 
collectors' original lists were more or less tangled, numerous varie- 
ties and styles of cases had been pressed into service, collections 
or parts of collections had been received which were discovered 
not to belong properly to a scientific museum, and above all 
great gaps were to appear which must be filled in the future. 

25- AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2. 1900 

Looking back on those memorable six months it seems incredible 
that so much was accomplished so well, and too much credit can 
not be given to Dr Franz Boas, who directed the work of installa- 
tion until April 15. 1894, and to Prof. W. H. Holmes, who became 
the first curator of the department. 

By the time of the appearance of the first report of the director 
(in October, 1895), the work of reorganization had been begun 
in a serious manner and an inventory of the material in the 
department was undertaken. The system adopted was that of 
the card catalogue and inventory book, and during the year 1 5,cxx) 
objects had been catalogued and over 650 labels printed. In 
eight of the exhibition halls the cases had been made more ser- 
viceable ; an additional court had been devoted to anthropology, 
and many new cases had been provided. Through the generosity 
of Mr A. V. Armour, Professor Holmes, the curator of the depart- 
ment, visited several of the ruined cities of Mexico and Yucatan, 
where he obtained about a thousand archeological specimens and 
gathered considerable data which were embodied in the first two 
publications of the department. Miner W. Bruce had been out- 
fitted by the Museum and had made a most successful expedition 
to Alaska, as a result of which the department acquired an exten- 
sive and valuable ethnologic collection from the Eskimo. Through 
President Ayer extensive purchases of interesting archeological 
specimens were made in Egypt and Italy, and from the Naples 
Museum were secured 260 reproductions of Roman bronzes. A 
special hall was set aside for the Egyptian material. 

Other purchases during the year included the Keam collection 
from the Hopi of Arizona, thirty-seven paintings of American 
Indians by George Catlin, the Berlin collection of Egyptian and 
Assyrian casts, and the complete outfit of a Navaho medicine-man. 

The second annual report of the director contains two state- 
ments which so admirably portray the activities not only of the 

dorsey] the field COLUMBIAN museum 253 

Department of Anthropology but of the entire Museum, that I 
quote them : " Expenditures have been made more in the direc- 
tion of classification than in reinstallation ; in working over old 
rather than in purchasing new material, and in labeling, number- 
ing, and cataloguing specimens," . . ."The great courts have been 
metamorphosed, not only providing requisite space for the grow- 
ing collections, but substituting for an installation of the char- 
acter of an exposition, an arrangement on museum lines." 

The inventorying of specimens was continued and to the card 
catalogue were added over 13,000 entries. The work of labeling 
was in general interrupted by other more essential work, but Dr 
Breasted of the University of Chicago was engaged for a limited 
time and made label translations of the numerous hieroglyphic 
texts of papyri, grave tablets, etc., for the Egyptian section. 

Many important accessions of material were recorded during 
the year. The curator visited Rockland, Michigan, where he col- 
lected a series of flint implements from an ancient copper mine. 
Mr Bruce was again permitted to visit Alaska, returning with a 
more extensive collection of Eskimo products than had been ob- 
tained in the previous year. The exhibit showing the life of the 
Romans was further enriched by numerous specimens of bronze, 
including the two bronze bathtubs and a circular table of remark- 
able beauty from a villa near Pompeii. An exhibit representing 
the Etruscan and stone ages of Italy and some Roman terracottas 
were added through the generosity of Vice-president Ryerson. 
To the Egyptian collections were also added by purchase and gift 
many specimens of great interest, chief among which was a bronze 
sistrum in perfect condition which proved from its inscriptions to 
have been used in the temple of Ammon at Thebes. An unusu- 
ally large bronze statue of Osiris is also worthy of special mention. 
Among other specimens from Egypt were a stone statue of Apet 
in black basalt, a series of grave tablets and tombstones, and a 
large number of figurines in faience. From Mr A. V. Armour 
and Mr Owen F. Aldis were received over 300 objects of great 

254 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

archeological value from the Valley of Mexico and Oaxaca. A 
beginning was made in illustrating the antiquities of southern 
Illinois by the purchase of a large series of flint agricultural imple- 
ments from W. J. Seaver, and President Ayer again manifested 
his interest in North American ethnology by presenting a number 
of specimens illustrating the arts and industries of the Plains 

Mr E. L. Thompson of Merida, Yucatan, became associated 
with the department and began a series of excavations among the 
ruins of Xkichmook and Chichen Itza, which in the following 
year was to yield important archeological material. The staff of 
the department was further increased by the appointment of 
George A. Dorsey to the position of assistant curator in charge 
of physical anthropology. This made possible the work of identi- 
fying and cataloguing the material in this division, much of which 
had remained in storage and none of which had been catalogued, 
although Dr G. M. West had done effective work during the brief 
period that he was in charge of the collections at the opening of 
the Museum. 


During the time from October 1896 to October 1897, as we 
may learn from the third report of the director, much was accom- 
plished. The records of the department, it was realized, demanded 
heroic treatment, as new material had poured in at a steady rate 
and the old accessions had as yet by no means been put in credit- 
able condition. Hence the clerical force of the department was 
increased and the work of cataloguing was pushed forward with 
all possible speed, especially during the four months preceding 
October. As a result it v/as estimated that the card catalogue 
was increased to the extent of ten thousand numbers. 

The only expedition of the department during the year was 
by the assistant curator. During this field trip several tribes in 
the west were visited, in the following order: Blackfoot, Blood, 

dorsey] the field COLUMBIAN museum 255 

Flathead, Kootenay, Haida, Tsimshian, Hopi, and Zufti. From 
all these tribes, except one, large important collections illustrat- 
ing many and varied industries were gathered. From the Black- 
feet, Bloods, and Haida was also collected a large amount of 
osteological material, while a small amount of similar material 
was obtained from the Kootenay, Tlingit, and Tsimshian. Mr 
Thompson, who in the previous year had undertaken exploration 
in Yucatan on behalf of the Museum, continued his excavations 
at Xkichmook and Chichen Itza, and from both ruins were ob- 
tained collections of the utmost value to the student of Mayan 

Mr A. V. Armour placed the department under further obliga- 
tions to him by presenting a collection of Mexican archeologic 
objects, comprising notable sculptures, vessels and ornaments in 
stone and terracotta, and many specimens of copper, clay, shell, 
etc. From Mr C. L. Hutchinson was received a most timely 
acquisition to the archeology of Italy, consisting of several hun- 
dred Etruscan objects of earthenware and bronze, excavated 
under the direction of Professor Frothingham. Another gift by 
Mr Hutchinson consisted of a funeral couch of bone and ivory 
excavated from a tomb at Orvieto. To the rapidly increasing 
Egyptian collection were added several interesting specimens in 
terracotta and stone, a gift of Mr W. M. Petrie of London. The 
only accession representing American archeology was a gift from 
Mr Clarence B. Moore of an interesting collection of shell cups 
and ornaments, earthen vases, and stone implements from mounds 
of Georgia and Florida. From Mr Gustavus Goward was pur- 
chased a small but carefully selected series of specimens illustrat- 
ing the ethnology of Samoa ; while from Mr D. W. Gill were 
purchased eighteen casts of Peruvian trephined skulls. The 
curator of zoology transferred to the department over 150 ethno- 
logical objects which he had collected in Somaliland. 

In the matter of installation provision was made for new cases 
for the Hutchinson collection, and in the division of physical 

256 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

anthropology the work of thoroughly rearranging the entire osteo- 
logical collections, begun the previous year, was continued until 
they had been placed in proper condition. The material on 
exhibition was all withdrawn, and instead was submitted a series 
of exhibits, occupying twenty-six cases, showing the normal range 
of variation of the human skeleton. This was to have been fol- 
lowed by a more extensive osteological exhibit based on ethnic 
principles. The sections of graphic arts and of monographic arts 
were abolished during this year and the collections which com- 
posed them were transferred to the Department of Anthropology. 
Thus the department was enriched to the extent of three halls 
containing important series of exhibits illustrating modern ceramic 
and textile industries. 

At the end of September the curator of the department, Pro- 
fessor Holmes, resigned to accept the position of curator of 
anthropology in the United States National Museum. George 
A. Dorsey was placed in charge as acting curator, and four months 
later was appointed curator. 


The office of the curator was removed into new quarters, near 
the end of the east court, and more convenient to the exhibition 
halls. The room made vacant by the removal was put in order 
for exhibition purposes. Three new and much-desired workrooms 
were also added. Mr C. S. Simms, who had been connected with 
the Museum from the beginning and for two years with the 
department, was made assistant curator of ethnology, and seven 
additional preparators were added to the force during the year. 
With the force thus strengthened it was possible to make advances 
in the department which had been already contemplated. The 
first work undertaken related to the records, and inasmuch as up 
to that time the department was practically dependent on the 
recorder's files for information concerning original data for the 
entire mass of collections, and as the records on file in the recorder's 

dorsey] the field COLUMBIAN MUSEUM 257 

office were in many instances defective and otherwise incom- 
plete, it seemed best to withdraw temporarily the entire body of 
records relating to the Department of Anthropology. These were 
carefully examined, omissions supplied, new accessions added — 
in short the records were almost rewritten. Duplicates were then 
made of all the records, and these were retained in the office of 
the department, which was thus put in an independent position 
for all existing information in regard to its collections. 

Although the department was in possession of a card catalogue 
that covered nearly all the collections, this catalogue was found, 
for nearly every collection, to be more or less defective, owing 
to the fact that the curator had not been able, for financial 
reasons, to have at his command assistants experienced in work 
of this nature. In view of these facts it was decided to begin the 
catalogue anew, taking the cards of one collection after another 
and putting them in order, adding, changing, correcting, and 
often entirely rewriting them. Thus, including the additions to 
the card catalogues which were made from new accessions, there 
were handled 41,989 cards during the year. As rapidly as the 
card catalogue of any given collection was completed, it was 
referred to the assistant in charge of the records to be entered 
upon the inventory books and then to be filed away in numerical 
order according to the number of the accessions." In this manner 
over 200 separate accessions were catalogued, occupying 17,960 
entries in the inventory books. 

The accessions of the year were many and important. The 
only expedition by any member of the staff of the department 
was that of the curator to the Hopi Indians of Arizona. On this 
trip he was accompanied by Mr Melville, and the object was to 
make plaster casts of certain Indians for use in the construction 
of ethnic groups, and to obtain the proper accessories thereof, 

' The method adopted for cataloguing and inventorying specimens, and of filing and 
indexing accessions, was fully described in a paper on " The Anthropological Museums 
of Central Europe, American Anthropologist, N. S., vol. i, 1S99, p. 473- 

AM. ANTH., N. S., a — 17 

258 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, igco 

such as clothing, domestic utensils, etc. In both respects the ex- 
pedition was entirely successful. Additional casts of aborigines 
for ethnic groups were also secured under most advantageous cir- 
cumstances through the presence in Chicago of a party of Eskimo 
from Port Clarence, Alaska, under charge of Capt. M. W. Bruce, 
who had just returned from that region with the third consignment 
of Eskimo material. In this latter collection was an especially 
large number of fine specimens of ivory and jade implements. 
The largest and most valuable accession of the year was that ob- 
tained by President Ayer in Egypt and Italy. This included a 
large number of mortuary tablets and tomb fronts covering a long 
period of Egyptian history, many beautiful and costly specimens 
of Egyptian and Etruscan jewelry, some unusual bronze statues, 
and two very remarkable stone tombs of the early Etruscan 
period. The textile collections were further enriched by several 
hundred fabrics, representing the fifteenth to the eighteenth cen- 
turies. These specimens were collected in Venice by Vice-presi- 
dent Ryerson, who presented them to the department. From 
Rev. T. W. Woodside, a missionary to Portuguese Southwest 
Africa, was acquired an extremely interesting collection illustrat- 
ing; the manners and customs of the Ovimbunda.a minor division 
of the great Bantu stock, and not hitherto represented in the 
Museum. The Polynesian collection was augmented by the pur- 
chase from W. T. Shephard of over 600 specimens. In the divi- 
sion of physical anthropology more than 150 skeletons were 
accessioned, the most important single collection being one of 
fifty-two Papuan skulls from Gazelle peninsula, New Britain, 
received in exchange from Dr Parkinson. 

Much new installation was recorded for the year. Twelve new 
cases were added to the north court, devoted to European arche- 
ology, six of which were installed with the contents of Etruscan 
tombs. The east court was entirely reinstalled with material 
relating exclusively to American archeology, all collections not 
relating to that subject being transferred to their proper positions. 

dorseyJ the field COLUMBIAN museum 259 

Hall 7 was emptied of the paper images from a Chinese joss- 
house and was renovated and prepared for the reception of new 
material. The contents of Halls 16 and 17 were reinstalled. In 
the former were placed new cases after a standard design at that 
time adopted for the department. Hall 17 was also equipped 
with new standard cases and was devoted to the ethnology of the 
Hopi. A large group representing a Hopi domestic scene, and 
four smaller groups representing certain religious customs, were 
added to the hall. In connection with the work of installation it 
may be noted that 2270 printed labels were placed with the 


Dr Breasted of the University of Chicago was again employed 
for a limited time to prepare translations of Egyptian hieroglyph- 
ics for labels, and in January the services of Rev. H. R. Voth 
were enlisted in preparing labels for and in assisting in installing 
the Hopi collection. 

The work of cataloguing and inventorying collections was 
industriously carried forward ; as a result the card catalogue was 
increased by more than 10,000 numbers, and in the inventory 
books 15,912 entries were made. 

As in previous years the accessions were both numerous and 
important. To increase the exhibits showing the methods of the 
manufacture of flint implements, the curator made two expeditions 
to aboriginal flint quarries. The first was to the Mill Creek quarry. 
Union county, southern Illinois, where over 2000 specimens were 
collected, showing every stage in the manufacture of twelve spe- 
cialized types of implements. This great quarry is of unusual 
interest, as here were made the great flint agricultural implements, 
of several forms, which in size and beauty are among the most 
remarkable known to archeologists. The quarry is also of great 
interest inasmuch as there were developed, in the excavation of 
the raw material and in the manufacture of the immense imple- 

26o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

ments, special forms of mining tools, hammers, and grinding and 
polishing stones. The second expedition was to the great chert 
beds on the Peoria reservation, Indian Territory, where nearly 
400 specimens of unfinished implements, hammer-stones, cores, 
and flakes were collected. During the summer the curator also 
made an extended expedition in the west, visiting first the cliff- 
ruins of Walnut canyon, Arizona. From there he went to 
Ukiah, Mendocino county, California, where, accompanied by 
Dr J. W. Hudson, local ethnologist, he visited several tribes of 
the Pomo or Kulanapan stock in Mendocino and Lake counties. 
The result was a collection numbering over 300 objects of ethno- 
logic interest, and representing nearly every phase of native 
life. From Ukiah he proceeded to Tacoma, Washington, where 
he was joined by Mr Melville and his assistant. Through the 
cooperation of the Ferry Museum of Tacoma, casts of nine indi- 
viduals were made which were intended for ethnic groups to show 
the native industries of the people of Puget sound. Incidentally 
the Nasqually, Puyallup, Muckelshoot, and Fort Madison reser- 
vations, and native settlements on Cedar river and at Squauk were 
visited and many objects of ethnographic interest were obtained. 
The expedition then proceeded to Vancouver island, where addi- 
tional casts were made for ethnic groups of the Kwakiutl. 

By purchase the department procured a collection of 380 stone 
and flint relics from Putnam county, Ohio, a collection of over 
200 objects from the Sioux, a collection of over 100 specimens 
from the Cheyenne and Arapaho, and a most interesting collection 
of sixteen mural panel decorations and other specimens from 
Hadrian's villa. Through exchange with Mr David Boyle, curator 
of the Toronto Museum, there was secured a valuable collection 
illustrating the archeology of Ontario ; and by a similar method a 
full and complete series of tools, nodules, flakes, cores, etc., illus- 
trating the method of the manufacture of gun-flints at Brandon, 
England, was obtained from Dr J. W. Phillips of Northwestern 
University, Evanston. 

doksey] the field COLUMBIAN MUSEUM 26 1 

Of the many accessions to the department by gift, two 
deserve special mention. The first was that of Mr Stanley Mc- 
Cormick, who presented a collection of over 1600 specimens illus- 
trating every phase of the past and present life of the Hopi 
Indians of Arizona. This collection was formed by Rev. H. R. 
Voth during many years as missionary among the Hopi, and is 
one of the most complete and representative collections ever 
assembled from any one tribe. Of the many excellent series 
comprised by the collection, of special interest are the dolls or 
tiJius representing katcinas, masks of katci?ias, bahos or prayer- 
ofiferings, stone implements, tools and utensils representing every 
known form, and a large number of specimens of so-called cream- 
colored pottery excavated from Hopi ruins, and especially valu- 
able for the symbolism represented. Through Mr McCormick's 
generosity the department was also enabled to profit by Mr Voth's 
services for fourteen months in the preparation of a complete 
series of labels for the collection, and also in the construction of 
certain altars and sand mosaics which play so important a part in 
Hopi ceremony. Mr McCormick's liberal provision for this work 
was most timely, for the Hopi, who for over two hundred years 
have successfully resisted the encroachments of the whites, seem 
about to be entering upon the period of unrest and innovation 
which usually precedes the breaking up and gradual abandonment 
of the strictly aboriginal way of life. 

The second donation, of almost equal importance, was that of 
President Higinbotham, who presented a Korean ethnological 
collection of over 500 specimens, comprising many jade objects 
of rare beauty and workmanship ; bronze utensils ; clothing and 
uniforms, including head- and foot-gear representing every station 
of life ; armor and implements of warfare, personal ornaments, etc. 
The work of reinstalling all the exhibition halls of the depart- 
ment and providing them with new cases, begun in the previous 
year, was carried forward as rapidly as time would permit. The 
acquisition of the McCormick Hopi collection, together with the 

262 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

altars in process of construction, necessitated an additional hall, 
hence two halls hitherto devoted to South American archeology 
were vacated and into one were removed the ethnological collec- 
tions from Venezuela, British Guiana, Brazil, and Paraguay, newly 
installed the previous year, and in the other were displayed the 
remaining ethnological collections from South America, chiefly 
from Peru. The room thus vacated (Hall 16) was then devoted 
to an exposition of Mopi ceremonies, the other Hopi hall con- 
taining the archeological collections and those objects which per- 
tain to every-day life. The halls (10 and 11) devoted to the 
Eskimo were entirely rearranged, new cases being supplied and a 
new installation made. They were also furnished with four 
groups, from life casts, illustrating certain phases of specialized 
Eskimo life. From Ayer Hall were removed all specimens not 
having their origin in the Indians of the Great Plains, and in their 
stead were substituted other specimens from the Great Plains 
tribes, acquired by purchase or exploration. These changes 
made a new arrangement of Ayer Hall necessary, and this was 
done along the lines of ethnic division. The addition of much 
new archeologic material and the transfer of the prehistoric col- 
lections from South America necessitated some few changes in 
the east court, and made possible its complete installation, when 
it contained all the collections relating to American archeology. 
In connection with the general work of installation, over 3400 
printed labels were placed with the specimens. 

In September the curator was permitted to visit the chief 
museums of central Europe, where many valuable ideas in regard 
to museum management were obtained and negotiations were 
entered into for the acquisition of material illustrating the prehis- 
toric archeology of Europe. 

October, i8gg, to March, 1900 

During these five months work of a progressive nature has 
been conducted, such as characterized the year last described. 

dorsey] the field COLUMBIAN museum 263 

The card catalogue has been increased 10,523 numbers, and 6136 
entries have been made in the inventory books. The event of 
unusual importance has been the additional interest manifested 
in the department by the gift of Mr Stanley McCormick of $5000 
for the purpose of making more complete the Hopi exhibit. 
Under this fund two expeditions have already been undertaken. 
Mr J. A. Burt spent nearly two months in the exploration of 
several Hopi ruins along Little Colorado river, Arizona, and as a 
result the exhibits showing the ancient life of the Hopi have been 
increased by over 300 fine specimens of pottery, bone, stone, shell, 
and textile fabrics. Part of Mr Burt's time was spent in examin- 
ing ruins hitherto not represented in scientific museums, and 
while the full significance of his discoveries is not yet determined, 
it is safe to say that new factors have been added to our knowl- 
edge of the early movements of certain Hopi clans. The second 
McCormick expedition was that of the curator and Mr Voth in 
December to six of the Hopi pueblos, at which time notable ad- 
ditions were made to the collections devoted to the modern life 
of their occupants. While these additional specimens cover nearly 
every phase of activity, of special interest are the series of rare 
dolls, masks, prayer-sticks, and pipes. By the provisions of Mr 
McCormick's gift the department is enabled to retain the services 
of Mr Voth until the new specimens are labeled and until certain 
additional altars are constructed. Provision is also made for 
further explorations of Hopi prehistoric ruins, especially of those 
not yet represented in the Museum's collections. 

In February the assistant curator made a visit to the Grand 
River reserve, Ontario, where he witnessed the complete ceremony 
of the sacrifice of the sacred white dog by the pagan Iroquois^ 
and obtained an interesting collection of ceremonial parapher- 
nalia, including about twenty of the masks worn in the dance. Ma- 
terial of this nature was not hitherto represented in the Museum. 

The most important recent accession by purchase has been 
the Perrine collection, consisting of nearly 3000 specimens of 

264 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

stone, pottery, shell, and bone. This collection was made by Mr 
T. M. Perrine about twenty years ago in the mounds and on the 
village and quarry sites of Union county, Illinois. It includes 
many of the finest chipped and polished stone implements ever 
brought together from this interesting region. Of unusual beauty 
are several very large specimens of polished chipped flint, a num- 
ber of so-called bannerstones, stone pipes (one being of remarka- 
ble interest), and a large series of hematite adze blades. But the 
most valuable single object of stone is a statue of human form, of 
which a cast is figured in Wilson's Prehistoric Art^ p. 481. 

Of pottery there are over a hundred specimens illustrating the 
characteristic forms of the region. In shell there are among 
other objects three gorgets, one a beautiful specimen of the spi- 
der effigy, the other two with a cross, one of the latter being fig- 
ured in Holmes' Art in Shell J" A collection of over a thousand 
objects from prehistoric graves at Caldera, Chile, was acquired by 
gift from Mr Cyrus H. McCormick. Included in this collection 
are very interesting series of bone carvings, copper and gold orna- 
ments, and a large number of the most beautiful spear- and arrow- 
points of jasper and chalcedony that arc to be found in the 
department. The special value of the collection lies in the fact 
that hitherto the Museum possessed no collections illustrating the 
archeology of the western coast of South America south of 
Iquique, save a few specimens from Huasco. 

In the work of installation, the last five months have been 
productive of much that is of a progressive nature, and one fea- 
ture of the work is characteristic of the more recent trend of de- 
velopment in the Museum as a whole. I allude to the fact that 
Halls 8 and 9, which, since the establishment of the Museum, 
have contained the material transferred from the Exposition and 
known as the Columbus Memorial, have been emptied of their 

' U. S. National Museum Report, 1S96. Dr Wilson in this paper erroneously 
calls the original a clay statue. 

- Second Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 270, 

dorsey] the field COLUMBIAN museum 265 

contents and are now being installed with purely anthropologic 
collections. Hall 9, one of the four largest in the building, is al- 
ready installed with the Egyptian collections, while Hall 8 and 
the hall made vacant by the transfer of the Egyptian collection 
are to be devoted to the continually increasing collections illus- 
trating the culture of the more primitive non-American races. 

The two halls devoted to the ethnology of the Northwest 
coast of America have also been dismantled, and the collections 
have been carefully examined and the objects compared with col- 
lectors' original lists, all preparatory to a reinstallation in new 
cases in the same halls, to which will be added four ethnic groups, 
for which casts have already been made, illustrating certain 
phases of the domestic and religious life of this very interesting 
and complicated region. 

Among the improvements which are to be made in the near 
future, provision is already made for the reinstallation of the con- 
tents of Ayer Hall (devoted to the tribes of the Great Plains) in 
new cases and with the addition of three illustrative ethnic 
groups, for which casts for one of the Cheyenne are already 
made, and the complete overhauling of five halls, devoted to Old 
World ethnology, with the expansion and reinstallation of their 
contents into seven halls. 

With the changes and improvements noted above an accom- 
phshed fact, the exhibits which comprise the department will be 
classified according to locality or people ; they will be in plain, 
simple, substantial cases, safe from the ravages of dust and moth. 
But the work of the department will not be finished, for, has not 
Prof. G. Brown Goode declared that a finished museum is a dead 
museum ? It is recognized that there are vast regions of America, 
and even one entire great continent and many regions of other 
continents, which are but poorly represented or not represented 
at all, and to these regions must be directed the energies of the 
future, if the high educational objects of the Museum are to be 
adequately fulfilled. 




The baskets from which the accompanying designs are taken 
were collected among the northern portion of the Maidu Indians 
of California, during the summer of 1899. The region has been 
of late years more or less thoroughly scoured for baskets by vari- 
ous local dealers, and by several traveling salesmen, who have 
become victims of the " basket craze." A considerable number of 
old baskets of very good workmanship were found, however, and 
new ones made for trade, and for the annual " burnings " held in 
memory of the dead, were numerous. The materials of which 
the baskets are made varies somewhat from place to place, and 
with the kind of basket. The large pack-baskets, conical in shape 
and with a capacity of a bushel or more, are generally made 
of the smaller twigs of the maple or willow, the roots of the yellow 
pine, and the stems and roots of the common brake {Ptcris aqiii- 
Una). The soup baskets and smaller saucer-like baskets are finer 
in texture and weave, and are made of maple, redbud, and a sort 
of grass or sedge known as tsi'takim. In the lower foot-hills and 
in Sacramento valley, willow is used a little more commonly than 
in the higher Sierra, and the twigs and wood of the " basket- 
wood " are used in place of or with the redbud. The patterns are 
either in red or black, the redbud and " basket-wood " being used 
for the former, and boiled pine-roots or brake for the latter. The 
soup baskets and tray-like baskets are of the variety known as 
"coiled"; the large pack-baskets, on the other hand, being 
" twined." 

' Published by authority of the Trustees of the American Museum of Natural 
History. The designs illustrated are from specimens in that Museum. 




In the series of forty baskets nearly two dozen different 
designs are used. For about twenty of these satisfactory expla- 
nations have been obtained up to the present, and these may be 
divided for convenience of treatment into three classes —animal 
designs, plant designs, and those representing objects such as 
arrowpoints, mountains, etc. 

One of the simplest and clearest of the many designs belong- 
ing to the first group is that 
known as fish-teeth (figure 
8). The execution of this 
pattern is rather irregular, 
and it is .somewhat difificult 
to determine whether it was 
intended to have the cross- 
bars opposite each other 
or alternating. Looking at 
the basket from below, the Fig. s-Fish-teet 

resemblance to the wide open mouth of a fish is rather strikino-. 
A little less obvious in its meaning is the earthworm on a 

basket from the same lo- 
cality as the last. In this 
(figure 9) the worm is 
represented by a succes- 
sion of parallelograms, 
linked together by the 
corners, to form a sinu- 
ous chain running around 
the basket. The separ- 
ate parallelograms here 
are said to stand for the 
segments of the earth- 
worm's body. 

Of very frequent oc- 
currence on baskets from Sacramento valley and the foot-hills is 

Fig. g — Earthworm (Cat. No. iia). 



[n. S., 2, 1900 

the design representing the quail (figure 10). In this the charac- 
teristic feature is the plume on the quail's head, shown here by 

the vertical square-tipped appendices 
to the parallelograms which are meant 
for the bodies of the birds. The quail- 
plumes themselves are used at times in 
the decoration of the feather-baskets, 
beine woven in while the basket is 
-Quail (Cat. No. ,%). ^^^j^^^ made, and standing out all over 

it when done. The use of the bird's plumes does not, however, 
seem to have been restricted to baskets which had the quail 

Two other designs are representations of birds, the " geese fly- 
ing " and the " duck's wing." One form of one of these designs 


Fig. II— Flying geese (Cat. Nos. ^^"3, ^4'^, bV?)- 

(figure \\c) is apparently meant for a flock of geese in flight, their 
triangular order being well shown in the arrangement of the 
points of the design. The other two forms (figure i \a, h), said also 



to be "geese flying," are not quite so clear as the first. That 
numbered 1 1/7 is curiously like the quail pattern already described, 
except that the append- 
ices are triangular instead 
of square ; it is possible 
that these may refer to 
the feet of the goose seen 
just as the bird lights (?). 
The design known as the 
"duck's wing" (figure 12) 
is more or less doubtful 
in its meaning. It is said 
to signify the patch of 
white seen on each side 
of the bird. 

■rx , • .1 • Fie. 12— Duck's wing (Cat. No. /sa). 

Very clear in then" ^ 

meaning are the designs representing the " thousand-legged worm " 
and the racoon. The millipede or "thousand-legged worm" 
(figure 13) is shown by a broad band of solid color running in a 
zigzag around the basket and provided all along both edges with 
a great number of small triangles attached by short narrow lines, 
forming thus a sort of fringe. These are, as might be supposed. 

Fig. 13— Milipede (Cat. 

No. 5\e). 

Fig. 14 — Racoon (Cat. No.gsV). 

Fig. 15 — Grasshopper leg 

(Cat. No.kISK 

the many feet of the millipede. The characteristic feature of the 
racoon design (figure 14) is in the peculiar curve of the band of 
color which runs around the basket. This is said variously to 
stand for the stripes on the animal, or for the os penis ; in either 
case the intent of the pattern is clear. 



[N. S., 2, 1900 


Fig. 16— Eye (Cat. No. sVg). 

Rather loss realistic than the foregoing designs is the grasshop- 
per pattern, found on a small basket from Genesee (figure 15). 
This might more properly be called the grasshopper-leg pattern, 

as this is the part of the 
insect which is repre- 
sented. Apparently the 
longer bars are the legs, 
and the shorter bars at 
right angles to the for- 
mer are the " feet " (?). 
Classed with the animal 
designs for convenience 
is the pattern known as 
the eye (figure 16). This 
is represented simply by 
a hollow rhombus or 

Turning to the second group of designs, those representing 
plants, it is evident that here the number of difTerent patterns is 
considerably less than in the first group. On a number of baskets 
is found a design of 
which the only ex- 
planation that could 
be obtained was 
that it was " just a 
flower." This design 
(figure 17) consists 
of rows of broad- 
based triangles, each 
row from the base to 
the top containing 

, , Fig. 17— Flower (Cat. No. xW). 

successively larger 

triangles. In the specimen figured the design is not perfectly 

regular, but the pattern is sometimes made with great regularity, 


and the triangles arranged in a kind of whorl, giving a curious 
effect when the basket is seen from below. The triangles here 

represent the separate pet- 
als of the flower. 

Fig. i8— Brake (Cat. No. J'^s)- 

Fig. 19— (Cat. No. 1%). 

The common brake {Ptcris aquilind) is represented by the 
design shown in figure i8, from a basket from Mooretown. The 

Fig. 20-Vine (Cat. No. /j's)- 

Fig. 21— Pine-cone (Cat. No. j'Vj'*. 

points in this are intended for the pinnas of the fern, but 
the meaning of the bars in the central stripe is not yet clear. 



[n. s., 2, 1900 

Fig. 22— a bush iC:it. No. sVa)- 

Closely resembling this pattern is one from the Konkau (figure 
19), but of this I have not been able to obtain a reasonable 
explanation. Very similar also is the design said to depict the 
vine (figure 20). In this the spiral character of the pattern as it" 

winds around the basket is the 
twining of the vine about a pole, 
while the points are the sepa- 
rate leaves as they stand out 
on either side. 

One of the most effective 
plant designs is that of the pine- 
cone, used by the people of the 
higher Sierras. In this design (figure 21) the realism is quite 
marked, the broad, pyramidal form and the horizontally directed 
points being strikingly like the large and strong-spined cones of 
the digger and yellow pines. Although the digger pines grow in 
large numbers on the 
foot-hills, no specimens 
of this design were seen 
except in the higher por- 
tions of the mountains. 
What is apparently the 
same figure cut in two is 
represented around the 
upper edge of the large 
pack -basket on which 
the full design is shown. 
Similar to the cone, 
but differing in that it 
has a solid center, is the ^'°- ^3-Feathers (Cat. No. ,w. 

pattern found on a basket from Big Meadows (figure 22). This 
is regarded as the representation of a bush, growing high up in 
the mountains, and apparently rather rare, as I was unable to get 
a specimen to identify the plant. 



Of the designs representing objects belonging to the third 
group into which the different patterns were divided, that of the 
feather is by far the most important. It seems to occur in sev- 
eral different forms. The simplest of these, perhaps, is shown in 
figure 23. The character- 
istic feature of the design 
appears to be the notched 
or sawtooth edge, in imi- 
tation of an old custom of 
thus notching the arrow- 
feathers by burning. In 
figure 24 the design ap- 
pears in a slightly differ- 
ent form, the notched 
" feathers" being arranged in points around the basket. A vari- 
ation of this design is shown in figure 25, where the interior of 
the point is filled with a somewhat elaborate pattern, and again 
in figure 26 where this interior pattern is different in each point. 
There is reason to believe that these isolated triangles are meant 
to represent flint arrow- 
points, a design which 
alone is very frequently 

Fig. 24 — Feathers (Cat. No. \S^. 

Fig. 25— Feathers (Cat. No. iSi')- Fig. 26-Feather (Cat. No. 3^3)- 

met. The association of the arrowpoint with the arrow-feather 
would not be an unnatural one, and till further evidence is forth- 
coming it may be considered that in the designs shown in figures 
25 and 26 there is a combination of the feather pattern with the 
flint arrowpoint. 

AM. ANTH. N. -S., 2 — IB 



[n. S., 2, 1900 

The flint arrowpoint design as it occurs alone is seen in figures 
27 and 28. The triangles which make up this figure are linked 
together in a way different from those making the feather designs, 

and the longer axes of the tri- 
angles or rhombuses are vertical 
instead of horizontal. 

The simple circular band of 
color surroundiner the basket is 


Fig. 27 — Flint arrowpoiiits 
(Cat. No. ^S{\. 

Fig. 28— Flint arrow-points 
(Cat. No. sYr>- 

said to be a path or trail (figure 21). It does not seem to be of 
very frequent occurrence, and in all the specimens seen is a com- 
plete circle, without the gap so common on baskets and pottery 
from the Southwest, as also among some of the California tribes, 
of which the Yuki may be taken as an example. 

A rather elaborate composite design representing mountains 

and clouds (figure 29) is shown on a 
basket from Big Meadows. Here the 
mountains are represented as a range 
in perspective, the short vertical lines 
being trees growing on the slopes. 
Above these mountains, and running 
all around the upper edge of the bas- 
ket, is a zigzag line signifying clouds floating over the summits 
of the mountains. 

This completes the list of designs of which the meanings are 
certain or reasonably so. Taking each group by itself, it appears 
that the largest number of designs are representations of animals. 

Fig. 29— Mountains and clouds f Cat. 
No. /Vo)- 


fully half of those here described belonging to that group. Plants 
and inorganic objects are shown in the designs in about equal 
numbers, both together about equaling the animal patterns. In 
frequency of representation, on the other hand, the feather design 
seems to preponderate ; that is, this pattern will be found on a 
larger number of baskets than any other. Comparing the people 
of Sacramento valley and the lower foot-hills with those of the 
higher Sierra, there is possibly a little greater frequency of animal 
designs among the former. Certain patterns, such as the feather 
and the arrowpoint, are found among all the communities thus far 
visited, and seem to be of universal distribution at least among 
the northern members of the Maidu or Pujunan stock. Other 
designs, such as the pine-cone and the geese, are, so far as known, 
confined to the higher Sierra, while the fish-teeth and earthworm 
seem rather restricted to Sacramento valley and the foot-hills. 
Further investigation, however, will be necessary before the de- 
tails of the distribution of the designs can definitely be stated. 
But even where the same design is found in several places, there 
seem to be local differences which are more or less constant. 

In comparison with the designs on the baskets of neighboring 
tribes, a few words may be said : The geese and the feather 
designs have been recognized on baskets made by the Pitt River 
Indians. The latter come at times to Big Meadows and Susan- 
ville, and the Maidu at present often buy from them some of 
their baskets, which are much softer and more flexible than their 
own. In his paper on "Textile Art in Relation to Form and 
Ornament " ' Holmes illustrates a basket (fig. 324) on which both 
the feather and the geese designs, or at least patterns closely 
comparable, appear. This basket is described as from the 
McCloud River Indians, belonging to the Wintun stock, which 
here, however, is in close contact with the Pitt River tribes. 
Quite comparable also to the feather design is that shown by 
Mason from baskets belonging to the Ute Indians of southern 

1 Sixth Anmial Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, fig. 324, p. 221. 

276 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Colorado.' No mention is made by either Holmes or Mason of the 
meaning of the designs which they figure, but the close similarity 
of the pattern from McCloud river to those of the Maidu and Pitt 
River Indians is at least striking. The simpler pattern on the 
Ute baskets, though strongly resembling the simple form of the 
Maidu feather design, is in all probability different in its origin 
and explanation. Designs quite similar to some of the Maidu 
patterns are also to be noted on baskets from the Hupa and 
other tribes in northern California, and among some of the coast 
tribes of Washington and Oregon. 

As already stated, the twenty or more designs here shown do 
not by any means exhaust the list. With the considerable num- 
ber \Wiich are not as yet satisfactorily explained, and those seen 
uncompleted on unfinished baskets, it is probable that the present 
list can be doubled ; and it would not be surprising to find as 
many as fifty distinct designs used on their baskets by Indians of 
the Maidu stock. The knowledge of the designs is almost ex- 
clusively confined to the older women, the younger generation 
knowing only very few ; therefore, unless the meaning of these 
many designs can be obtained before the death of the older gen- 
eration, in this as well as in other tribes of the state, a valuable 
aid in the unraveling of the relationships between the many stocks 
of California will be lost. 


' " Basket Work of the North American Aborigines," Report of the U. S. N^atiotial 
Museum, 1SS4, pi. xxii, fig. 43 ; pi. x.w, fig. 48. 

By D. S. lamb 


The myths of a people may be classified as those which have 
some historical basis, howsoever sHght, and those which are pos- 
sibly if not probably purely creations of the imagination. We 
might make a similar classification of modern fiction. 

Myths which are essentially of the same nature, having the 
same actors with approximately the same names, would seem to 
have been first formed in some one locality and spread thence 
through emigration or by the capture and enslavement incident 
to war. The original significance of such a myth may be lost 
through a change in the meaning of a word. 

There are also myths which are nearly identical in character 
the world over, irrespective of tribal or racial descent. This 
similarity seems to be explainable most probably by the fact that 
all primitive peoples pass through the same stages of develop- 
ment, regardless of language or geography ; the myths of corre- 
sponding stages would therefore naturally correspond to each 
other in essential features, the main difference being in the proper 
names due to differences in language. For instance, some primi- 
tive peoples have a theory of creation by a union of the heavens 
as the male element with the earth as the female element. 

One of the most striking and familiar qualities of the primitive 
human mind is the disposition to personify. Eventually this 
personification becomes fixed in the written language, either by 
the use of a particle indicating sex or by a change in the termina- 
tion of a word indicating the same thing. With the exception of 


2/8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

the English, there is probably no modern language in which these 
personifications do not occur; and even in the English, poetic 
license, as it is called, justifies, for example, the use of Jiim for it 
in speaking of the sun, while in ordinary conversation we speak of 
it instead of him. Among primitive peoples every material thing, 
every action, and every form of thought had its deity or demon. 
If we divide everything, visible and invisible, actions and modes 
of thought, into good and bad, helpful and hurtful, we shall find 
that almost without exception the good or helpful things were 
personified by forms that are natural or normal and comely, and 
the bad or hurtful by forms that are unnatural (so-called), abnor- 
mal, and uncomely, perhaps even hideous and monstrous. 

In personifying the bad or hurtful, the primitive mind has 
chosen one of two kinds of forms. In one there is a mixture of 
forms of altogether different animals ; as in the case of the Satyr 
with its human head and body and its goat-like limbs and horns. 
In the other kind there is no such mixture, but either something 
is added to the normal, as in the case of the three-headed dog 
Cerberus, or something is absent, as in the case of the one-eyed 

There can of course be no question that the personification 
by natural forms, as we call them, was based on the knowledge 
of such forms and their qualities — a greater or less familiarity 
with them. So far as the forms themselves were concerned, 
therefore, there was no need to draw on the imagination for them. 
In different countries having different fauna or flora the personifi- 
cations would of course differ. 

The question, however, may be asked whether the so-called 
unnatural, abnormal forms ever existed, were ever seen by primi- 
tive man, or are visible at the present day. This is the question 
I propose to consider. 

A mixture of forms of two entirely distinct orders or families 
of animals is never seen, and, it is fair to conclude, has never been 
seen, for we know that such forms cannot indeed occur. Were 


these forms, then, as personifications, purely creatures of the im- 
agination, or did primitive people actually see some forms which 
they interpreted as such admixtures ? If I were to judge from in- 
dividual observation I should say that they did ; that such forms 
are seen to this day and by many persons are similarly inter- 
preted. For many years I have been connected with a museum, 
the work of which is to collect specimens of abnormality, disease, 
and injury. In this collection the malformations have a con- 
spicuous place, and the number is steadily growing. They are 
called malformations because they are deviations from the normal 
forms — deviations due to a departure from the normal laws of 
development — the carefully studied and fairly well-known laws of 
the science of embryology. From time to time there have been 
brought to the museum animal forms which those who brought 
them interpreted as mixtures of animals of different orders. Ex- 
amination of these specimens always showed that they were 
peculiar only in the fact that they had undergone some injury 
either before, during, or after birth, for they were always young 
animals. As an illustration I may mention the last occurrence 
of this sort : Two ladies came from Baltimore bringing a jar con- 
taining a small animal of very peculiar appearance. I was told 
that it was part cat and part bird, and had been long kept in the 
office of a Baltimore physician and shown to many persons. The 
object of the ladies in bringing it to the museum was to learn if 
we would purchase it, and at what price. I told them that if the 
specimen was really a mixture of cat and bird the museum would 
be glad to obtain it and, I had no doubt, to pay a large sum for it. 
I might have told them that such a specimen would be worth its 
weight in gold. Examination showed it to be a poor little kitten' 
which in birth had been roughly divided in two behind the fore- 
limbs, and the torn part had been drawn out somewhat pointedly 
as if by the same force ; the part belonging to the hind-limbs was 
absent. I so thoroughly convinced them that I was correct in my 
statement that they left the specimen with me as not being worth 

28o AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, iqoo 

carrying back. If in this age and in the city of Baltimore and 
among educated and intelligent persons, unusual animal forms can 
be interpreted as mixtures of two or more different divisions, why 
should we doubt that among primitive peoples similar mistakes 
were made? It is true that there are cat-birds; but they are 
simply birds having the peculiar cry of a cat. I might add that 
the museum also receives from time to time "descriptions" of 
so-called mixtures which the writers offer for sale at high prices, 
but which of course the museum never buys. 

At this point it may be mentioned as a matter of fact that 
such peculiar forms as I have described, as well as the real mal- 
formations, are regarded by many ignorant persons of our own 
day, and presumably also among primitive peoples, as being of 
supernatural origin ; as having resulted through the interference 
in some manner by the Deity or the Devil. So strong is this 
feeling, indeed, that in many cases these persons insist on the 
burial of such human forms when only of a few months prenatal 
development, for fear of evil consequences. For this reason it is 
at times impossible to obtain for exhibition in the museum quite 
desirable because unusual malformations. Such persons, if they 
lived in so-called heathen lands, would doubtless make deit'es or 
demons of such forms ; and I am quite convinced that this is 
what some primitive peoples at least have always done with 
them. It may be noted as a partial explanation of some of 
these mythical mixtures that there are many animals of strikingly 
peculiar forms, appearances, or habits. These would strongly in- 
fluence the primitive man. It would seem but natural that he 
would interpret the peculiarities in a supernatural way ; and so 
these animals might suggest the idea of admixture of different 
forms. The folklore of these animals is interesting in this con- 
nection. The little mantis, or pric Dieu, or rear-horse as it is 
called in this vicinity, may be mentioned. We must also con- 
sider such appearances of animals, as the wise and solemn look 
of the owl, which has passed into popular adage; the cry of the 

lamb] mythical monsters ^ 281 

panther, so intensely like that of a lost infant ; these would 
naturally suggest the presence of some human element in the 
animal ; and it would not be far to go to build thereon a mixture 
of forms. The striking transformation from caterpillar to butter- 
fly, and the scarcely less striking one from tadpole to frog must 
have had influence in giving shape to mythologic forms. It 
would certainly seem to be most probable that the myth-maker 
would have such things in mind in creating his myth, and not 
evolve it entirely from his imagination. 

I may add that there are animals born so malformed that the 
ordinary observer would not recognize anything about them as 
natural. Nothing less than the study of embryology can explain 
their peculiarities. There would be no stretch of imagination to 
see some kind of mythologic monster in such animals. 

Some of these mythologic combinations may be mentioned : 
One of the best-known is the Centaur, with the head and neck of 
a man and the body and limbs of a horse. These creatures were 
said to inhabit the mountainous parts of Arcadia and Thessaly. 
According to one writer they were the only monsters of antiquity 
which had good traits. If this be true they are the only departure 
from the opinion I have advanced, namely, that bad and hurtful 
things were represented as monsters. Various explanations have 
been given of the myth ; perhaps the most reasonable is that the 
being personified the clouds through which the sun had to force 
his way. 

The Chimera, with lion's head, goat's body, and dragon's tail. 
There were three heads, each breathing out fire. She was 
mother of the Nemean lion and the Sphinx. She is said to have 
personified drought, and was destroyed by Bellerophon, mounted 
on the winged horse Pegasus. 

The Harpies, with women's heads and bodies, wings and claws 
of birds. They were robbers, more especially of food, which they 
also befouled. In earlier myths they were said to carry away the 
soul at death. They personified hurtful winds. 

282 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

The Minotaur or bull of Minos, with the head of a bull and 
the body of a man ; a terror of the island of Crete; destroyed by 

The Satyr, with the body of a man, and the legs, hair, and 
horns of a goat. They were male divinities of the woods and 
fields. The god Pan was of this form, and is sometimes included 
among the Satyrs. 

Scylla, a woman with six heads ; her limbs those of serpents 
and barking dogs ; she lived near the rock-bound sea ; fed on the 
sailors who passed by, and also on fish. She personified treach- 
erous and shallow waters among hidden rocks. 

The Sphinx, with woman's head and upper part of body; the 
remainder, a bird's wings and claws; or, as in Egypt, the body 
and limbs of a lion. She was killed by CEdipus, or committed 
suicide by throwing herself into the sea. She devoured those 
who failed to solve her riddle : " What is that which is four-footed 
in the morning, two-footed at noon, three-footed at night ? " 
CEdipus solved it as a man who goes on all fours in infancy, and 
in old age has to use a staff. The word sphinx is Greek, meaning 
" one who binds." The Sphinx personified drought — the bind- 
ing up of the waters. 

The Triton was half man and half fish ; offspring of Neptune 
and Amphitrite ; his progeny were called tritons. They person- 
ified the dangerous sea. 

The Typhon, with a hundred dragon-heads, the son of Gaea, 
the earth. He was confined in Tartarus. 

The Sirens, with heads and bodies of women and legs of 
birds. Their song drew the sailors toward dangerous rocks and 
reefs and destroyed them. They probably personified dangerous 

In Egyptian mythology many mixed forms appear. Pahkt- 
Bast was a goddess sometimes with a lion's head, at others with 
the head of a cat. Sep, the god of earth and vegetation, bore the 
body of a man and the head of a goose. Hathor, or Athor, with 

lamb] mythical monsters 283 

the head of a cow, a goddess often identified with Iris. Seth, or 
Set, with the body of an ass, a jackal's ears and snout, and a lion's 
tail, was the principle of physical and moral darkness and evil. 
Neph, called also Chumphis, Khnum, Num, and Nu, had the 
head of a ram ; he was the soul of the universe. 

We come now to true malformations, not the results of external 
injury, but of faulty development — of some intrinsic or extrinsic in- 
terference during developrrient. Malformations have been experi- 
mentally produced, especially in the case of hen eggs, by various 
interferences during the 21 days of incubation. There is no need 
here to elaborate the subject ; it is sufificient merely to state a 
fact familiar to embryologists. These malformations are com- 
mon, both in the human and in the lower animals. Their causes 
are to some extent understood, especially in view of the fact that 
they have been artificially produced. Similar forms must have 
been seen by primitive as well as by civilized peoples in all ages 
and in all countries. The tendency to deify or demonize them 
may correctly be assumed, I believe, from what has already been 
said. If we bear this in mind it seems but natural that the mal- 
formations and monsters of mythology were the outcome of this 
deifying tendency. 

I have already said that these malformations were either by 
defect or by increase, as in the case of the one-eyed Cyclops or the 
three-headed Cerberus. This would hardly be the proper place 
and time to enter into a discussion of the laws which govern 
their production. I can speak only of the forms themselves. 

As illustrating an increase in size or in the number of parts, 
without any mixture of forms, the following may be mentioned : 

The Centimanni, or, in the Greek, Hecatonchires, with a 
hundred hands; sons of Uranus and Ga^a, that is, of Heaven and 
Earth. One was named Cottus, the striker; the second, Briareus. 
or the strong ; the third, Gyes or Gyges, the wrestler. All were 
confined in Tartarus. They probably personified the waves and 

284 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Cerberus, a dog with three heads ; sometimes represented also 
with the tail of a serpent ; he guarded the gate to Pluto's domin- 
ions, permitting no spirit to pass out. The personification of 
drought, darkness, and the underworld. 

The Hydra of Lerna, a serpent with many heads, sometimes 
seven, at others nine, at others fifty. It was slain by Hercules. 

Janus, with two faces turned in opposite directions ; some- 
times one was white-bearded, the otlier was youthful ; he was also 
sometimes represented with three or four heads. A Roman 
divinity, unknown to the Greeks; the god of gates and beginnings; 
knew the past and future as well as the present ; an emblem of 
the sun which opens and closes the day. 

In Hindoo mythology Brahma was represented as having four 
heads and four hands. He was the supreme principle of the uni- 
verse and of creative energy. 

Of those showing defects the best known perhaps is the Cyclops, 
a giant with a solitary eye in the middle of his forehead. The 
word itself means a round eye. There were three Cyclopes, sons 
of Uranus and Gaea, who forged thunderbolts in Tartarus. Their 
names were Brontes, thunder ; Steropes, lightning ; and Arges, 
sheet lightning. The single eye has been thought to reprei-ent 
the sun. There were other Cyclopes, one of whom was Polyphe- 
mus, into whose eye Ulysses thrust a heated stick. These rather 
personified the heavy vapors of the hillsides. 

In briefly reviewing the subject of malformations, I may make 
the following statements : There are dwarfs and giants by nature ; 
so that in this respect mythology is not exceptional. There are 
children born without brain and some with neither brain nor 
spinal cord. The relatively great prominence of the eyes in 
these cases has given them the name of " frog children," and the 
resemblance has been made greater by the statement that they 
make a noise like a frog. They are among the commonest form 
of malformation, as also are the cyclops, which have either but 
one eye or else two eyes occurring close together. Any one 



who has ever seen a cyclops monster will appreciate the consterna- 
tion its birth creates in a family and how the primitive and 
ignorant man would quite naturally think it either a god or a 
demon (plate X, i). Probably every one has seen what is called 
hare-lip and cleft palate, two malformed features which often 
coincide ; indeed there would be no dif^culty in producing a 
monster on this basis. In some cases the lower jaw is absent or 
is very small ; and when there is also a shortening of the upper 
jaw, there is a snout-like appearance which readily suggests the 
face of a pig. The absence of the front wall of the thorax or 
abdomen, exposing the heart and other organs which normally are 
concealed, might be one factor in suggesting the punishment of 
Prometheus. Defects in the limbs are common ; one in particular, 
called the siren limb, in which the two lower or hind limbs are 
fused, with partial separation of the feet (plate X, 3), might 
readily suggest the divided tail of a dragon. 

Quite often two animals are born joined together, to a greater 
or less extent, by the thorax, the head, the pelvis, or the mouth. 
Sometimes the one is much smaller than the other, and seems 
to be escaping from the side, or chest, or head, or mouth of the 
other. Sometimes one of the two is headless or heartless — quite 
often heartless: We see all these malformations in both the 
human subject and in lower animals. Sometimes the head is 
apparently single, but with two faces opposite each other, and we 
call these Janus heads ; of these one face is usually much better 
developed than the other. Sometimes there are two heads and 
one body (plate X, 2) ; sometimes three heads and one body — a 
good basis for the three-headed Cerberus. Sometimes there are 
two individuals above the waist and one below ; sometimes two 
individuals below the waist and one above. So we may have one 
head with four hands and four feet. Multiple fingers are com- 
mon, as also are multiple toes. Multiple breasts are often seen ; 
and this is another feature of some of the mythical personages. 

So far as I am personally concerned, I have no hesitation in 

286 AMERICAX AX THKOrOLOGlST [n. s.. 2, igcx) 

reaching the conclusion that some of the monstrous forms of 
mythology, perhaps all of them, were not simply creations of the 
imagination, but were based on deformities or malformations 
which undoubtedly occurred in the days of myth as they occur at 
the present time ; and further, that there was the same disposition 
then as now to attach supernatural importance to them. Again, 
it would have been quite natural then, as it now is among igno- 
rant persons, to base stories on these malformed beings. 

The foregoing paper was read at a meeting of the Anthropo- 
logical Society of Washington, on March 9th, and was discussed 
as follows : 

Discussion by Miss y. O. Hall 

The very suggestive paper to which we have listened is so full 
of interest that it seems not only a discourtesy but a bit of 
wanton vandalism to throw a stone at it, however sure one may be 
that there are weak spots in its masonry. Ikit sympathetic appre- 
ciation is not always the best stimulus in the search for truth. 

The question arises, first, whether the author may not hav^e 
become so thoroughly en rapport with his subject that he has him- 
self unconsciously performed one of the old mythological exploits, 
or its modern equivalent. We are told that the giant Cacus 
dragged the oxen of Hercules backward by the tail, and the pur- 
suer, following their tracks, came very near looking for them in 
the wrong direction. With all apology for the homely illustra- 
tion, I would ask whether the process of myth-making set before 
us in this paper is not something of a reversal of the commonly 
accepted one and liable to lead us to take a back track in our 
search for knowledge. To see the monster, and deify or demon- 
ize him, and set him up in the classic pantheon and give him some 
realm to rule over, suggests a process of involution instead of 

lamb] mythical monsters 287 

Does not this method better represent the production of 
fables than of myths? The former were " done on purpose " (to 
borrow a nursery phrase), to illustrate a truth that has already 
been apprehended ; the latter were spontaneous processes of rea- 
soning, to get at a truth not yet grasped. The myth is a growth ; 
the fable is a creation. The former is based on the common 
racial experience of primitive man, and not like the latter on mere 
individual observations. 

Moreover, has not the great body of mythology grown out of 
■a struggle to explain, not the rare and the abnormal, but the 
natural and normal ? 

The great processes of nature were themselves marvels to the 
adult children of those early myth-making ages, and their simple, 
•disingenuous thinking about them has given rise to the great 
cycle of nature-myths that has come down to us. By way of 
illustration : 

Man had some experience and observation of lightning-stroke 
and of tempest, and could think of them only as controlled by 
some great being up in the air ; and hence we have Jupiter with 
his thunderbolts, associated with the mountain-tops, the eagle, 
and all that is high. 

The early masters of the bow and arrow saw the sun's rays dart 
from horizon to horizon, and to their thought they were silver 
arrows and the sun god became Apollo. The moon was weaker 
and feebler than the sun, and hence Diana was Apollo's twin 
sister. She was out late nights when wild beasts prowl, so Diana 
was a great huntress. 

The night heavens, with their hundred starry eyes, became 
the watchman, Argus ; and the sea, ever present and beating with 
its hundred hands at all shores, became Briareo or the Ilecaton- 

The north wind was a rough old fellow, who picked up off her 
feet a dainty little maiden who could not stand against it, and so 
Boreas snatched away Orythea. 

288 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

This same simple process of reasoning was applied to a vast 
range of things in heaven and earth, and so the rustling leaves 
became whispering Dryads ; the rippling brooks grew into laugh- 
ing Naiades; and in the mountain echoes were heard the voices 
of impudent Oreads who would have the last word. 

In the great mass of geographical myths there is a trace 
of tradition, starting from some individual experience, but no 
touch of deliberate fiction or fable-making: 

A mountain-top pierced the clouds. This suggested mystery. 
The gods must live up there ; so high Olympus was regarded with 
great awe. Remote Atlas held up the sky as the horizon does 
today. The sunshine was pleasant and the cold wind was hate- 
ful. Beyond the source of the north wind must be an ideal 
region ; so the Land of the Hyperboreans became the first of a 
series of idealizations of place and government which includes 
Arcadia and Utopia and Atlantis and Gonzalo's Island and El 
Dorado. Some roaming adventurer possibly touched the region 
of polar night, and hence we hear of the land of the Cimmerians 
and its perpetual darkness. The oranges of Spain became the 
golden apples of the Hesperides. Perhaps some wanderer into 
Africa encountered some of its dwarfish tribes and brought back 
the story of the pigmies. 

There is a great body of new myths ; every nation perhaps has 
had its strong man, — its Hercules, or its Samson, or its Arjuna, 
or its Kwasind. Theseus, Perseus, Pirithous, Achilles, and Bel- 
lerophon probably had actual existence, and though many of the 
accretions that have become attached to their names have grown 
up according to the true processes of myth-making, yet in their 
origin they were not so much myth as hyperbolical history. 

There are some crudely philosophical myths. Time destroys 
what Time produces, and hence Saturn devours his children. 
Wisdom comes from the brain, so Minerva springs full-armed 
from the head of Jupiter. In that dawning self-consciousness which 
led to crude introspection the power of thought was a marvel. It 

lamb] mythical monsters 289 

bore one strongly from earth to heaven, and that with infinite 
swiftness. What else could it be but a winged horse, Pegasus? 
No wonder he was associated with exploits of danger as well as 
with poets. , 

Some myths spring from philological blunders, like that of the 
Myrmidons. Called after their organizer, the name resembled 
the word for the ant, and hence the assumption that they sprang 
from a swarm of these insects. 

There are sociological myths. There is many a Circe in 
modern times who deals out refreshments to her guests so enti- 
cingly that they just make swine of themselves. 

Optical illusions were sometimes the source of myth. When 
an enemy on horseback swooped down over a hill at twilight, the 
man and horse might easily, in a panic terror, be regarded as one 
duplex beast, — a Centaur. And whoever could see Neptune's 
floating hair in the whitecaps of ocean, could as readily see, in the 
roll of the waves, the curled fishy tails of his sea-horses. 

I would ask, therefore, if most of the fundamental myths we 
know cannot be accounted for by simple evolutionary processes 
of thought like these ? The deities once existing, it is easy to see 
how they were developed and enwound with a network of stories, 
— strange, grotesque, and inconsistent, but growing more natural 
in a later age. Man must interpret other beings and their actions 
by himself. 

Browning's Caliban evolves his conception of his mother's 
god, Setebos, in somewhat the same way. It is a being like him- 
self, but with a range of powers vastly extended. Modern theo- 
logical thinking has not outgrown the same method. We find it 
difficult to think of supreme power and purpose apart from 
human power and purpose. Hence our frequently grotesque an- 
thropomorphisms and anthropopsychisms. 

Does not, then, the paper under consideration make quite too 
large claims for what would be at best only a minor element 
in the field of speculation into which it is projected ? In the 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 2 — 19 

290 AMERlCAxX ANTHKOrOLOGlST [n. s., 2. 1900 

simplicity of primitive life abnormal productions were rare, and 
those (with no medical museums or professional journals) would 
be little known. 

Furthermore, is not the order of thought set before us that 
which belongs to a later period than the pure spontaneous myth- 
making age, — viz., the period of volitional creation, such as 
produces fable and fiction ? In fact the kinship of his processes 
with those of fiction was distinctly recognized and acknowledged 
by the author at the beginning of his paper. Its claims for the 
necessity of material suggestion in its operation are the same as 
that Ruskin accords to the processes of story-making. He says 
all art, whether painting or poetry, represents something its 
creator sees or believes. He mentions the Centaurs who in 
Dante's Inferno guard the river of boiling blood and shoot at 
any submerged sinner who tries to escape. " That Centaur," he 
says, "dividing his long beard with the notch of his arrow before 
he could speak, actually trotted across Dante's brain in some 

I hope the discussion will determine, then, whether the real 
value of the paper in question is not twofold. First, in that it 
points out a new and fruitful foraging-ground for the creative 
imagination ; and, second, in that it enumerates many interesting 
coincident resemblances between the conclusions of one process 
of thought and the starting-points of another. 

Discussion by F. A. Lucas 

In discussing Dr Lamb's paper Mr F. A. Lucas said that the 
principal sources of mythical monsters seemed to be tradition, 
misinterpretation of facts, and hearsay, aided by man's natural 
love for the marvelous. Thus the Roc of Arabian tales was very 
likely a tradition of the extinct /Epyornis of Madagascar, aided by 
the actual existence among tlie natives of some of the huge eggs 
of the bird. The earth-bearing tortoise of Hindu mj'thology 

lamb] mythical monsters 291 

might be due to legends of the giant extinct tortoise, Colos- 
sochelys of northern India, the last of which might have been coeval 
with primitive man. As instances of misinterpretation of facts, 
the numerous reports of giants, based on bones of the mastodon 
and mammoth, were cited, as well as the evidence of man and the 
flood, founded on a fossil salamander. It was suggested that the 
harpies of mythology might have had their origin in tales of the 
large vultures of southern Europe, and that mermen and mer- 
maids were evolved from seals which strongly resemble men when 
briefly seen swimming with their heads above the water. 
Numerous instances which had fallen under the speaker's ob- 
servation were cited, of gross misinterpretation of malformations; 
a chicken was stated to have been the offspring of an eagle and a 
fowl, and a dog was said to have been that of a bear and a dog. 
A fragment of skull of a fossil bison showing the foramina for 
exit of optic nerves, had been pronounced a reptile with a double 
spinal canal, and the imperfect cranium of a cyclopean calf had 
been ascribed to a " moundbuilder." To hearsay, aided by love 
of the marvelous, was attributed the unicorn based on the 
rhinoceros and oryx antelope ; and similar cases were cited. 


Prehistoric stone implements have been and still are more or 
less successfully counterfeited. Perhaps the most original, clever, 
and interesting maker of spurious stone implements in America 
is Mr Lewis Erickson. Midway between Deerfield and Marshall, 
and in Medina township of Dane county, Wisconsin, is the large, 
well-kept, prosperous Erickson farm. The family consists of a 
mother, three daughters, and three sons, the eldest of whom is 
Lewis who was born in the spring of 1873. He is a slight, fair- 
haired person, about five feet ten inches in height, and unassum- 
ing in manner — in fact, a person likely to be passed unobserved, 
or, if noticed, to be trusted and not suspected. The children are 
all American born, but the parents are natives of Norway. The 
reputation of the family in the community is first-class. The fam- 
ily is industrious and peaceful, is not niggardly in its way of liv- 
ing, and its word is as good as its bond. It is considered shrewd 
at a bargain, but perfectly honest. The boys have all remained 
at home ; since the death of their father they have freed the farm 
from a heavy mortgage, and have recently erected a large new 
house. They have the reputation of being the cleverest farm 
boys in the community; they are expert trappers and hunters, 
and are adept in making the hundred and one things which are 
found useful about a farm. They have availed themselves of 
none but the commonest school privileges, and seldom go far 
from home. They are keen, intelligent observers, however, and 
in regard to the life with which they come in contact they may 
be regarded as educated boys. 

Many collections of prehistoric implements in Wisconsin to 



N. 8., VOL. 2, PL. XI 



which additions have been made since the early nineties contain 
Erickson " implements." From these collections and from tran- 
sient buyers his specimens have gone into other states until it is 
impossible to measure the mischief done.' One reason why this 
investigation and study were begun is because such numbers of 
experienced collectors and archeologists pay extravagant prices 
for these specimens and, what reveals their thoughts best, refuse 
to disclose to one another the source of their alleged treasures. 

After having spent several days in studying a large collection 
of implements made by Erickson, but which were previously con- 
sidered genuine, the illustrations of some of which are here given, 
the writer, accompanied by Mr Arthur C. Mills of Madison, Wis- 
consin, and Mr Fred Du Frenne of Middleton, Wisconsin, visited 
Mr Erickson. Under the most auspicious circumstances the 
story of the inception and development of his remarkable coun- 
terfeiting was obtained from him. 

During an illness when nineteen or twenty years of age, Mr 
Erickson was handling some flint arrowheads. One of these, the 
apex of which was broken, he pressed with his teeth, with the re- 
sult that a small chip flew from the implement. This was noted 
by the youth, who bit upon the stone again and again, chipping 
away its edges until he had succeeded in forming a fairly sharp 
apex. His ingenuity led him from the use of his jaws to the em- 
ployment of steel pincers. He obtained a common pair with flat 
jaws, and soon became expert in reforming a broken tang or apex. 
Later he filed the pincers to the form presented in the accompa- 
nying illustration (figure 30), and with this tool he made the 
beautiful and often delicate implements which clearly outclass the 
product of similar workers in stone. 

It is believed that Mr Erickson 's art is entirely his own, both 
in its discovery and perfection, and it is chiefly in this fact that its 

' Since completing this memoir Dr Otis T. Mason of the United States National 
Museum writes me that he has just been shown two or three specimens from New 
York which were purchased from the Erickson workshop. 



[n. S., 2, 1900 

interest lies. He did not visit the World's Fair, where certain 
archeological exhibitions otherwise might have been suggestive 
to him, and he also claims never to have read or even heard of any 

of the scientific writings on the 
chipping of flint ; and indeed 
when one knows his method 
credence must be given his state- 
ment. Mr Erickson has never 
quarried the original rock ' ; in 
fact he claims not to know how 
to chip the faces of the imple- 
ments. His part of the work 
has been simply to modify the 
edges of rejects, cache specimens, 
and broken implements, the faces 
of which were already chipped. 
Such a specimen was held in his 
left hand, the thumb opposing all 
four fingers in grasping it tightly. 
In his right hand he held the pin- 
cers, the short convex-face jaw of 
which was held firmly on the underside of the edge of the imple- 
ment to be modified. The other jaw of the pincers, being filed into 
a vertical blade about one-thirtysecond of an inch thick, was placed 
against the stone implement on the upper surface of its edge ; 
then this jaw-blade was forced firmly and steadily downward. 
Such movement, although best characterized as crushing, modi- 
fied the edge by breaking a chip from the lowei side as though 
the pressure were made with a bone or horn chipping tool. How- 
ever, Mr Erickson works with great rapidity, and it is believed with 

Fig. 30 — Pincers used by Erickson in imple- 
ment chipping. 

' Dr Samuel Weidman, geologist of the Wisconsin Geological and Natural History 
Survey, lias examined each implement herein illustrated and states that the material 
from which all were made might have been oi)tained originally within ten or twelve 
miles of the farm on which it was modified. 


S , VOL. 7, PL. XII 



greater accuracy than most other workers, as the stone imple- 
ment is held securely against the under jaw of the pincers, thus 
making accidental fracture very uncommon with him. The pin- 
cers are always used with the vertical blade uppermost, the stone 
implement in the left hand being shifted and turned over. 
When the modified edge is too thin and sharp, as is often the 
case with serrations, a simple rotary movement of the fore-arm 
deftly glides the vertical blade around each serration, and the 
thin edge flies off in tiny chips. This is his entire art, except that 
the newly chipped edges are smeared with a dirty thumb, and fre- 
quently the implements when sold are seen to have earth adher- 
ing to them. He wears glasses to protect his eyes from the flying 
sharp-edged chips. He could easily have made in much less than 
half an hour any implement here illustrated. 

It is about three years since the spurious nature of Mr 
Erickson's " finds " was first discovered. Mr Emil Schanck, a 
neighbor who had many bizarre implements in his collection, took 
another collector to the Erickson farm to buy some of the speci- 
mens which were making Medina township famous. Lewis was 
not at home, but the visitors had access to a workroom in which 
they found implements in process of manufacture. The discov- 
ery was of such a nature, however, that some collectors within a 
distance of twenty miles continued until the present time uncon- 
scious of the fraud. 

Dane county is plentifully supplied with prehistoric stone 
implements, and others besides Mr Erickson counterfeited 
them, but most of this work has been very crude and readily 
detected. Mr Severt Huseboe, a near neighbor of Mr Erick- 
son, has done some really good work, and these two young 
men have sold together and kept each other's secrets. It is not 
known how many have been sold, but a thousand is considered a 
conservative estimate. Some pieces were disposed of for six 
dollars, others for four dollars, while at two dollars and three dol- 
lars the demand was greater than the supply. 

296 AMERICA.^ ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2. 1900 

Mr Erickson has given more attention to the making of knives 
and fishing hooks, spears and arrows, than to other forms of pre- 
historic implements, but he has also made many blades and 
cleavers for inserting in warclubs. He has also made many biz- 
arre pieces which the unsuspecting must class as "ceremonials." 

The accompanying illustrations' of implements from Erick- 
son's workshop show clearly the kind of work done, and they also 
exhibit the evolution of the cutting blade in his hands from the 
simple leaf-shape cutting blade and the sharpened sliver of stone 
to the uhi or woman's knife — an evolution which, in the light of 
Mr Erickson's ignorance of primitive people, is suggestive to say 
the least. 

An examination of the plates will reveal the nature of this 
remarkable counterfeiting. Upon most implements which are so 
narrow that Erickson's chipping from the edges has rechipped the 
entire surface of the spurious implement, it is believed to be im- 
possible to detect the fraud. Upon broader implements, espe- 
cially those which have been quite smooth in their original form 
the sharper edged rechipping may at times be noticed — the 
illustrations seem to suggest this more than the implements 
themselves. A magnifying glass will also assist in the detection, 
as the rechipped area of some pieces, though not of all, is less 
glossy than the old surface. Two or three per cent, of the 
implements also bear slight trace of the steel pincers. This is 
noticed as a short hair-line of black or a highly polished line 
without color. Of course in trying to detect Erickson specimens 
all bizarre patterns should be viewed with suspicion. 

From photographs made by Mr F. W. Durkoff of Middleton, Wisconsin. 


N. S., VOL. 2, PL. xm 



N. S., -Ol. 2, PL. ) IV 




The tribes which I explored during the years 1898 and 1899 
for the Jesup North Pacific Expedition are the Ainu, who occupy, 
the southwestern part of the island of Saghalin ; the Gilyak, who 
inhabit the northern part of that island, the lowlands of the 
Amoor, and the coast of the Liman ; the Olcha and Tongus, who 
live on the coast of Okhotsk sea, in the valley of the Poronai, 
and around Patience bay on Saghalin ; the Tungusian tribes of 
Amgun river ; and the Gold of that part of the Amoor lying be- 
tween Chabarovsk and Sophisk. Of these tribes, the Ainu and 
Gilyak may be considered as absolutely isolated, so far as lan- 
guage is concerned, both from each other and from the other 
Amoor tribes. The language of the Gold is closely related to 
that of the various Tungusian tribes, although there are remark- 
able differences. It forms a branch of the large stock of so-called 
Tungusian languages, which appear to be intimately connected 
with the Mongol and Turkish tongues. None of the tribes men- 
tioned can be thoroughly understood by its own culture alone, for 
the single tribes have influenced each other to such an extent 
that, generally speaking, all of them show at present nearly the 
same state of material culture. The principal differences between 
them lie mainly in their physical types and intellectual life. 

The chaotic accumulation of ideas, due to foreign intercourse 
since the dawn of history, makes it impossible at this moment to 

^ The material contained in this paper was collected under the auspices of the 
Jesup North Pacific Expedition, and is now published by permission of the Trustees 
of the American Museum of Natural History. The specimen numbers refer to the 
Museum catalogue. 

:•[, occurring in native names, is pronounced like e in her ; « is the nasalized «. 


298 A.\fEKICAX ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

answer satisfactorily' the question, Where, wlien, and liow has the 
culture of these peoples arisen and grown ? From an historical 
point of view, three periods of cultural exchange may be recog- 
nized : first, a period of influence exerted by the various other Sibe- 
rian peoples as a whole, probably beginning in prehistoric times, 
but chiefly b\' the Yakut (a nortlicrn Turkish tribe, from whom 
they no doubt learned the iron industry) ; second, a period of close 
afifiliation with Chinese and Japanese culture, which is so evident 
that every observer must be aware of it ; and. third, a period of 
commercial intercourse, during the last few decades, with the 
Russians, who have had such an effect on the social life of the 
Amoor people that the latter confess to have reached a stage of 
development gradually approaching that of the Russians. The 
Gilyak in the environs of Nikolayevsk now build Russian houses 
and make stoves, wear Russian clothing, use Russian utensils, 
work together with Russians in their fisheries, and bow to the 
images of Russian saints. 

Toward the end of last summer I started in a boat from Niko- 
layevsk to visit the villages at the mouth of the Amoor and on 
the Liman. I had to cover a distance of about 200 versts (132 
miles) before arriving at Chome, the farthest and southernmost 
settlement of that region. Here 1 had the first glimpse of genu- 
ine old Gilyak life. The universal belief in the power of the 
shaman, who formerly exercised so much influence over the 
Gold, is fast dying out, being now limited to but few villages. 
The sick Gold does not apply to him, but summons a Russian 
physician. The Gold particularly are rapidly adopting the culture 
of their rulers, so that their individuality' is unfortunately disap- 
pearing. They are fond of Russian customs and fashions, and 
adopt all new styles with ease and pleasure. 

All the Amoor tribes subsist by fishing and hunting. Salmon 
{Salmo lagocephahis Pall.), which ascend the river to spawn at the 
end of August, is their staple food. They are no longer exclu- 
sively nomadic tribes ; even the Tungusians, who possess herds 


of tame reindeer, locate in the summer to catch fish, while the 
reindeer pasture alone on the tundra, sometimes at a great distance 
from their villages. 

The Ainu, Gilyak, and Gold own dogs in great numbers for 
drawing their sledges; the Gold also frequently use them to pull 
their boats, where the bank is level and unwooded and the water 
near the bank is suf^ciently deep. Reindeer are employed for 
riding, carrying loads, and drawing sledges. Some of the Gold 
have even turned their attention to agriculture : they grow 
potatoes, leeks, cucumbers, and sometimes millet and tobacco. 
The natives do not understand the potter's art, and only the Ainu 
are familiar with the art of weaving. 

It is not yet possible to state definitely all the results of the 
trip : the material collected must first be carefully examined and 
studied. A close investigation of the history of eastern Asia and 
Siberia is necessary to shed light on the problems arising as to the 
origin and growth of culture in the Amoor country ; even Chinese 
and Japanese literature should be ransacked to obtain satisfactory 
results. I will therefore confine myself to a brief description of the 
art of the Amoor tribes, the social life of the Gold, the tribes of 
the Amgun, and to some general statements regarding traditions. 

To understand the influence of Chinese culture, which has 
lasted for many centuries and is still active, it will be well to cast 
a glance at the decorative art of the natives. On the whole, it is 
very uniform in character, and there is no great difference be- 
tween the patterns of the Gilyak and those of the Gold. The 
Gold are more versed and more skilful in all kinds of art, but the 
Gilyak are superior to them in wood-carving. The Tungusian 
tribes of the Amgun and Ussuri excel in cutting the ornaments 
used to decorate birch-bark baskets. As a rule, the nearer the 
people live to a center of civilization, the higher the development 
of their art ; the farther they recede from it, the less their sense 
of the beautiful. The Gilyak of Saghalin possess but few orna- 
ments, and are unable to explain the complicated designs as they 

300 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [.\. s.. 2, igoo 

occur on the mainland. Owing to Chinese influence, the Gold 
have attained remarkable skill in the art of silk-embroidery, the 
knowledge of which I found limited to those living in the neigh- 
borhood of Chabarovsk. That most of the patterns are derived 
from the Chinese, is made clear by the fact that the geometric 
ornaments, such as the square and the spiral meander (key orna- 
ment), are exactly the same as in Chinese and Japanese art, and 
that the animals which appear in the designs of the Amoor 
natives are just like those which play an important part in 
Chinese art and mythology. 

It is indeed most remarkable that animals, such as the bear, the 
sable, the otter, the sturgeon, the salmon, which predominate in 
the household economy and are favorite subjects in the traditions 
of the Gold, do not appear in their art,' whereas their orna- 
ments are filled with Chinese mythologic monsters which they but 
imperfectly understand. The same is the case with the Gilyak ; 
for example, we find eight representations of the phenix on an 
old Gilyak quiver, also the picture of the Chinese tortoise, an 
animal they themselves do not know. The other subjects on 
this carved piece are a spider, a lizard, the sun, a tiger, two 
snakes, and a frog. 

As the representations of all animals are borrowed from the 
Chinese, they cannot be connected, of course, with any concrete 
ideas: they have merely an emblematic meaning; they symbolize 
abstract conceptions. The art of the Amoor peoples is lacking, 
therefore, in all realistic representations. They do not reproduce 
the objects of nature, but copy foreign samples. Owing to this 
fact, all their productions of art are lifeless. Nevertheless, it 
cannot be denied that the people, at least some individuals, have 
cultivated and developed a certain sense for beautiful lines and 
tasteful forms. 

' The carvings and drawings representing animals, which serve as charms or amu- 
lets, are not included in this statement, since they do not belong to the sphere of 
decorative art. 

laufer] explorations among the amoor tribes 301 

Both swastika and triskeles are met with in East Siberian 
art. The swastika occurs in connection with the bear and the 
eagle. The Gilyak have a kind of wooden spoon which is used 
only at the ceremonials of the bear festival. The end of the 
handle is surmounted by two carved bears, and on the bowl 
is to be seen the swastika with a cross in the middle. The arms 
terminate in wave-lines, and are of the same shape as some dis- 
covered by Schliemann on the whorls of Troy. On the bottom 
of a cylindrical box was found a variation of the swastika, in 
that the design had two additional arms on the sides. The de- 
sign of the swastika on the breast of an eagle may be traced 
to Chinese mythology, and the Chinese derived it from India 
through the medium of Buddhism. The gods of the old Aryan 
Indians were killers of snakes and serpent demons, especially the 
Garuda, a fabulous eagle-like bird and messenger of Indra, of 
whom the swastika was a constant attribute. 

In a paper entitled " Prehistoric Symbols and Ornaments " 
(published in the Bastian-FestscJirift), Karl von den Steinen sug- 
gests that the triskeles found on old coins of Persia, Asia 
Minor, and middle Europe, has been evolved from the outlines 
of a cock. An interesting counterpart of this phenomenon is 
met with in the material which I collected ; and his theory not 
only receives striking and remarkable corroboration, but becomes 
from a mere hypothesis an evident fact. The animal which 
plays a predominant part in the ornamental art of all the Amoor 
peoples, and is more frequently reproduced than all other animals 
together, is the cock. This circumstance is the more conspicu- 
ous, since the cock is not a native of the Amoor country, but was 
introduced from China, and recently, of course, by the Russians. 
Nowadays there are some Gold who raise poultry in their houses. 
The Gilyak on the northeastern coast of Saghalin never saw a 
cock, excepting a few who had chanced to see a Russian village, 
but they know and explain it by their ornaments. They call it 
pdkx, a word apparently derived from the Goldian and Olcha 

302 AMERICAX AXIIIKOPOLOGI ST [n. s., 2, 1900 

word pokko, that may be traced back to fakir a gas/ia of the 
Manchu language. Another Goldian term, c/ioko, appears likewise 
in Manchu, and is perhaps allied to the Mongol takiya. 

Since the cock is a newcomer in that region, it is not suri^ris- 
ing that he [)la)'s no part in the mytholog}' of the natives; but he 
does with the Chinese. In their opinion, the cock is a symbol of 
the sun, because he announces the rising of the sun. Besides the 
earthly cocks, there is a heavenly cock, which, perched on a tree, 
sings at sunrise. This tree is the willow, which also symbolizes the 
sun. The cock is sometimes called in Chinese chii-yd, that is, " he 
who enlightens the night;" and the snn, tsiii-tsi, ''t\\e. golden 
cock." Besides, it belongs to the class of animals that protect 
man from the evil influences of demons. Live white cocks are 
sometimes used in funeral rites.' 

Regarding the representation of the cock in Chinese art, only 
a few general facts may be stated, as this branch of research is 
little explored, and investigations of the ornaments have unfor- 
tunately been almost neglected. Japanese art is based wholly on 
Chinese, and the ground on which it stands is somewhat better 
known. The ordinary domestic fowls are frequently depicted by 
Japanese artists, the cock being the greatest favorite among them.^ 
It is painted on hanging scrolls, and modeled in wood, bronze, 
porcelain, and other materials. Most frequent and admired is the 
painted design of a cock standing on a drum {taiko); and in this 
case the sides (or one side) of the drum are decorated with a 
triskeles {totnoye or viitsntonoyc)^ This is the well-known circular 

' See De Groot, The Religious System of China, i, pp. 199, 200; Georgievski, 
Mythological Conceptions anil Myths of the Chinese (in Rusbian), p. 53. 

" It is stated that cocks are often kept in temple grounds, and .nre carefully 
attended to by priests and others, because they foretell changes of the weather, and 
by the regularity of their crowing mark llie passage of time (see Bowes, ya/ianese 
Ena/nels, p. 82). 

^Compare the pictures in Huish, yapnn and its Art, second edition, p. 13S ; 
Gonse, L'Art jfaponais, I, pp. 216, 234 ; li, p. 237 ; Anderson, The Pictorial Arts of 
Japan, plates 15, 64; .\udsley, The Ornaments of Japan, sec. ii, pi. i, sec. iv, pi. 7, 
sec. vi, pi. 2, sec. vii, pi. 8. 

laufer] explorations among the amoor tribes 303 

diagram divided into three segments. That the cock and its last 
offshoot, the triskeles, occur in Chinese-Japanese art, is beyond 
doubt ; and it is therefore certain that the Amoor peoples have 
adopted both the animal itself and its artistic reproduction from 
the Chinese. In the decorative art of those tribes we find the 
design of the cock in all stages, from a perfect picture of the bird, 
true to nature, through a long series of intermediate forms, down 
to the merely conventionalized lines of the ornament which we 
call the " triskeles." From this observation we may infer that 
the Chinese-Japanese art must also have reached the ornamental 
forms through the same scale of development, consequently these 
missing links shown by Siberian art are necessarily still to be 
found in the large province of Sino-Japanese art. It is impos- 
sible that the Amoor tribes should have evolved independently 
the missing links which lead from the cock to the triskeles, since 
they acquired both these forms from their southern neighbors. 
If we cannot prove that the intermediate forms are found with 
the latter, it is due wholly to our lack of knowledge of their art. 
On some representations the cock holds in its beak a circular 
object which the natives explained to me as a grain of wheat 
that the bird is about to swallow; but this explanation seems to 
have arisen after the true and original meaning had been forgot- 
ten. It is rather more probable that the circle which is generally 
between two cocks facing each other, or in front of a single one, 
represents the sun, which, according to Chinese mythology, be- 
longs to the cock. In fact, the sun is represented on mythological 
pictures of the Gold as a simple circle, or as two concentric 
circles, with two diameters at right angles to each other. Not 
only the triskeles, but also continuous and sometimes complicated 
arabesques, have evolved from the shape of the cock. Thus arises 
a group of decorations which are to be designated as " cock 
ornaments." The combinations of a cock and a fish, and also 
the way in which other animals are treated in the same style as 
the cock, are very curious. 

304 AMERICAX ANrHROrOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

From the great mass of material at my disposal a few speci- 
mens have been selected to illustrate the preceding remarks. 

Figure 31 shows the middle part and the left side of a fish-skin 
coat. The back parts of the Goldian and Gilyak fish-skin gar- 
ments arc richly decorated. The ornaincMits are cut out of pieces 
of fish-skin, and generally colored blue ; they are then sewed with 
fish-skin thread to a piece of fish-skin of a shape adapted to the 
size and form of the ornament. A great number of such single 
patterns arc then symmetrically put together on the garment 

Nearly all forms which the cock ornaments have assumed 
are represented on this specimen. We observe the cock with 
wings outstretched («), probably perched on the willow, and crow- 
ing, for its beak is open. The back part of its body is shaped like 
a fish, and the circle representing the sun appears as the terminal 
part of a curved line. The cock placed laterally {b) is similarly 
formed. It is likewise crowing ; but the tail-feathers and wing- 
feathers are represented by only three lines, whereas the former 
{a) shows four curves for the tail and six for the wing. Inside of 
its body {])) is the picture of the sun and a spiral continuing and 
rounding off the line of the wing-feathers. The cock on the 
border to the left side {c) has undergone some further altera- 
tions, because the artist was obliged to adapt its shape to the 
circular lines which enclose it. The pattern d deals in a remarka- 
ble way with the subject of the two combatant cocks. The head 
has become a simple spiral with a circle attached to it ; its body 
has shrunk into a convolute spiral with a lateral process, i. e., the 
triskeles ; but the four tail-feathers arc marked very distinctly, 
and would be out of proportion for the real animal. The space 
between the two tail-feathers is filled with two triskeles and two 
variations of it consisting of only two curves. In the interior of the 
figure suggestive of a willow-tree, we see two fishes {/), whose tails 
are figured in the same style as the bod}' of the conventionalized 
cock, i. c, as a triskeles ; whereas the fishes standing upright (/), 

laufer] explorations among the amoor tribes 305 

Fig. 31— Applique design from the back of a fish-skin garment of the Gold ; left half. (Cat. No. bjV) 

\ nat. size. 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2 — 20. 



N. s., 2, igoo 

being adapted to another pattern, liave no spirals on their bodies, 
but are marked witii two fins on their sides. The spirals are 
placed farther down. If we now dissect and analyze all other 
apparent!}' geometrical ornaments into tlicir single parts, we find 
that all such forms may be traced back to the figure of the cock. 
The circular suns always suggest its presence ; for example, in 
the spiral triskeles^, and especially in the pure triskeles Ji, which 

Fig. 32— Birch-bark liat of the (".old. ( No. {S'\-) z n^t- size. 

show clearly the two combatant cocks and the two suns between 
them. Thus at last two merely ornamental forms are evolved 
from the picture of the cock, — the simple three-footed trigram 
and the convolute spiral. All figures marked /, which appear 
rather complicated, are built up of these two elements only, to 
which the orb of the sun is added. 

The ornaments represented in figure 32 are cut out of birch- 
bark and sewed to a birch-bark hat. They are put on in three 
rows around the hat, and each row contains four double cocks 


executed in an ornamental style. In 
the lower row on the border the tail- 
feathers are easily discerned. The 
body is indicated by a spiral, to which 
the disk of the sun is joined. The 
two heads are placed together so as 
to form a rhomboidal figure. These 
eight cocks are dyed blue. On the 
edge between the tail-feathers are 
four single pieces dyed black. These 
are ornamental survivals of the cock's 
wing-feathers. The cocks in the mid- 
dle row have their heads distinctly 
marked, and two suns on each side 
of the neck. Their bodies have the 
shape of the triskeles. These are 
colored red, but the heads are not 
dyed at all. The suns are blackened. 
The cocks of this row are ornament- 
ally connected with those of the lower 
circle at their heads, and with those 
of the upper row at their tails. This 
central row shows the most conven- 
tionalized forms of the cock. If we 
imagine a line drawn through the 
two points where the tail-feathers of 
the lower and middle rows come in 
contact, we are able to distinguish 
the two united cocks of the third 
row. Here the two heads have coa- 
lesced into an ellipsoid which has a 
sun on either side, and the bodies 
are dealt with as ornaments adapt- 
ed to the top of the conical hat. 

Fig. 33- 

Fig- 34- 

Bear-spears of the Gilyak. (Cat. Nos. 
e'tPn, iMT.) \ nat. size. 

308 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Heads and suns arc colored blue, and the other parts are 

The ornaments with which the Gilyak bear-spears are adorned 
are all derived from the figure of the cock. In figure 33, a, the 
four symmetrical cocks are easily discernible as birds, particularly 
by their crests; but their outlines are limited to just what is 
necessary to distinguish their shape, feet and wings being 
omitted, and only the tail-feathers plainly marked. Between 
the beaks of each pair is the orb of the sun. The design b has a 
merely geometrical form: head and sun remain, and the tail con- 
sists of one spiral only. The juxtaposition of both ornaments 
shows plainly how the latter {b) has arisen from the former {a). 
In c the cocks appear as triskeles. The animal {d) at the upper 
end of the blade is a fox devouring a carp, and that on the raised 
medial line at the lower end (r) is said to be a lizard. 

On the other blade (figure 34) we observe two single cocks, each 
with a sun {a), of a shape similar to that of the combined cocks 
on figure 33, a. The cocks represented in b have no crests, but 
each a tail-feather in the form of a well-executed single helical 
line ; whereas the cocks in c have a tail formed of two spirals, 
and the bodies without a head are represented as single lines. 
This variation has thus become a mere triskeles in the same way 
as d. A lizard {e) and a flat-fish (/) are designed on the raised 
medial line of the blade. 

These spears are made of iron. The greater part of the 
design is inlaid with silver. The parts shown in hachure on 
figures 33 and 34 are inlaid copper and brass. 

Figure 35 represents an ornament on a pair of boots of the Oro- 
chon on the Ussuri. The boots are made of elk-skin. The upper 
ornaments are painted on fish-skin and sewed on with red, blue, and 
yellow thread ; the ornaments below are cut out of fish-skin dyed 
black, and are attached with red, yellow, green, and blue thread. 
The cocks in this design are executed almost true to nature, and, 
what is most remarkable, even have spurs, which they have not 

lauker] explorations among THE A MOOR TRIBES 309 

on other patterns. On the paintings the same picture is repro- 
duced, though somewhat confused and stiff. 

Figure 36 shows a lacquered oval tobacco-box of the Gold, the 
ornaments on which are designed with China ink and colors. 
The main part of the cover {a) is taken up with eight large, finely 
drawn cocks, whose heads are adorned with triskeles. Their 

Fig. 35— Ornament on an elk-skin boot of the Orochon (Ussuri). (Cat. No. e^i.) i nat. size. 

bodies are treated like those of the dragon (see figure 38) with the 
scales indicated on it, so that we may speak of cock-dragons as 
well as of dragon-cocks. The four fishes in the middle part are 
adapted to the cock style. The spaces between these cocks are 
occupied by more conventionalized fish-cocks, and at the end of 
this field there are cock-shaped musk-deer (compare figure 39). 
The cock ornaments on the rim of the cover {c) are executed in a 
far more conventional way ; and on the red border around the top 



[iN. S., 2, 1900 

of the cover (<?) they have developed into purely geometric forms, 
and are simple cirrous arabesques. On the other side of the 
rim {b) we observe two small and five large equal triangles. The 
two outer and the central triangles clearly show types of cocks ; 
two of the intervening triangles show conventional forms of 

Fig. 36 — Orn.-iments on a tobacco-box cover of the Gold -left half, a. Top surface of cover ; 
by Front, c, back, of rim of cover. (Cat. No. ^"sd J nat. sue. 

musk-deer, whose bodies are treated like that of the cock, and 
the remaining two represent two fishes in combination with a 
cock's body. In this way we are able also to follow out on this 
box the whole metamorphosis of the cock from its natural form 
to a mere geometric figure. 

In figure 37 is reproduced the ornamentation of a birch-bark 
box representing combinations of the cock and the fish. In the 



middle part {a) we see two cocks designed true to nature, two fishes 
over their heads, and two to the right and left. The tails and 
feet of these cocks are at the same time the continuation of 
geometric lines ; they have therefore a double function. On both 
sides we observe very interesting shapes of cocks, which show 
their bodies purely ornamental, but the heads in combination 
with the sun in natural form. This ornament is an excellent 

Fig. 37 — Ornaments on a birch-bark box of the Gold, a. Long side of box ; ^, Short 
side. (Cat. No. geg). \ nat. size. 

example of the development of the cock design into a spiral 

Figure 38 shows a dragon ornament. The Chinese dragon 
{lung\ Gold, inudiir)\io\<5.s a prominent place in the mythology of 
the Gold, and is a favorite subject in their ornamentation. It 
has antlers like an elk, a scaly, serpent-like body, and produces 
rain and thunder.^ Designs of the dragon are made particularly 
in large symmetric figures. Such figures are generally divided 
into four squares, and each square contains the same subject in 

' It is the symbol of the dignity of a sovereign, because both are sons of Heaven. 



[n. s., 2, igoo 

symmetric arrangement. The dragon {a) is repeated four times, 
with its mouth open and its tongue quivering. Its horns are con- 
ventionalized in a form reminding one of the feathers of the cock. 
The four fields at the ends of the dragon-tails are filled with birds 
{b\ each holding a fish in its beak. This representation is ex- 
plained by some people as a wild duck, but by others as a cock. 
The latter explanation seems the more probable, as the form of 


Fig. 38— Ornament of the Gold, cut out of paper. (Cat. No. a'sa -A.) J nat. size. 

this bird agrees exactly with that of the cock. Of course this 
design is far from being realistic. The idea that the cock devours 
the fish is not suggested ; the meaning is purely emblematical. 
The other ornaments, marked c, are easily recognized as more 
highly developed cock ornaments. 

Figure 39 represents a paper pattern for embroidering a pair of 
car-laps. Tiie two figures (rt) on both sides are conventionalized 
musk-deer {Moschics moscJiiferns L.), whose bodies are shaped like 
the body of a cock. Their feet are indicated by two circles. 

laufer] explorations among THE A MOOR TRIBES 


The ornaments c and d signify two cocks facing each other, and 
b is a tail-feather. The dentils on the edge (<?) are derived from 
the wing-feathers. 

A design for embroidering a shirt is shown in the paper pattern 
represented in figure 40. In the center is a circle, around which 
are grouped four tortoises {a). Around it, on both sides, four 
circles and two ellipses are symmetrically arranged. In every 
circle there is a roe {Ccrvus capreoliis L.), b ; two snakes {miiiki), 

Fig. 39 — Ornament of the Gold, cut out of paper. (Cat. No. b% !•) ? nat- size. 

d ; and a bird {c), called tewerko, the species of which I have not 
yet been able to determine. Each ellipse contains a frog {Rana 
temporaria L.), e ; two spiders {atkomamd), f ; and two gadflies 
{shigaxtd), g. Outside of these figures are four mosquitoes, Ji ; 
four chimney-swallows {Hirwido rustica L.), i ; four snakes, d ; 
four Siberian deer {Cervus elapJms L.),/; and four fawns {Cerviis 
capreolus L.), k. 

Of other animals, aside from the cock, which occur in the 
ornamentation of the Gold, the following deserve mention : 



[n. S., 2, 1900 

elk, roe, fox, dog, eagle, wild duck, wild goose, swan, swallow, 
carp, crucian {Carassius vulgaris), lizard, frog, snake, and insects. 
The Gold also cut ornaments out of birch-bark which are ex- 
plained as representing human figures. They use stencils made 
of birch-bark for painting patterns on their boats. 

The ornaments of the Ainu cannot be compared with those of 
the other tribes. This tribe still holds a rather exceptional posi- 

FiG. 40— Ornament of the Gold, cut out of paper. (Cat. No. oVa B.) \ nat. size. 

tion, which is due, on the one hand, to their isolation in the 
southern part of Saghalin, and, on the other hand, to their indolent, 
passive character. Notwithstanding their resemblance to the 
neighboring Gilyak, many inventions and ideas are met with which 
are their own, and are not found in any other tribe. Such, for 
instance, are the ikuni^ — small wooden sticks used in cere- 
monial drinking-bouts to lift the mustache and beard in order to 
prevent them from getting wet. These sticks are decorated with 
carvings in relief, the like of which I have as yet failed to discover 

' Compounded from ikii, " to drink," and ni " a piece of wood." 

laufer] explorations among the amoor tribes 315 

either in Chinese or Japanese art. The fact that the Ainu have 
special names for their various decorative lines and figures makes 
me still more inclined to consider certain branches of their art as 
almost wholly their own. Of the mustache-lifters in our collections, 
there is one which shows three nicely carved seals (one of them is 
unfortunately broken off) : that in the middle is floating on the 
surface of the sea, which is represented by cross-hatched lines ; 
the other two are resting on shore, the beach being shown by 
parallel lines. Another shows in relief two sledges driving over 
the ice, one behind the other. On a third ikiini are represented a 
sturgeon {atuikamiii) and a netting-needle. A fourth has the rep- 
resentation of a landscape. All hatched parts signify mountains ; 
the hatchings, grass and wood ; and the serpentine lines, valleys 
and roads. The fifth represents a pair of spectacles, a conven- 
tionalized face, an eye, and two noses. 

The Gilyak have no universal name by which they designate 
their people as a whole ; they have only names for the three 
tribes into which they are grouped ; i, e,, the Nighubuii, the 
Nibux, and the La'buri. The word btiii or biix means " man " ; 
and La' bun, " people of the Amoor," La being the Gilyak equivalent 
for the Amoor, which all other tribes call Marigu, Saghalin is 
called Laer-mif or La-mif, i. e,, country near Amoor river. The 
Nighubuh, who are also thus styled by the other peoples and by 
the Japanese, inhabit the northeastern coast and the interior of 
Saghalin. They are divided into the Tro-Gilyak and the Tym- 
Gilyak. The Tro people occupy the mouths of Tym and Nabyl 
rivers and the shore of Okhotsk sea. Their main villages are 
Milk-vo, Nabyl-vo, Luh-vo, Tyrmyts, Nyi, Chai-vo, and Kiikr-vo, 
They are the best seal-hunters among the Gilyak, and keep nearly 
aloof from Russian intercourse. I visited them in the summer of 

The Tym people have their settlements in the valley of the 
Tym, but a few have migrated farther southward into the valley 

3l6 AMEKICAX ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

of the Poronai, at the mouth of which they have founded the 
village of Siska.' Their most important villages are Mos-bo, 
Usk-vo, Slai-vo, Adatym. 

The Nighubuh are divided into eighteen clans {xal), of 
which the following are numerically the largest : Chuighui in 
Chai-vo, counting about 118 members; Adatym, about 160 
members; Mymyji in Nyi, 94 members; Urlanj in Chai-vo, about 
55 members. 

This tribe has a tradition which relates that they came to 
Saghalin from beyond the sea. The country where their fore- 
fathers lived is called Kopchakkl'. The first living man and his 
wife had 47 sons and 47 daughters. The 47 sons married their 
sisters. The legend runs that they once received some white 
paper from the god Taighan, and so were able to write. One 
day when they returned home from hunting, they could not 
understand one another, and talked in forty-seven different lan- 
guages. Seven of the brothers remained in the country ; the 
other forty built canoes and sailed out beyond the sea, carrying 
along the papers containing their records. On the way they 
were separated. Twenty of them encountered a heavy rainstorm, 
in which their papers got wet. After a long trip they reached 
shore. They prepared a meal and spread the papers out on the 
beach to dry ; but suddenly it began to thunder and lighten, and 
their annals were destroyed. The Gilyak and Tungusian tribes 
arc the descendants of those brothers who lost their papers and 
forgot the art of writing. The other twenty brothers, favored by 
good weather, brought their written treasures safely into a new 
country and became the ancestors of the Chinese and Japanese, 
who are still able to write. 

This tradition points to the fact that the Gilyak regard them- 
selves as closely related to the Tungusians, and also to the 
Chinese and Japanese. 

' Called Tichmenevsk by the Russians. 

laufer] explorations among the amook tribes 317 

The Nibux or Nivux inhabit the west coast of SaghaHn and the 
coast of the Liman on the continent. Their largest villages are 
Arkai, Tangi, Xoi, Viaxtu, Tyk, Visk-vo, Nyur, etc., on SaghaHn, 
and Chome, My, Xusi, Prongi, and Lanr-vo on the mainland. In 
summer-time the Nibux of Saghalin cross Tartar strait in boats, 
and many of them go over to Chome and My to catch fish and 
seal; in the winter, from the end of December to the middle of 
March, when the strait for the greater part is frozen, sledges may 
start from Poghobi in a northwesterly direction, and reach the 
Asiatic coast at My. The same clans of the Nibux are met with 
on the mainland and on the island of Saghalin ; and the tradi- 
tions of the clans clearly show that migrations have taken place 
from the continent to the island, and on the island itself from 
north to south. For example, one of the two clans forming the 
village of Arkai originated at Nyani-vo village in the north of 
Saghalin, and the other one at Tangi, the natives of which place, 
according to their own account, belong to the old clan of the 
settlement Chome on the continent. 

The La'bun occupy the valley of the Amoor below and above 
Nikolayevsk. Nighubuii, Nibux, and La'buh speak three differ- 
ent dialects: that of the Nighubuii seems to be the purest and 
oldest form of the language, owing to the isolation of the people 
and absence of foreign intercourse ; the dialect of the Nibux is 
quite similar to that of their eastern neighbors, differing from it 
mainly in phonetics, as in palatization of dentals ; but the Amoor 
language differs from both the others in many ways. Its vocabu- 
lary contains a great many independent words and a large num- 
ber borrowed from the Gold and the Tungus. The farther west 
one goes, the greater becomes the number of borrowed equiva- 
lents ; and the farther east, the purer and more original the style 
of speaking. 

The Gold who inhabit the middle portion of the Amoor, and 
its great tributaries the Sungari and Ussuri, call themselves Xad- 
janai or Na'nai ; the Gilyak they call Gilnmi, and a mixed tribe 


(the Mangun) made up of Gold and Gilyak, Xadjas.jl. The Oro- 
chon are called by them Namkan, and the northern Tungus, 
Kil6r. The Chinese give the Gold the name Tadsi, that is, 
" aborigines," whereas the latter designate the former as Nikxa 
(" slave "), probably a reminiscence of the period when China was 
subdued by the iManchu. 

The social organization of the Gold is very simple, and resem- 
bles that of all other Siberian peoples. The whole tribe is 
grouped into clans called rody by the Russians, and xala by the 
Gold. The members of such clans constitute patronymical socie- 
ties. All the families of a clan bear the same name. For exam- 
ple, in Sahdaka, the region between Chabarovsk and Vydtskoye, 
the following names occur most frequently : Posaxara, Ojal, 
Xad'er, P'irminka, Axtanka, Oninka, Dohka, Yiikkami, Udiri- 
ka, Pozar. The members of such clans are scattered over the 
whole territory occupied by the tribe. Some clans have a double 
name. Thus the clan Axtanka is also styled Beldi. The names 
of a great many of their clans are met with among the Mangun 
and Amoor-Gilyak ; for example, the name Posaxara occurs 
among both these tribes. From this fact may be traced the 
race mixture of early times. 

Marriage is strictly exogamic. A man belonging to the clan 
Parmiiika is never allowed to take a wife of the same family name- 
Before the arrival of the Russians it was the custom of the Gold 
to marry off their children at an early age. Girls were married by 
their parents as young as eight or nine years, and boys at the age 
of ten or eleven years. It sometimes even happened that a ten- 
year-old boy had to marry a twenty-year-old girl. Such early 
marriages are prohibited nowadays by the Russian Government, 
and intelligent Gold have come to understand how detrimental 
these marriages have been to their people. Although nominally 
abolished, premature sexual intercourse still continues, and con- 
tributes, no less than epidemics and alcoholism, to the gradual 
ruin of the people. Russian {)hy.sicians who have become familiar 

laufer] explorations among the amoor tribes 319 

with the people through visits to hospitals or to their villages, 
assert that incest is not unusual between brother and sister and 
among other relatives. Wooing {ashi mudaljuri) and wedding 
are not accompanied by a waste of ceremonies. The Gold has a 
practical and sober side, like the Chinese, and is not given to ex- 
travagant fancies. With him sense prevails over sentiment. It 
is unusual for him to passionately love a woman, which the 
Gilyak and Ainu sometimes do. 

A tendency to rationalism, due perhaps to continuous contact 
with Chinese culture, is one of the distinguishing traits of the 
Gold's character. Doji Posaxara in Sakhacha-ol^n, the Gold 
from whom I obtained much of my best material, proved an 
enlightened free-thinker. He did not care about his shamans nor 
for the Russian Church, and listened to me with pleasure and 
intelligence when speaking on the Darwinian theory. He quickly 
grasped the idea that death ends all. I believe this preponder- 
ance of intellect explains the absence of many ceremonies and 
customs, especially of detailed nuptial rites, as well as the absence 
of holidays and feasts. 

The Gold buys his wife from her father. The purchase-price, 
the kalym, is called tore, and consists of precious objects, — furs, 
Chinese stuffs, etc. In many cases, money (from 100 to 500 
rubles or more) is required. The wooer, with the train of rela- 
tives and friends, betakes himself to the house of his selected 
bride's father. He repeats his visits several times without men- 
tioning his purpose. On the last visit the affair is discussed, and 
an effort is made to come to terms on the kalym, about which 
both parties bargain and chaffer. The bridegroom need not pay 
the whole amount at once ; the entire amount, however, must be 
paid before the wedding. The girl is not consulted by her father 
in the matter. She receives a present from the bridegroom, and 
is obliged to bring all her clothes and other belongings from her 
parents' house. The wedding is merely a drinking-bout, and is 
celebrated twice, — first in the bride's family, then in the husband's 

320 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

house, as it has come down to us in the old heroic songs of the 
Turk and Mongol. As a rule, monogamy prevails ; this is not 
fixed by law, but is agreed upon for economic reasons. A man 
may buy as many wives as his fortune will permit, but it is seldom 
that he has more than three. The wife is not the companion, but 
the slave, of her husband. 

The Gold make no secret of their disdain for women. A 
woman's lot is summed up in what is termed by the Chinese 
and Japanese moralists "the three obediences," — obedience, 
while yet unmarried, to a father ; obedience, when married, to a 
husband and his parents; obedience, when widowed, to a brother- 
in-law or to a son. A man's work is simply fishing and hunting ; 
the household and all other affairs must be attended to by the 
woman. The possibility of getting more work done by more 
drudges is their chief argument in favor of polygamy. The in- 
feriority of woman to man is illustrated by the fact that a wife is 
not allowed to call her husband by his name. During the first 
part of the married life there is no designation by which she may 
accost him. When the wife has given birth to a child, she ad- 
dresses her husband by the child's name ; for instance, if her son 
is called Oisa, she must address her husband as Oisa amini, that 
is, father of Oisa. The wives of other men are permitted to call 
him by his own name. The sister is subject to the brother. 
She calls him agJia (brother) ; but he speaks to her by name. A 
man, after the death of his wife, is forbidden to utter her name 
or to address another woman who bears the same name. Chil- 
dren are forbidden to speak the names of their dead parents. 

About three months before child-birth the woman has to sleep 
alone, but she is obliged to perform all domestic labor up to 
within three or four days of her delivery, and most women 
resume their daily work eight or ten days after the latter event. 
During the first ten days the new-born infant is bathed several 
times a day. Immediately after the child is born, the father 
names it, and is at liberty to coin a new name ; but a son can 

laufkr] explorations among the amoor tribes 321 

assume the name neither of his father nor of his grandfather. 
The first name is prefixed to the clan name ; that is, Doji 
Posaxara. As soon as a child is baptized, it receives also a 
Russian name, which includes the name of the saint connected 
with it. Some individuals even prefer to be called by this name ; 
but the majority do not lay stress on this matter, or even forget 
their Christian names. 

A peculiar feature of the Goldian language is that the terms 
of relationship are divided into two classes. The names of rela- 
tives on the paternal side are different from those on the maternal 
side. Moreover, each of these classes is again divided, distin- 
guishing terms used for relatives older from words for those 
younger than father or mother. The elder brother of the father 
is called fafd; his younger brother, achd ; the father's elder 
sister, dadd, his younger sisitr, g/utgh if ; the mother's elder sister, 
dadd, her younger sister, otikd. Here, as well as in the Manchu 
language, symbolism of sounds plays an important part in the 
names of blood relations, a and vi representing the male sex, sr 
and n the female ; for example, amd (father) and Enyd (mother), 
datJHi (grandfather) and dsnyd (grandmother), ainxd (father-in- 
law), and smxd (mother-in-law). 

Divorce is common, but it is the exclusive privilege of the 
man ; the wife has no right to part from her husband. The 
grounds on which a man may divorce his wife are disobedience, 
barrenness, lewd conduct, and foul and incurable disease. In a 
word, the husband can send his wife back to her parents when- 
ever he gets tired of her. When a wife makes herself insuffera- 
ble during the honeymoon, and is sent home by her uncongenial 
husband, he can recover the whole sum paid for her. I myself 
was witness to such an occurrence; and it is hardly necessary to 
say that such an unfortunate, after returning to the patria 
potestas, is exposed to shameful treatment. The husband is not 
obliged to keep faith with his wife. Intrigues with other women 
are frequent, and prostitution is customary. Children born out 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2—21. 

322 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

of wedlock are killed by their mother's father immediately after 

Sexual diseases, chiefly syphilis, rage terribly among the 
Gold. Epidemics of smallpox and trachoma (a contagious in- 
flammation of the eyes which may lead to complete blindness and 
can be cured only by an operation) prevailed at the time of my 
stay in the Amoor country. Leprosy is much less prevalent 
among them than it is among the Russian settlers. A physician 
commissioned by the government last summer to travel from 
Chabarovsk to Sophisk, and to take all lepers to the lazaretto of 
Nikolayevsk, found seventeen Russians and but one Gold afflicted 
with this disease. 

Remarrying is permitted after the death of either spouse 
after a term of three years has elapsed, if the funeral rites have 
been performed in the legal way. The guardian of the orphans 
is the uncle. Levirate marriages are permitted, but only on con- 
dition that the widow herself agrees to take the brother of her 
deceased husband. Even if she should not marry him, he is her 
natural protector, and superintends all the affairs of her house, 
into which he may move. 

A curious investment for capital is as follows : When a poor 
man wants to buy a girl, he looks for a patron (who may be re 
lated to him or not) to advance the necessary funds. He need 
not repay the loan in cash, which he would probably never 
be able to do ; but, if he should have a daughter by his marriage, 
the money-lender will take possession of her when she is grown 
up, and sell her on his own account. The only risk the patron 
runs is that his client begets only sons. 

Alliances between Gold and Chinese are sometimes con- 
tracted. Chinese traders roving about on the Amoor often take 
Goldian wives. So far as I know from personal observation, 
such marriages are apt to be childless. 

My last excursion was among the various tribes along Amgun 
river, one of the largest tributaries of the Amoor. These tribes 

laufer] explorations among the amoor tribes 323 

are a branch of the widespread Tungusian peoples. It was not 
easy to get permission for this trip, because extensive gold-mines 
are there, and the mining companies do not look kindly on 
foreigners, particularly those who they think would be inclined to 
criticise. They may be right in this. Some years ago a German, 
Count Keyserling, made a like attempt, in which he was unsuc- 
cessful. After making sure that the highest official of the district 
had no objection to my trip, although, on account of the advanced 
season, he tried to dissuade me from making it, I had to apply to 
the chief director of mines, who is the government supervisor, and 
then to the agents of the mining companies themselves. I was 
kept waiting a long time, and finally succeeded, through the firm 
of Kunst & Albers, in obtaining permission to make the trip on 
one of the companies' steamers. 

On the 27th of August (8th of September, Russian style) I 
left Nikolayevsk by the steamship Gold in company with General 
Iwanow and a party of engineers, the ship taking my row-boat in 
tow. On the third day we arrived at a settlement about 600 
versts distant from Nikolayevsk, called Kerbinsk, where I engaged 
two Koreans as rowers. The following day I started in my boat 
to travel the whole way back, down the Amgun and the Amoor, 
as far as Nikolayevsk. 

The banks of the Amgun are inhabited by two Tungusian 
tribes, which are called Neghidal, or Neghda, and Tongus. The 
Neghidal are divided into seven clans, — Tonkal, Chumykaghil, Ay- 
umkan, Neachikaghil, Udan, Chukchaghir, and Toyemkoi. There 
are six Tongus clans, — Butar, Adjan first and second, Lalyghir, 
Djer, and Muxtaghir. Each clan is a unit, and is governed by its 
own chief {starostd). The tribes and their clans have a general 
chief {goloiva, that is, " head ") residing in the village of Udsk, 
who receives the orders and edicts of the Russian local authorities 
concerning the natives, and acts as mediator between his country- 
men and the government. He has the same authority over the 
aborigines as his Russian colleagues have over the Russian 

324 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

settlers. Once a year, in the winter, the head official of the 
district of Udsk, the capital of which is Nikolayevsk, makes atrip 
through his territory, up the river to the coast, thence southward 
along the coast back to Nikolayevsk, to collect taxes, to hear 
complaints of the natives, and to learn their needs. 

The seven Neghidal clans are classed in two groups, — Neghidal 
proper, or Tonkal, who comprise the four families named Tonkal, 
Chumykaghil, Udan, and Neachikaghil, and occupy the lowlands 
of the Amgun ; and the Chukchaghir, who comprise the other 
three families, Chukchaghir, Ayumkan, and Toyemkoi, and live 
on the banks of the middle and upper part of the Amgun. These 
two groups have no distinguishing characteristics ; they speak 
the same Tungusian dialect and have the same customs. The 
only observable difference is that the culture of the Chukchaghir 
is influenced in a higher degree by the Tongus and Yakut, while 
the Neghidal, owing to their local conditions, have derived much 
of their culture from the neighboring Gilyak. 

The population of the Amgun is not large. Their villages, 
which are some distance apart, are small, consisting generally of 
but two or three houses, though there are sometimes as many as 
six or eight. The latest statistics give the following approximate 
numbers: total of both sexes, 766, of whom 423 are males and 
343 females. Of these, 215 men and 187 women are Neghidal, 
188 men and 140 women are Tongus. Besides these, there are 
a few Samaghir (20 men and 16 women) and a small number of 
Yakut who are peddlers. Near the Russian villages, Koreans 
also have settled ; these are the best agriculturists of the country, 
and grow excellent oats and potatoes. 

The Neghidal live in very small square houses supported on 
thin rafters and covered with birch-bark, whereas the tents of the 
Tongus have a circular ground-plan, and taper to a cone, like those 
of the closely related tribe of Saghalin, whose tents are covered 
either with prepared fish-skin or tanned reindeer-skin. The Neghi- 
dal near the mouth of the Amgun, who show strong evidence 

laufer] explorations among the amoor tribes 325 

Fig. 41— Amulets of the Olcha of Saghalin. (Cat. Nos. : a, 4vr \ ^. '^. d, ^i% \ e, /j's ; y, b4°i ; £", Ban ; 
/e. ^'a% ; i, m% ; J\ 5« ; '^^ bYs-) i "at. size. 

326 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s,, 2, 1900 

of Gilyak influence, are beginning to build houses like those of 
the Gilyak. In the village of Dalji I saw people building a 
winter frame-house of strong timber. In the same village some 
of the old houses were empty ; those of recent times were erected 
on piles, in Gilyak fashion, but they were extremely small, and 
miserable in appearance. The craft universally used on the 
Amgun is the birch-bark canoe, like that of the Gold ; but while 
the Gold use it only for hunting, and have wooden boats besides, 
the natives of the Amgun use their birch-bark canoes for all pur- 
poses. No one among them possesses more than ten reindeer, 
while on Saghalin there are some people who have a hundred and 
even two hundred head. They do not use reindeer for drawing 
sledges, but in the winter drive with dogs, because they trade in 
Nikolayevsk, where it would be impossible to obtain sufficient feed 
for the animals. Epidemics have destroyed the herds of many 
families during the last few years. As all these tribes embraced 
Christianity long ago, there are no traces of shamanism or of their 
former religious conceptions. The Olcha of Saghalin have pre- 
served more of their peculiar character ; and on the coast of 
Okhotsk sea, as well as on Patience bay, I found among them a 
strange kind of amulet cut out of reindeer or salmon skin. Amu- 
lets of this sort, attached to a string, are worn round the neck. 
They may be made by any one, even by women. Most people 
copy or imitate them without understanding their proper mean- 
ing. They claim to have learned the art from their ancient 
shamans, who have handed it down from generation to generation. 
The specimens here illustrated (figure 41) were obtained in the 
village of Wal, in the northeastern part of Saghalin, and are as 
follows : 

a, two wooden figures (the larger representing a boy, the 
smaller a girl) are placed on the chest of a new-born child to pre- 
vent it from crying. They are styled sdivon and gdkse, respect- 

b-d are worn around the neck for the purpose of curing a 


cough, b represents a bat, and is cut out of reindeer skin {dal- 
bandu)\ c, a wooden bear (^/z/rc/) ; and d, a wooden wood-worm 

c represents a mammal i^vci), about which, unfortunately, little 
is known. Head, neck, body, legs, and tail are discernible. It 
serves for curing stomach-ache. 

f symbolizes a sea-lobster {taine'ghi), and cures pulmonary 

g represents an animal {pdttaxa) having four toes on each 
foot and crawling on the ground. It is said to cure aches in the 
hip-bone. The natives claim that they have never seen this 
animal alive. 

h represents a frog with spots on its back {uddld). It is pre- 
scribed for rheumatism in the shoulder. 

i is said to symbolize a worm living in the water { and to 
cure diseases of the kidneys. It has two heads and six tails. 

y gives the outlines of the human heart {via' wan), and illustrates 
very well the mode of sympathetic healing. It is used in all cases 
of cardialgy. 

y^ is a seven-headed monster {iidclmkii) with a short body and a 
small tail. Particulars about it are unknown. It is employed 
to allay burning and pricking in the chest. 

At the present time the Olcha bury their dead in the same way 
as do the Russians. In former times it was customary to put the 
bodies on trees or on high wooden frames. I saw several such 
graves in the outskirts of Wal. Four vertical beams were driven 
into the ground, forming a rectangle. On the longer sides of the 
rectangle, about five feet above the ground, there were two hori- 
zontal cross-beams, on which the coffin rested. The coffins were 
boat-shaped, and were closed on top by logs of wood packed 
closely together. The body was wrapped in birch-bark and placed 
on its back, the face turned toward the east. I saw one grave, in 
the form of an equilateral triangle, where there were but three 
beams. Sometimes the tombs reached a height of seven feet. 

328 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Near tlie village was tlie grave of a child, which rested on two 
poles. The coffin, which was about three feet above the ground, 
consisted of two trough-shaped parts put together like nutshells. 
The perforated leaf-shaped ends were set into the beams. The 
corpse was wrapped in a linen cloth, and the skeleton was there- 
fore invisible. Under no circumstances would the people allow 
the bodies to be touched or inspected. 

On the small isle of Hete-\o, in the northern part of a deep 
inlet on the northeastern coast of Saghalin, I found the ruins of two 
old graves. From one of them the coffin had fallen out and lay 
a wreck on the ground. I found there the rusty blade of a 
spear, and an old sword which is undoubtedly of Japanese origin, 
as is shown by the ornament on the guard. It has the shape of 
the Japanese katana of medieval and modern times, with a single 
edge, and is slightly curved toward the point. These decorations 
of the guard have arisen, since the close of the fifteenth century, 
in the schools of special artists in metal. 

When I took up the two pieces, the Tungusian men who 
accompanied me (we were a hunting-party) protested vociferously, 
saying that the dead person would be angry with us. Then they 
refused to take me in their boat, for if the fish should catch sight 
of the weapons taken from the grave, they would run away, and 
the villagers would never have any more fish. At last I resorted 
to the expedient of wrapping the treasures in a piece of old news- 
paper, that the fish might not see them, much to the satisfaction 
of my Tungusian friends, the timid fish, and myself. 

The Olcha have special rites in burying drowned persons. I 
had an opportunity to inspect the grave of one, which was situ- 
ated a short distance from the village of Wal. The accident had 
happened the preceding year, while the man was fishing in a 
drunken condition. A Latin cross had been erected over his 
grave, and a row of four larch trees had been planted behind it. 
The trees were ornamented with whittled willow (Olcha, tiinds; 
Tung., sdxtd), which was attached to the branches by means of 


bast-fiber (Olcha, cldk\ Tung., cldka). In front of the grave was 
the boat in which he had been drowned. The prow pointed 
toward the inlet, and the rudder lay in the boat. The paddles and 
the oars had been crossed and stuck into the ground on either side 
of the boat, each pair tied together with seal-skin straps. A sinrii- 
lar strap was attached to the cross and connected with that of the 
oars. The harpoon for catching seal was suspended from the 
latter strap, whereas the wooden poles belonging to the same im- 
plement were left in the boat. This is done because the dead 
person is supposed to continue his earthly life on the other side 
and to have the same needs there as here. There was a stake 
behind the four trees. It had served at the funeral as a tying-post 
for the reindeer which was slaughtered in honor of the deceased. 
•On the ground lay a birch-bark plate, in which the heart of the 
animal had been left. 

After an accident such as that described, the people greatly 
fear the sea and the river, and fishing is suspended for ten days. 
At the end of that time the oldest and strongest man goes off by 
himself for three days to catch fish. If he prospers, or meets 
with no accident, the others join him in their usual work on the 
fourth day. 

So far as I have been able to form an opinion regarding the 
traditions and legends of the Amoor tribes, many of the latter 
have been brought from the west to the east. The Gold have 
undoubtedly the richest store of myths, and the Gilyak are second 
to them. The Olcha, the tribes of the Amgun, and all others of 
the Tungusian people, have either lost their ancient folklore, or 
else they never possessed any. They themselves are inclined to the 
latter opinion. Many Gilyak and Ainu stories bear such striking 
resemblance to those found among the Gold that their origin is 
suf^ciently clear. This is more strongly elucidated by the fact 
that the tales of the Gilyak appear as mere extracts of or con- 
densations from those of their western neighbors, who have 
preserved fuller details in their original shape. 

330 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Interest, therefore, in the rise and growth of folklore in east- 
ern Siberia centers chiefly around the Gold. There are various 
kinds of oral literature, — short accounts in explanation of natural 
phenomena, reports on the creation and first population of the 
world, and \owg, rather complicated, novel-like stories dealing 
with adventures of knights-errant and heroines, their fights with 
evil demons and monsters, their wanderings in the wilderness, 
their love affairs, and final marriages. Some of these tales are 
epic in character, and abound in interpolated episodes which in- 
terrupt the main action. A comparatively great antiquity must 
be attributed to all Goldian folklore, since the language in 
which their traditions are told differs widely from the colloquial 
speech of the present day. These differences are found in ety- 
mology and lexicography ; and a comparison of the language with 
the modern style of conversation indicates two different dialects, 
or at least two separate epochs in the development of the same 
tongue. It is therefore probable that the Gold were in possession 
of those traditions when they migrated to their present habitat. 
Nevertheless, it is not likely that their literature is the result 
of their unaided efforts. Many of their tales can be traced 
back to the Buriat and other Mongol tribes of central Asia ; and, 
moreover, there are remarkable coincidences between Goldian 
folklore and Mongol and Turkish epic poetry. 

It is a most striking fact indeed that nearly all institutions, 
customs, and manners as described in the tales of the Gold (and 
in many cases hardly to be explained by the modern state of their 
life) bear a marked resemblance to the outlines of culture as 
sketched in the epic literature of the Mongol and Turkish 

So, after all, central Asia is to be considered as the country 
which originated and handed down the tales of the Gold, and 
consequently of all other tribes of Amoor river. This ques- 
tion is closely connected with a great number of as yet unsolved 
problems regarding the origin and development of central Asiatic 

laufer] explorations among the amoor tribes 331 

culture. We cannot say yet which of the peoples produced or 
participated in the culture contained in the Turkish, Mongolian, 
and Goldian traditions. Presumably it is the culture of ancient 
Tibet, for Tibet is the stage of the Mongol epopceia, and its litera- 
ture possesses a voluminous national poem of the culture-hero 
Gesar, from which the subjects of Mongol poetry are apparently 
derived. Unfortunately that comprehensive Tibetan work has 
not yet been published or even translated. It must be made the 
basis of all further research of those far-reaching questions. 

It is hoped that one of the chief results of my investiga- 
tions may be the finding of the missing link in the intellectual and 
psychological connection formerly existing between the Amoor 
tribes and the peoples of central Asia, and that thereby we may 
draw nearer to the possibility of assigning to the latter their 
true position in the history of Asia and of all mankind. 

A tale recorded in Sakhacha-olen on the Amoor may serve as 
a specimen of Goldian folklore. There are some contradictions 
in it, which prove that the single parts of which it consists were 
primarily independent tales composed at a later time, Fuji is a 
general name for a heroine or Amazon, and Marga is a noun 
appellative signifying a hero. This word is surely allied to the 
Mongol and Turkish terms nicrgen, viirgdn, whose original mean- 
ing is '' a good archer or hunter," and which are combined with 
the proper names of heroes. The story is as follows: 

A long while ago lived the two sisters Fuji. They subsisted 
by shooting birds and wild animals. They lived thus a long time. 
They lived a long time, killing birds and wild animals. 

Once upon a time, late in the evening, the elder sister Fuji 
began to talk thus: "We have no husbands. How can we live 
without a man ? There are males and females among all the 
birds and wild animals, and even among the small insects." 

The younger sister said, " We live quite well as we are now." 

The elder one replied, " Let us go out and search for a man ; " 
but the younger sister opposed her, and fell asleep. When she 

33- AMERICAN AXTUKOPOLOGIST [x. s., 2, iqoo 

awoke in the ni\<;lit, she saw her elder sister sitting beside a large 
iron kettle on the hearth, washing herself. 

The younger sister asked, " What are you doing there? What 
are you boiling in that kettle?" 

The elder sister answered, " Why do you not come over here? 
Come along, that I may comb your hair well ! " Then she took 
her younger sister by force, combed her hair well, and dressed 
her nicely. Both of them put on all their clothing, and went 
away, went away. 

They wandered on until they came to where two roads crossed. 
On the one, the main road, horses and carriages could drive side 
by side, whereas the other was very narrow. 

The elder sister said, " Let us stroll about ; " but the younger 
sister refused. The elder Fuji rushed upon her, and the younger 
Fuji fell down. Then the elder one said, "You will go this way, 
and I shall take the great road where horses and carriages drive ; " 
but the younger Fuji again refused. Then the elder began to 
beat her, and, beating her, went away on the road where horses 
and carriages drive. 

The younger Fuji, weeping, set out on the narrow path, and 
walked and walked. At last she reached a house on the bank of 
a river. Leaning her chest on her walking-stick, she stopped 
before the door, and cried to the Burchan within, " I crave for 
water; I came to the lake, my mouth is parched ; I came to the 
river, my throat is parched." Seven birch-bark cups full of water 
were brought to her, which made a noise like " Belcha, belcha, 
belcha." ' Seven birch-bark cups were all emptied by her. There- 
upon she went on, and went on, till she came to another house. 
It was late in the evening. In the courtyard were heaps of 
human bones. She thought that the people had caught and 
killed a great many wild animals. 

Fuji entered the house, and found that it was filled with 

These words are said to represent the splashing and spilling of the water. 


human bones. Seven Baldheads, all brothers, were sitting there 
round about. The youngest brother was nibbling at a skull. 
When he beheld Fuji, with much ado he cast the skull under the 
hearth, exclaiming, " Though we remained at home today (not 
having gone hunting), we have fresh meat to eat, for a little doe 
has come to us." 

At once they all fell upon Fuji, caught her, held her fast, 
threw her down on a heap of grass, and made a dash at her with 
knives. Fuji transformed herself into a needle/ and jumped into 
the ashes ; and it was as if she had wholly died away. 

The Baldheads took 21. Pangafiin'' and began to practice witch- 
craft. "Where has she gone? Is she in the house? Ch^ifm 
chsha- tyhkiii ! Through what metamorphosis has she passed?" 

"She has transformed herself into a needle, and has jumped 
into the ashes, ch^hs: cksns tyhkiii ! " suddenly came from the 
Pangafun. Then they commenced to stir the ashes, looking 
carefully all around. They put the embers on their palms, and 
finally discovered her. 

Fuji became again a human being. They attacked her once 
more, and she changed herself into a worm and crawled into 
a wooden pillar. 

The seven Baldheads lost her again. The youngest brother of 
the seven moved the Pangafun and resorted to magic. " Panga- 
fun, ch3h3 ch-shs tynkui ! Where has she gone? Did she step 
out on the road, or is she in the house? " 

" Ch3H3^ cJi^ii^ tynkui ! She has taken the shape of a worm 
and crawled into the wooden pillar ; cimm ch-rm tynkui! " 

Then they took an axe and began to chop the pillar in two. 
They found her in the middle of it. 

' See the same transformation in Schiefner, Heldensagen der MinussiiiscJwn 
Tataren, xiv, 448. 

^ ThQ Pangafun consists of a stone with a groove running around its central part. 
A string is wound around the stone in this groove, the free end of which is held in the 
hand. It is used particularly to find out where a lost object may be, the belief being 
that the lost article is hidden in the direction in which the stone moves. 

334 AMERICAN AX TlIKOPOLOGl ST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Fuji resumed lier real shape. Tliey caught her again, and 
again they attacked her. Tliereupon she transformed herself into 
a drop of blood and jumped on tiie wall, from which she looked 
down upon them. 

After losing her again, they took the Pangafiin once more, 
and began to practice sorcery. " Through what metamorphosis 
has she passed ? " 

" She has transformed herself into a drop of blood and jumped 
on the wall; clisns chsh^ tyhkiii ! " 

At this moment Fuji changed herself into a gadfly ' and flew 
away. She flew away and away. When she cast her eyes back, 
she saw seven gadflies coming behind her. She took the shape of 
a skunk,' and ran farther away. When she had gone a short dis- 
tance she looked back and beheld seven skunks following her. 
Now Fuji transformed herself into a swarm of a hundred insects,^ 
which flew in all directions, but afterward came together again at 
the same spot. The Baldheads assumed the shape of Fuji and 
followed her. 

So they all went and went. In the evening they came to a 
house. In front of it were the wooden frames on which fish are 
hung to dry. The seven Baldheads tumbled so violently against 
the upper crossbeam that it pierced their breasts and held them 

Fuji saw there a great many garments, ear-rings, and nose- 
rings, which seemed to belong to charming and beautiful women. 
She thought to herself, " Where are the devils ? Where are the 
devils? They are dead, I am sure. Now where am I to go ? I 
feel so sad that I don't care whether I go hither or thither." 

She opened the door of the house and entered. There was 
nothing at all inside but sleeping-benches and a few things 

' In the epic of Geser, Rogmo Goa is metamorphosed into a cjadfly (Schmidt, Die 
Thaten Bogda Geser Chans, p. 201). 
' See ibid., p. 284. 
•* See ibid., p. 280. 

laufer] explorations among the amoor tribes 335 

belonging to a man. She sat down on the stove, lighted the fire, 
smoked tobacco, and remained sitting there. On the back part of 
tlie hearth were two dishes bottom-side up. Fuji took them, and 
found that one of them was filled with tallow and the other with 
meat. She took out a piece of the meat and a piece of tallow and 
ate them. Then she sat on the stove again and smoked tobacco. 

Suddenly a croaking voice cried from a mountain in the forest, 
" Have people come into my house, or are devils come? I live 
all by myself, and still smoke is rising from the chimney. There 
was no fire when I left the hut." 

Fuji took her cap and gloves and stepped out. There she met 
the host of the house, who immediately addressed her thus : " I 
am the Andamarga ; I am not a devil. Andafuji,' do not be 
angry! We need not be afraid of the devils. Pass the night 
here ; please sleep here for the night ! " 

Fuji received the game he had brought from the chase, and 
went into the house. The Marga took off his things, and entirely 
undressed himself. Fuji cooked meat, and when it was well done 
she put the dish before him and sat down. He said to her, 
"Andafuji, where are you going?" 

She answered, "Andamarga, devils have pursued me. I 
escaped from them and have come hither." 

He questioned, " What devils were they?" 

She replied, " The seven Baldheads." 

He said, "Oh, I know them. I have long had a grudge 
against them. If you will live here, the devils can do you no 

Fuji consented. Now the Marga went hunting daily, and 
shot many birds and wild animals. 

After a while there came a day when he did not go out, but 
stayed at home. He said, " Andafuji, those devils will come 

^ Andd (^\x\ other Tungiisian dialects, rtW(7/</) means " friend," and is the usual 
form of greeting. Andafuji has approximately the meaning " my dear l-"uji." 

33^ AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Toward noon they approached, making a sound Hke " Chokor, 
chokor, chokor, chokor ! '" They cried, " Jaghdarin-sama, are you 
at home ? " The INIarga remained silent. They cried once 
again, "Jaghdarin-sama, are you at home? The animal we are 
hunting came this way." 

Then the Marga replied, " If that is so, come and take it ! 
But why has the animal that is shy of such people taken refuge 
in a human dwelling-place? Wherefore did my deer not remain 
with you ? But why do you bother me with your idle talk ? 
Fuji is here, indeed ! Come, enter and take her ! " 

Then the Marga exclaimed, " Andafuji, come hither! " 

Fuji arose and drew near. Marga transformed her into punk 
and put her into a pouch for a strike-a-light. After waiting for 
her in vain, the devils consulted the Pcingafioi, "-Ch^iis ch:jm 
iyiikui !'' and received the answer, " He has transformed her into 
punk, and put her into a pouch, chTih^ chiih^ tyhhii ! He has 
transformed her into punk, and put her into a pouch, cJiTihs 
ch^it^ tyhkui ! " 

The Marga took the pouch between his fingers, and threw the 
punk and flint on the ground, exclaiming, "There, take her up 
from the ground ! " 

The devils said, '' Eidaghoi, cidagJioi, eidaghoi, we must resort 
to witchcraft once more ; " and they took the Pangafun and 
began with their sorcery, " He has taken the pouch between 
his fingers, chsh^ cJi^iim tyhkui! Do not stay here long, else 
matters will go badly with you." 

The Marga said, " Be that as it may." The youngest brother 
of the seven Baldheads ran away. Then the Marga thought to 
himself, " All will now end in sorrow, for he will come and kill 
me." Again the Marga went out hunting and shooting birds 
and wild animals. 

One day he did not go out, but remained at home, saying. 

' This word is said to depict the ai)proach of the cklrich demons. 

lauferJ explorations among THE AMOOR TRIBES 33/ 

" Andafuji, I will wander with you to another place." With 
these words he presented her with an iron rod (such as is used to 
soften fish-skins), and they took the road into the woods, and 
went on and on. At last they came to a house. Inside were six 
Fuji (heroic women). The Marga said to them, " You all stay 
here together with this Fuji." 

The six Fuji replied, " Thus we have become seven." 

The Marga said, " I shall go out to fight with the seven 
Baldheads. Day and night you must keep the door closed." 
Thereupon the Marga went away. 

There were now seven Fuji in that house. They had much 
work to attend to. They had to fetch fuel, to draw water, and 
to split wood. After doing this they locked the door. There- 
upon a roaring noise sounded from the river. The struggle had 
commenced. The seven Baldheads and the Marga fought day 
after day and night after night. When they stopped to rest a 
while, the youngest brother of the seven Baldheads forsook the 
place of combat and betook himself to the house. He cried, 
" Open the door, open the door ! " but Fuji sat silent, without 
answering him. He forced the door open and entered the house. 
Then he said to Fuji, "Pick the lice from my head !" She re- 
fused peremptorily. He drew near her, and repeated, " Fuji, pick 
the lice from my head!"' Fuji began to hunt for lice in his 
head. He put his head on the edge of the sleeping-bench. She 
took her iron rod and struck him on the head with it. Then 
the youngest brother of the Baldheads took to his heels. Fuji 
passed three nights there. 

God proved gracious. The Marga returned, and cried, " I 
have fought with the seven Baldheads, and have slain them all. 

' Picking lice from each other's heads is a sign of mutual friendship or love. It 
takes place, therefore, between spouses or between related women. The husband does 
not look, of course, for his wife's lice. The Baklhead's importunities are in this case 
nearly like a declaration of love in concrete form. Lice-eating often occurs in the 
tales of the Gold, and may be observed nowadays in the daily life of the Gilyak. 

AM. ANTH., N. «., 2 — 22 

338 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

I am a devil. I shall go away to a remote place. If I live I 
shall return, but if I die I shall not come back." 

The seven Fuji moved into the house of the Marga, and 
passed three nights there. Seven Marga arrived. Six of them 
took the six Fuji away with them as their wives. Fuji re- 
mained behind alone. The seventh Marga wanted to marry her; 
but Fuji refused, so the Marga went away. A whole year 
elapsed, during which time she lived there by herself. The 
Marga finally appeared. He asked her, " Where have those 
six Fuji gone ? " 

Fuji replied, " All of them have got men and gone off." 
The Marga said, " Why have you not gone with them ? " 
Fuji answered, " I was true to you ; I have waited for you." 
Fuji and the Marga now became man and wife. They lived 
happily for two years. One day Fuji shed tears, and when her 
husband asked the reason, she said, " I long for my elder sister. 
I do not know whether she is dead or alive." 

Then the Marga said, " Your sister is living not very far from 
here. If you wish, you may go to her as a guest." 

So Fuji started. She went to her elder sister. The elder 
sister now had a husband. Fuji stayed there for two nights ; 
then she returned to her own home. Her husband said, " Why 
have you returned so soon ?" 

.So the Marga and Fuji dwelt again in their house. Once 
again the elder sister Fuji and the younger sister Fuji came to- 
getlier. They brought along all their property, and divided it 
equally between them. They divided everything. Then the 
elder sister Fuji returned to the house where she lived, and the 
younger sister Fuji returned to her house. They lived in their 
houses. They lived a long time, as they had lived before, and 
their husbands went hunting and killed birds and wild animals. 



The following notes form a portion of the results of the 
writer's part in the Hyde Expedition to the Pueblo region in 
1899, under the direction of Prof. F. W. Putnam, curator of the 
American Museum of Natural History. 

The Navaho Indians, of Athapascan stock, are a numerous,' 
comparatively wealthy,^ intelligent, and, on the whole, very prom- 
ising tribe of Indians occupying a reservation of over 12,000 
square miles and the neighboring parts of the country in New 
Mexico, Arizona, Colorado, and Utah. The principal scientific 
attention thus far devoted to this important tribe has been 
by Dr Washington Matthews and by Messrs Backus, Catlin, 
Eaton, Hodge, Letherman, Schoolcraft, Simpson, Stephen, and 
Stevenson.' Most of the recorded observations relate to the 
customs and mythology of the people. During the work among 
the Indians, carried on under the direction of Professor Putnam 
for the World's Columbian Exposition at Chicago, two series of 
measurements of the Navaho were made, one of adults (by Dr 
Matthews), the other of school children (by Antonio Apache). I 
have been accorded permission to incorporate these measure- 
ments in the present study. My own work had for its main ob- 
ject an inquiry into the physical and physiological character of 
the Navaho, and was conducted principally in Chaco canyon. 
Fifty adult males and thirty adult females were measured and 

'Variously estimated to number from 15,000 to 25,000 individuals. The 
Eleventh United States Census placed the population at 17,204. 
^ Individuals range in worth as high as $10,000. 
^ See Matthews, Navaho Legends, and bibliography therein. 


340 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2. igoir 

examined, and photographs and casts of the faces were made. 
Opportunity was presented for observing the people during a 
large feast and in different parts of the reservation as well as 
be}-ond its borders, and for three weeks I lived with a number 
of Navaho while conducting excavations. The present paper 
comprises a summary of this work, supplemented by such general 
observations as may be necessary to complete the more technical 

The Navaho show good physical development ; excessively 
strong or naturally feeble individuals are rare, as also are very fat 
people and those who are congenitally deformed or deficient. 
The average Navaho male does not exceed in strength the aver- 
age white man ; a large majority of both the men and the women 
have regular, pleasant features, and individuals of both sexes rise 
to a certain degree of beauty. 

The Navaho show considerable difference in color and meas- 
urement, and cannot be considered a radically homogeneous peo- 
ple, but their mixture is not recent. They range in color from 
light, lustcrless tan or quadroon tint to a dark shade of sepia. The 
men were found to range in height from 162.4 to 183.0 cm., the 
women from 148.4 to 166.3 cm. The excess of armspread over 
height averages in men 4.1 cm., in women 3.3 cm. The lower 
extremities are in men 46.6;^, in women 46.8^^, of the total body- 
height. The average chest width of the men at nipple height is 
29.7 cm., the depth 21.6 cm. In most cases the head is flattened 
posteriorly, and this flattening is more frequent and more pro- 
nounced in men than in women. So far as can be deter- 
mined, this flattening is not produced intentionally, but is the 
result of the pressure of a small pad used on the baby-board as a 
head-rest. When the child is strapped on the board, the head 
has little freedom. The flatness of the head is preferred by the 
Navaho to occipital protuberance. On account of the depres- 
sion the diameters of the head are distorted. Notwithstanding 
this, it is plain that most of the members of the tribe are of 

hrdlicka] observations on the NAVAHO 34 1 

brachycephalic type. A few mesocephals and one dolichocephal 
were found. 

The face of the Navaho shows moderate prognathism ; the 
chin is well formed; the nose measures in men 5.38 cm., in 
women 5.0 cm., in length, and 4.0 cm. and 3.6 cm., respectively, 
in width, and shows fair height. The malars are generally some- 
what prominent. The average height of the face to nasion 
in men is 12.0, in women 11.3 cm.; to the hair line, in men, 
18.9, in women 17.76 cm. ; the diameter of the bizygomatic 
maxillary in men is 14.7, in women 13.8 cm. The hands and 
the feet, as well as the legs, are smaller in the Navaho than in 
the whites. 

The men pluck the hair on the face, but occasionally wear a 
mustache. The hair on the head is worn long by both sexes; 
the women often wear it loose, the men tie it in a knot behind. 
The color of the hair is frequently brownish or rusty ; this is an 
acquired tint, and may be due to exposure to the sun. The 
favorite and quite frequent shampooing of the head with suds 
made from yucca-root may also have some effect on the color 
of the hair. In the young the hair is invariably jet-black. 
Navaho children appear for the most part very well nourished 
and strong. The mother nurses the child up to its second year 
and sometimes for even a longer period. The adolescents among 
the Navaho, as among other Indians, are somewhat more ad- 
vanced toward maturity, on the average, than whites of cor- 
responding age. This is seen in the differentiation of the male 
and female types, the development of breasts and pelves. Navaho 
children born of young parents are not appreciably smaller or 
weaker than other children of corresponding age. The aged do 
not exhibit such a degree of decrepitude as is usually found 
among the whites. White hair appears in most cases after fifty 
years, sometimes later, rarely before. There is no baldness, but 
aged persons bear a great many wrinkles on their faces. The 
oldest person heard of was, according to events remembered, 

342 AMERICAN ANTHROFOLOGIST [.\. s., 2, 1900 

slightly over a hundred years. The oldest individuals actually 
seen were not over eighty years of age. 

The period of puberty in women varies from twelve to four- 
teen years ; the period of menopause could not be ascertained, 
most of the Navaho not being certain of their age. Childbearing 
ceases apparently at greatly varying ages. 

The women show a much larger amount of adipose tissue than 
the men, but the proportion does not exceed that observed in the 
whites. The breasts are usually well developed and of medium 
size ; the form of those of women who have not borne children 
approaches the hemispherical ; the nipple is large, the aveola 
pronounced. The lumbar region shows but slight curve ; the 
gluteal region is broad and rather flat. 

The average pulse, respiration, and temperature records ob- 
tained are remarkable principally by reason of the low pulse. 
They are as follows : Pulse, males, 69.2 ; females, 74.9. Res- 
piration, males, 17.7 ; females, 19.7. Temperature, males, 
98.75" F. ; females, 99.1°. 

The Navaho can bear prolonged loss of sleep better than the 
average white, and the same rule applies to extremes in diet 
and exposure. The Navaho male is an accomplished rider and 
makes a good driver ; and altogether he is a very good, able, 
and intelligent workman. As a tradesman, however, he is not 
a success, particularly among his own people. The women 
are deft weavers, producing the celebrated Navaho blankets. 
The regular and often beautiful designs on these blankets 
are individual creations, produced without the aid of actual 
patterns. Numerous belts, garters, and hair-bands, as well as 
a few decorated ceremonial baskets, are woven. But little pot- 
tery is manufactured, and this consists of unglazed and un- 
decorated cooking utensils. Water-gourds woven from plant 
fiber and covered with gum arc occasionally used, but they are 
said to be derived from the Ute, among whom they are com- 
mon. Each Navaho man makes his own moccasins and leggings. 

hrdlicka] observations on the navaho 343 

A regular handicraft may be observed in the tribe, namely, 

The Navaho lives alone with his family on a ranch, but occa- 
sionally two related families may be found in a cluster of hogans 
or huts. There is a mythological explanation for this mode of 
living, connected with the ancient Pueblos. A girl becomes 
marriageable after puberty ; a young man may marry when he 
possesses enough horses or other property to exchange for the 
girl he desires. The price paid for the girl is divided among 
her relations, and it represents a test of the abilities of the 
young man rather than the girl's actual value. Unions are 
very seldom sterile; the usual number . of children is from 
two to six. Polygamy is still quite prevalent ; but the wo- 
men are very modest, and very little mixture with the whites 
is found. 

The dwellings of the Navaho consist in some cases of a gen- 
erally temporary hut built of cedar branches or partially of 
stones ; in other instances a more or less conical hut is built of 
trunks and branches of cedar or pine, covered with earth. Some 
of the more progressive natives erect rectangular houses of adobe 
or stone, similar to those most generally constructed by the 
whites in that section of the country. 

The material possessions of the Navaho consist mainly of 
sheep, goats, and horses. He cultivates little besides corn and, 
in a few localities, melons and peaches. His diet is irregular and 
consists principally of bread and meat. Families possessing goats 
use their milk; coffee is eagerly sought. No information could 
be obtained of any native fermented drink. The women hold 
property in their own right. 

In his dealings with the white man the Navaho is fairly honest 
and reliable, but in this respect much depends on the person 
with whom he deals. In rendering service for profit, the Navaho, 
like most people, of whatever race, will aim to get as great a re- 
turn as possible. But the money gained possesses for him only a 

344 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

temporary value ; he will spend his earnings freely, often 
unnecessarily. To the Navaho hoarding is unknown. 

The Navaho is a good guide and a safe companion. His 
knowledge of the country through which he roams seems almost 
phenomenal. His disposition is almost invariably bright and 
cheerful. He knows or will improvise an almost endless number 
of short songs ; but his melodies seem to be rather limited in 
range, and to the ear of the white person are not altogether 
pleasant. His sense of humor is keen ; modesty is manifested in 
young children and is pronounced in both men and women. As 
among other Indians, superstition is prevalent. The Navaho are 
not demonstrative in their family affection, save in the case of 
mothers toward their children ; nevertheless they seem happy in 
their family ties. Jealousy exists. The natives of both sexes are 
fond of personal adornment ; women exhibit some degree of 
coquetry. The men are passionately fond of racing and gaming, 
and a few of them are inveterate gamblers. The women have few 
games of their own, but will occasionally participate in a game or 
a race. The Navaho are not capable of doing business among 
themselves, through a tendency to suspicion and dissatisfaction. 
The old are respected and their advice considered. The old 
women in particular are shrewd and have considerable influence 
over the young women. Among themselves the people are hos- 
pitable. They preserve many legends and traditions and have 
many interesting dances and ceremonies. 

Occasionally a Navaho will commit a crime, usually murder; 
but in by far the most cases, the deed is the result of drunkenness. 
Suicide is sometimes undertaken as a result of jealousy, extreme 
poverty, or drunkenness, and when the subject is a married man 
he usually also kills his wife and children. In general the Navaho 
is easily grieved, excited, or angered, but he is not revengeful. 

r>om the medical point of view the Navaho are found to be 
subject to a number of disorders. Insanity is exceedingly rare; 
the only case observed or learned of was that of a man about 

hrdlickaJ observations on the navaho 345 

seventy years of age who was suffering only mild dementia. No 
case of epilepsy or idiocy could be traced ; there are, however, a 
few cases of feeble-mindedness. 

The most frequent of all disorders of health among the 
Navaho are stomach and bowel complaints, the causes of which 
lie in the character and irregularity of the meals, long periods of 
hunger at one time and excessive feasting at another, and the 
consumption of much half-baked bread charged with cheap 
baking-powder. Malaria is rare ; a case of consumption is found 
occasionally ; rheumatic pains are a frequent subject of complaint ; 
tumors are very rare. There are many native medicine-men, 
whose treatment consists of continued incantation and medica- 
tion. The latter comprises the administration of certain vegetal 
drugs and of articles supposed to have magic healing power. 
Charlatanism and deceptive tactics, such as pretending to suck 
out the cause of the disease, are also engaged in. But little 
surgery is practiced. 

The Navaho know but little about their origin. They pretend 
to have entered this world from an underworld.' My informant 
spoke of the opening into this world as having been situated in 
the not far distant La Plata mountains. The early history of the 
tribe is intimately associated with the Kisani or ancient Pueblos. 
They claim to have occupied regions adjacent to and north of the 
area of the Pueblos, with whom they were sometimes at war ; 
but, my informant added, the two were originally the same 

From' physical examination it would appear that the tribe, 
notwithstanding some evident mixture, is closely allied to the an- 
cient Pueblos and to the short-headed people of today in other 
parts of New Mexico and Arizona, and possibly in old Mexico. 

' See Matthews, A^avaho Legends. 



In August, 1899, ^^^^ United States National Museum procured 
from Dr J. W. Hudson, of Ukiah, California, the best scientific 
collection of basketry known to the writer from any people on 
the earth. In this case the people were the Porno and their sub- 
divisions of the Kulanapan linguistic family, on Russian river. Cali- 
fornia. In the collection there are a few pieces from other tribes, 
but in this brief paper they will be disregarded and attention 
paid to the Pomo specimens alone. In every example the mate- 
rial has been carefully identified by the collector. The plants 
used are the following : 





Carex niendocinensis 

Prepared root 

K a-hum 

Carex (?) 

Dyed root 


Salix sitchensis 

Prepared root 


Salix hindsiana 

Prepared stems 


Salix nigra 

Prepared inner bark 


Pinus sabiniana 

Split root 


Psettdotsiiga iaxifolia 



Pier is aquilina 

Prepared root 


Cercis occidentalis 

Bark side of shoots 


Cory his rostrattis 






Liiiuni call fornicum 

Prepared stems 


In the decoration of tliis basketry, mineral and animal sub- 
stances are used, as follows : 






Burned, prepared cylinders Po 


mason] the HUDSON collection of basketry 347 



Saxidotnus nutlallii Prepared shell Ka-ya 

Cardium corbis Prepared shell Ka-ya 

Haliotis Prepared shell Tern 

Melane7-pes californiicivorus Throat and scalp feathers Ka-tach 

Sturnella magna neglecta 

Breast feathers 


Lophortyx calif ornicus 



Anas boschas 

Scalp feathers 


Cyanura stelleri 

Neck feathers 


Colaptes mexicanus 

Quill splittings 


Aqiiila chryscetos 

Tail and pinions 


Agelaius gubernator 

Elbow feathers 


Icterus bullockii 

Neck and breast 


Ka-Jiuni is split into flat strings or splints and kept wet during 
the weaving ; color, light tan. Tsu-wish is buried with ashes for 
about 80 hours, thus dyeing to shades of black. It is split into 
splints like ka-hum. Shi-ko, split into splints, also whole stems, 
and used for fish-weirs ; color, cream. Bam : i. Young shoots de- 
corticated and polished for warp ; color, straw ; 2, Splittings from 
bark of young shoots ; 3, Splittings of young shoots. Ma-lo- 
ma-lo, inner bark strips ; color, dark tan. Ka-li-she, split root ; 
color, buff. Ka-wa, split root, trimmed limbs ; color, gray. Bis, 
chewed and cleansed root, split ; color, black. Mii-U, bark side of 
shoots, split into tape ; burnt sienna. Pshu-ba, trimmed stems. 
Baju-tu, vine used rough or decorticated. Ma-sha, crushed, 
hackled, or combed. 

Ka-ya, manufactured from clam shells ; current among natives 
as " Indian silver" ; monetic base. 

Po, mined in Lake county, California ; heated dull red, then 
tempered in hot water ; knapped and scoured into cylinders, then 
bored ; current as " Indian gold " ; monetic base. 

All prepared vegetal substances turn dark with age and espe- 
cially by the smoke from open fires in Indian huts. Tsi(-ivis/i ranks 
first in value; a bunch equals 100 ka-ya. A bunch of ka-huni 
equals 65 ka-ya ; of niii-le, 20 ka-ya. 

348 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Dr Hudson ' notes the two great types of weaving, to wit, I, 
the twined {clia-ma)\ II, the coiled {shi-lm). Each of these is 
further divided, as follows; 

In twined weaving there are a regular warp and woof, conse- 
quently the term " weaving " is correctly applied to it. The warp 
consists of a number of upright stems or cords, and the weft is 
generally a two-ply twine made of substances before mentioned. 
Sometimes, for strengthening or ornamentation, a three-ply braid or 
twine is used. In all examples of twined weaving the warp stems 
are enclosed in the turns of the twine, so that if the former were 
drawn out there would remain a coil of two-ply twine which could 
be straightened out from the upper edge to the middle of the 
bottom of the basket. The twined weaving in the Hudson col- 
lection is divided as follows: 

1. Tlic FisJi-ivcir Type {PsJm-kmi). — In this type a number of 
upright warp-rods are held together by pairs of hazel or willow 
shoots passing around horizontally, as in a winding stairway, and 
making a half-twist in each space as in a wattle hedge or fence, 
enclosing also a horizontal stem as in the fine ti style. In 
the fish-weirs and coarser articles the rough material is used, 
but in household utensils the willow may be decorticated and 
even polished. The original material for articles of this kind was 
hazel {slm-ba). 

2. Pshu-tsin. — This type is mentioned by Dr Hudson, but is 
not represented in his collection. It is used in granaries, sheath- 
ing for thatch, game fences, etc., but not in basketry. 

3. Bam-tusJi.—h. style of twined weaving called, in the Pomo 
language, ham-tush, from bam-tn, a grapevine, the original mate- 
rial ; but this has been discarded for stronger and more polished 

' A detailed description of basket weaving appeared in the Overland Monthly for 
June, 1893. In the August, 1897, issue of that magazine appeared an article on 

* U. S. National Museum Report, 1884, pi. viii. 


substances. In the splints used for this style of basketry, the 
brown bark and the pale yellow interior of the stem afford the 
basket-maker an opportunity for ornamentation. By the term 
bam-tiish is evidently meant the plain twined weaving in which 
only one warp-stem is included in each half-turn of the weft.' 

4. 5/^«-^^/.— Among the Pomo the shii-set is the most highly 
decorated of this type of weaving. Upon the pieces marked as 
belonging to this type there are two styles of manipulation. In 
all cases, however, the twine stitch or mesh passes over two warp- 
strands instead of one, so that the ribbed appearance on the out- 
side has a diagonal effect.' This method is always employed on 
Ute basketry and as far south as the Pueblo country. Upon the 
same pieces, however, the most elaborate figures are produced by 
a style of twining seen on the basketry of many tribes of Wash- 
ington, especially on that of the Makah and the Wasko.' One of 
the strands of the twine remains always on the inside of the Ute 
basket and outside on that of the Makah, while the wrapping is 
done entirely with the other strand, which is usually brown or 
black, in which case the pattern will show on the outside but not 
on the inside. 

5. r/.— This is the Pomo name for a style of twined weaving 
in which four elements are employed, namely, {a) a set of perpen- 
dicular warp-stems, usually of willow {^Salix hindsiand) ; {b) a stem 
of the same material carried around, in the form of a coil, hori- 
zontally on the outside of the upright warp-stems ; {c) a regular 
course of twined weaving, with two splints, which at each half- 
turn encloses the upright and horizontal warp-stem. This makes 
a very solid double basket for domestic purposes.' On the out- 
side the appearance is that of the sJiu-set basketry, but the ridges 
are diagonal ; on the inside the appearance is that of the bam-lnsh 

' U. S. National Museum Report, 1884, pi. xi. 

"^ Ibid., pi. xxi. 

'^ Ibid., pis. xiii and xiv, b. 

■•Shown in Overland Monthly and Smithsonian Report, 1S86, I, pi. xxii, fig. 55. 

350 AMERICAN ANTHROPULOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

or plain twined weaving. Dr Hudson says that this is the most 
difficult and most highly prized of all the types of twined 

In addition to these species of twined weaving obtained by 
Dr Hudson, the following are employed in bottoms or bands of 
ornamentation and occasionally in the structure of the basket : 

{(X) Three-ply twine, by which is meant the employment of 
three members or filaments instead of two in the twining. In 
the process of twisting, when the third of a turn is made, one of 
the filaments is caught over a warp-stem, at the next third 
another filament, and at the end of the whole turn the third 
is caught over, and so on, the process being repeated from round 
to round. A moment's thought will show that upon the outside 
two of the strands will always be shown, while on the inside 
there will be only one. The texture on the inside, therefore, 
will be that of plain twined weaving ; but on the outside it will be 
diagonal, in which each of the stitches passes over two warp-stems 
and, under the circumstances, are imbricated or overlapping.' 

{U) Three-ply braid {shi-tsin), used on bottoms and resembling 
the last named, save that the filaments are plaited instead of 
twisted, but alternately they pass one at a time over warp-stems on 
the inside, and on the outside this is indistinguishable from a. 

Before proceeding to the next of the two great divisions 
of basketry, attention is called to the fact that in the Pomo col- 
lection there are all types of twined weaving — the plain twine, 
the diagonal twine, the bird-cage twine as among the Makah 
(Pomo, ///), and the four-element twine last described. No other 
methods of twined weaving are known. 


Of the coiled method of structure there are the following 
types, three of which are mentioned by Dr Hudson : 

Firstly, as in Siamese basketry, a single stem of rattan forms 

' Smithsonian Report, 1SS6, I, pi. xiii, fig. 55. 


the foundation. The sewing is done with a split stem, and the 
stitches pass around two rods locking into the ones underneath. 

Secondly, the foundation is a bundle of splints ; stems of plants 
are split into thin pieces, a number of which are bunched to- 
gether, and these form the foundation ; the sewing passes around 
the bunch into the one below, so as to take up two or three, also 
locking into the stitches underneath. This method produces 
very coarse ware, abundantly exemplified in the Ute collection 
in the National Museum. 

In the third variety a number of rods, usually three, form the 
foundation, the sewing passing around these into the upper one 
of the bundle underneath, the stitches interlocking. Specimens 
of this variety are found throughout the Southwest. Dr Fewkes 
has figured an example from a very ancient ruin in Arizona.' 
Slight variations in this particular type of coiling are produced 
by varying the size of the rods. In some examples a larger num- 
ber are found, and in others one of considerable size is accompa- 
nied by a small one above, under which the stitches are locked. 

Fourth, in the Hopi meal-tray, as well as in examples from 
both continents, a larger or smaller bundle of very fine, thread- 
like filaments makes the foundation. The coiling is done also with 
thin, fine filaments, so that the surface is variegated in shading 
and there is great variety in pattern. This last form is not rep- 
resented in the Hudson collection. 

The Porno, according to Dr Hudson, name the third style 
shi-lo, in which a coil of fir-root fibers makes up the foundation, 
and these are bound together by a splint of the same material 
catching in the splints of the coil below, the stitches interlocking. 
This slovenly method, developed, as intimated above, by the 
Shoshonean tribes inland, is also ascribed to the Yuki Indians 
(Yukian stock), but Dr Hudson says that the Pomo long since 
discarded this method. "^ 

' Smithsonian Report, 1896, pi. xxxiii. 

^ U. S. National Musi'jini Ref>07-t, 1884, pi. iv. 

352 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

The first of the Porno methods of coiling is called tsai, or 
bam-cha, " one rib." The foundation is a single willow shoot, 
seasoned and smoothed. The sewing is done with splints in such 
manner that the stitches pass round the current foundation stem 
and beneath that of the previous coil, the stitches interlocking.' 

In the Hudson collection, owing to the fineness of the natural 
material, light and elegant pieces are made and intricate figures 
ornament the surface. In one specimen, the finest perhaps in the 
world, there are 60 stitches to the linear inch. But the most 
delicate and versatile type of coiled weaving is called by Dr Hud- 
son bam-tsii-zvu {isii-ba = three), the foundation of which consists, 
as above described, of three stems bound down by sewing which 
passes under the lacing and the upper stem of the coil below. 
This is regarded as the highest type of Pomo basketry. The 
materials are said to require the most careful tests of evenness, 
pliability, and color. It is to this type of sewing that feather- 
work is best adapted, and it is the opinion of Dr Hudson that it 
formed an incentive for adding this rich ornamentation. 

The borders of many of the pieces are finished by a whipping 
of two sorts in which the stitches in one case are perpendicular 
to the foundation, and in the other oblique. Furthermore, a false 
braid appears on the border of many pieces, in which the effect is 
produced not by the plaiting of three splints, but by the peculiar 
administration of a single splint. 

Upon the Pomo cradles the warp-stems are sewed together by 
a manipulation called tsa-wam, which on the inside of the cradle 
resembles two rows of twined weaving, but on the outside has 
the appearance of an intricate four-ply braid. This is done 
by means of a single filament, which passes in half-hitches over 
two warp-stems, backward above and below a central line, then, 
advancing one rod, makes the same double half-hitch backward 
over two, and so proceeds forward over one and backward over 
two until the circuit is finished. 
' Ibid., pi. xxiv. 

mason] the HUDSON collection of basketry 353 


The ornamentation on the Hudson basketry is all in the weav- 
ing ; even the feather-work is caught into the stitches or meshes 
in coiling. There is no such embroidery or overlaying as in the 
Tlinkit and Klikitat ware. The patterns are (i) a line or more 
of technique like that of the body, only in another color; (2) a 
band of twining or coiling in another stitch ; (3) bands of pat- 
terns resembling a strip of lace-work around the body ; (4) geo- 
metric patterns repeated over and over ; (5) spiral patterns rising 
from the bottom, widening over the bulge, and contracting at the 
rim ; (6) overlaying of feather-work and shell-work. The most 
ambitious and truly marvelous variety is number 5, wherein sev- 
eral intricate designs, usually three, are woven. On many there 
is an axis of white, spotted here and there with little figures, and 
on each side of this axis or lane of white are symmetric accu- 
mulations of rhombs, rectangles, and triangles, finished out with 
figures of quail-crests and other conventional forms, the whole 
producing a design of great beauty and complexity. 

According to Dr Hudson, all but one of the basket patterns, 
tattoo marks, inscriptions, pictographs {ba-shi') refer to Pomo cos- 
mogony and totemism. The Ke'-a, or Quail people, use a pattern 
resembling the quail's crest. The Pomo make a triangular pattern 
for a mound of red earth on Spencer's ranch, in Potter's valley ; 
they also use a T-shape design for the buckeye tree {di-sa-ka-li'), 
the fruit of which is a part of their dietary. The Ka-tcha-ka Pomo 
used an acute triangle or series of triangles superposed one on 
another to indicate arrowheads. So a number of rhomboids in 
zigzag form denote waves on the waters of Clear lake, and a band 
of rectangles, joined by means of a line of weaving, stands for a 
series of connected points. 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2—23. 

Ju JjtXcmovuim 


The 305th meeting of the Anthropological Society of Wash- 
ington was held as a memorial to Frank Hamilton Gushing, Vice- 
President of the Society, on Tuesday evening, April 24, 1900. 
President McGee opened the meeting with a brief tribute. 

Remarks by W J McGee 

On the day of our last meeting, April 10, 1900, the life and 
work of our late associate and Vice-president, Frank Hamilton 
Gushing, came to an end ; and in response to wishes expressed 
by several of our members, this meeting of the Society is devoted 
to his memory. 

Gushing was a man of genius. The history of the human 
world has been shaped by a few men ; the multitudes have lived 
and worked and ended their days as woof-threads in the great 
pattern, while the warp has been carried forward through the 
generations and raised to ever higher and richer breadths by the 
relatively few leaders of action and thought ; and such leaders 
are the geniuses of their successors if not of their associates. It 
is in this noble class that Gushing was placed by those who knew 
him best ; he possessed that flame and shed that subtle light of 
genius that illumined whatsoe'er he touched, and guided his own 
feet as well as those of others in the way of progress. So he was 
a leader, not in physical force, not as a formal teacher, not even 
in the spontaneous election of his fellows, but in that clearness of 
insight into things for which all men strive under the stress of 
intuition. The world is better and wiser because of Gushing's 
life in it. 

Most of tiie geniuses who have shaped the history of later 


mcgee] frank HAMILTON GUSHING 355 

millenniums shone as intellectual luminaries alone : Gushing stood 
out not only as a man of intellect but, pre-eminently, as a master 
of those manual concepts to which he gave name as well as 
meaning — indeed, he might fittingly be styled a manual genius. 
There are two sides to man, two correlative and reciprocal aspects 
— the hand side and the brain side. Human development begins 
in the child, and began in our earliest ancestry so far as we are 
able to think, chiefly in the perfecting of the hand ; for through- 
out the human world men do before they ktioiv — indeed, the 
greater part of knowing is always preceded by generations of 
doing. So humanity's dawn was doubtless brightened through 
manual genius ; then came those later millenniums in which the 
brain side of man rose into dominance and illumined progress — 
and this was the time of intellectual geniuses. Of late science 
has arisen, and men have turned to the contemplation of nature 
and have been led thence to the conquest of natural forces; in 
the strife against dull nature, the manual side of man has again 
come into prominence, and the pages of later history are embla- 
zoned with the names of inventors and experimentalists in whom 
the hand side and the brain side have attained perfect union. To 
this class of men Gushing belonged ; yet the application of his 
genius was peculiar, even unique, in that his efforts were expended 
in interpreting inventions by others rather than in making inven- 
tions of his own. This application of his powers rendered him 
successful beyond parallel in retracing the paths pursued by pri- 
mal men in their slow advance toward manual and mechanical 
skill ; and it was through this peculiar application that Gushing's 
richest contributions to the Science of Man were made. 

By reason of his peculiar insight into primitive devices and 
motives, Gushing was a teacher of his associates, even of those 
whose years were more than his own. His mind flashed and 
scintillated under the impact of new sights, new sounds, new 
thoughts; hence he was fertile in hypothesis, fruitful in sugges- 
tion, an avant-courier in research, an intuitive interpreter of 

35^ AMERICAN ANl HKOPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

things. All his associates profited by his originality, and learned 
much of him ; I learned more from Gushing than from any other 
investigator save one ; and mj' debt to him is no greater than 
that of many other students. 

We mourn today the untimely death of an honored and be- 
loved associate, a man of genius whose place can never be filled. 

Remarks by William H. Holmes 

Our lamented friend and associate, Frank Hamilton Gushing, 
was born in the little village of Northeast, Erie Gounty, Pennsyl- 
vania, July 22, 1857. At birth he was a mere mite of humanity, 
weighing only a pound and a half. For a year or two he grew but 
little, and was kept always on a pillow; but it is said that his 
mind developed more rapidly than his body — that in after years 
he could remember faces seen and aches felt before he was able 
to form words or to move from his place on the pillow. 

When he finally got a start he was so tiny and weak that he 
found no place among the hardy and boisterous brothers and 
sister, and sought to avoid them and be alone. Even thus early 
the characteristics of his unusual personality began to take form. 
When he was three years of age the family moved to Barre 
Genter, New York. 

Gushing's initiation into the delights of archeological research 
took place when he was nine years of age. 

WHien he was big enough to contrive and construct he built 
himself a miniature ship and mounted it on wheels, and one of 
his most memorable experiences with an unsympathetic environ- 
ment was the emphatic displeasure of his parent who found him 
sailing his craft over the waving surface of a neighboring field of 
young wheat. 

When he began to read, a new world opened to him. He 
found but few books in liis father's house, aside from medical 
works, and one of his early recollections was that of building up 
a pyramid of boxes and other articles iiigh enough to enable him 

holmes] frank HAMILTON GUSHING 357 

to remove the volumes from the shelves. Among the books he 
found a dictionary, which proved a great mine to him, and no 
doubt had marked influence upon his subsequent career. Every 
evening he consulted this book, seeking the new or difficult words 
that came up during the day, and these studies were often contin- 
ued far into and even through the night. His schooling was rather 
meager, and by far the larger share of his education was obtained 
by reading and study along the few lines that offered themselves 
to the ambitious boy. 

His physical weakness and distaste for the boisterous com- 
panionship of other children drove him more and more into 
solitude, and he found his keenest pleasure in the fields and 
woods. His imagination more than kept pace with his general 
development, and he invested his surroundings with extraordinary 
qualities and powers much as do the primitive tribes of which 
later he became a chief student. He made himself an Indian cos- 
tume, and armed with improvised weapons wandered in the deep 
woods where he remained far into the night, — in fact until 
morning broke, — hiding his paraphernalia during the day that it 
might not fall into piratical hands. As he wandered he talked 
to the trees and rocks and to the moon, and was fascinated by 
the solemn mystery of the night. He fairly worshiped the 
forest trees, and, conceiving the idea of having one of these that 
he could call his own, bought one for a small price from his 
cousin — not a tree he could dig up and carry away, but a big 
tree in the woods where he could come and under its somber 
shade dream and talk and sing, and imitate the sounds of bird 
and beast at will. This was his trysting-place w^th Nature. 

Then he took to carrying his beloved dictionary with him in 
these lonely wanderings, and he carried it always on his head 
down the roads and lanes and through the forests of beeches. 
He carried it thus so frequently and persistently that his body 
became straight as an arrowshaft and lithe as the young saplings, 
his brothers; and from this dictionary he preached his sermons 

358 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2. 1900 

to his elder brothers, tlie trees. The child was so near Nature 
that he conversed with her without fear of misunderstanding:, a 
relation not existing with any human creature. 

Naturally this child was not well understood by the matter-of- 
fact people of Barre Center, and some suspected that possibly his 
converse with inanimate things meant some mental weakness, 
while others feared he might be possessed of uncanny powers. 
His imagination was vivid, and possibly at times fantastic, but 
there were many to keep his wanderings within bounds. At one 
time he conceived the notion that he might flly, and to aid 
in the flight constructed himself wings made of a light wooden 
frame covered with paper or cloth. He told me this twenty-five 
years ago, laughing gayly at the recollection. He conceived 
that in some way strong faith in his power to fly would help the 
rather shaky wings. He climbed to the barn loft, and, appearing 
at the wide doorway, adjusted the wing-fastenings, gave a few 
preliminary flaps, and boldly spread his pinions for flight ; but the 
faith was not strong enough, and he came down with terrific 
force. Although no bones were broken, the flying habit was very 
thoroughly broken — but this, he added ruefully, did not deter 
his irate father from breaking it again. 

A traveling lecturer came to the village and talked to the 
people about geology. The boy was thus initiated into a new 
field, and became a collector of geologic specimens as well as of 
Indian relics; and he now longed to wander into remoter regions. 
But travel was difficult without money, so he sought work, and by 
pulling beans for the neighbors accumulated enough to set out on 
his journeyings and adventures. His limit of expenditure was ten 
cents per day. He reached the shores of Oneida lake, and finally 
got hold of a clumsy boat heavy enough for four strong arms to 
manage ; but the lad was not daunted, and without outfit or food 
began the navigation of the lake and the search of its shores for 
all kinds of specimens. Late one evening he was overtaken by a 
thunder-storm and liis boat was driven upon the swampy shallows ; 

holmes] frank HAMILTON GUSHING 359 

across these in the darkness he finally found his way to solid 
land and sought shelter. Drenched to the skin and weak from 
lack of food, he knocked at the door of a farmhouse. The 
frightened family refused to open the door, but when the good 
mother of the house got a glimpse of the wanderer through the 
blinds she cried, " Why, it 's only a little boy," and he was taken in 
and fed and put to bed. But he did not always fare so well, and 
from other places was chased by the dogs or turned away brutally 
as a lunatic or tramp. But he never gave up, and in spite of 
wrecks and rebuffs came home laden with valuable collections. 

At about this period Gushing met George Kennan and visited 
him at his home in Medina. Kennan- helped and encouraged 
him, and the boy worshiped Kennan in return. 

Then he came to know Lewis H. Morgan and received new 
inspiration from his conversation and writings ; and on one of his 
excursions he found another friend. Happening in the vicinity 
of a country residence he came upon a large bowlder from which 
protruded a fine trilobite. Rushing to the house to seek a 
hammer, he encountered a man working in an outhouse. This 
person was the late Mr L. W. Ledyard, and in response to the 
boy's inquiry, he begged to know for what the hammer was to be 
used. When told that it was to break out a large trilobite from a 
rock nearby, Mr Ledyard replied that the stone had been brought 
to the spot at the cost of much labor and that the trilobite was 
the particular attraction ; " but," he added, " I will take you to 
the place from which this specimen came, and there you can 
gather trilobites to your heart's content." This was the beginning 
of a warm and helpful friendship to young Gushing. 

At the age of eighteen Gushing found his way to Ithaca, and 
at Gornell University sought Prof. G. F. Hartt, geologist, and a 
well-known student of archeology. The Professor was in his 
workroom, stretched out upon a table suffering from an attack of 
malaria. The boy introduced himself, but was not espcciall}' wel- 
comed, and when he broached the subject of Indian relics and the 

360 AMERICAiV AXTHROPOl.OGIST [k. s., 2, 1900 

search for them in the neighborhood, he was told brusquely that 
there were none, for Hartt and his students and the farmers about 
Ithaca had looked for them in vain. " But," replied Gushing, 
"there arc Indian relics cvcrj-wherc, and I can find them ; I can 
find plent}' of them right over there on that point of land." The 
Professor did not believe it, and suggested that the lad had the 
privilege of proving his assertion. So Gushing set out without 
delay and in a few hours returned with a sack full of implements. 
Ikit by this time he was thoroughly exhausted from hard work 
and lack of food (for either he had no money with which to buy 
food or had forgotten to eat), and he clim.bed the hill to the col- 
lege with great difTficulty. Finally, reaching Hartt's place, he 
staggered in and began to empty the contents of the bag upon 
the fioor. " Stop I " shouted the Professor, astonished at what 
he saw. "What are you doing? Take care of those things; 
bring them here to the table," He was not only surprised at the 
ample proofs brought so promptly, but when he looked again at 
the boy he was deeply impressed with his exhausted and pitiable 
appearance. " Here, Darby," he cried to his assistant, " take this 
chap and give him something to eat." 

Thus Gushing made himself a place in this great center of 
learning and soon afterward returned to take a special course of 
study under the supervision of Professor Hartt. 

Remarks by J. W. Pmvcll 
The father of Frank Hamilton Gushing was Thomas Gushing, 
a practicing physician and a man of learning, who gradually 
retired from the practice of medicine and devoted himself to the 
study of philosophy. While yet but a lad Frank Gushing began 
to make collections of stone implements and other prehistoric 
artifacts, which are abundant in the northwestern part of New 
York ; and he made excursions far and wide along the shore of 
Lake Ontario and southward to the Finger lakes and westward to 
Lake Erie in pursuit of this stu(l\\ He was known as a studious 


boy, and in this he was greatly encouraged by his father, who 
perhaps did not fully sympathize with hinn in his study of 
archeology and who doubtless thought that his zeal in this 
respect was an idle sport. An intelligent neighbor, who was not 
quite so absorbed in metaphysic as Dr Gushing himself, became 
deeply interested in Mr Gushing. This gentleman, the late L. W. 
Ledyard, was an acquaintance and friend of Professor Baird, then 
Assistant Secretar}'- of the Smithsonian Institution. Through 
his representation the Professor was induced to request young 
Gushing to write an account of something of interest which he 
had observed in the archeology of western New York. At this 
time he was but seventeen years of age, but he prepared a state- 
ment in a letter to Professor Baird which was published in the 
Report of the Smithsonian Institution for the year 1874. This 
letter foreshadows the genius which in subsequent years we have 
found Frank Hamilton Gushing to be. It shows that at this early 
age he was an acute observer and an apt reasoner. He knew how 
to observe significant facts and to compel them to tell their story. 

The collections made by Gushing at this time had already be- 
come extensive, and his father finally became intolerant of their 
presence in the homestead, as they occupied so much room and 
were the source of much disorder. So our young man built for 
himself a wigwam on a retired part of the farm, which he made 
his museum and laboratory. Ultimately the collection came into 
the possession of the Smithsonian Institution. The wigwam and 
its surrounding structures were indeed a scientific workshop in 
which young Gushing laid the foundation of a system of investi- 
gation which has since proved of marvelous ef^ciency and which 
has been successfully developed by other laborers. 

This new method of research in prehistoric archeology I shall 
call the method by experimental reproduction. At this early 
date Gushing began a series of trials to discover, if possible, the 
method by which the aboriginal inhabitants of this country had 
produced their artifacts. For this purpose he learned to chip 

362 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Stone knives of materials which can be wrought in this manner, 
and to fashion other materials which must be wrought by batter- 
ing and grinding. He soon became expert in making arrowheads 
and many other classes of stone implements out of the various 
materials which he found on his travels through the state. He 
also experimented on the making of pottery, on the weaving of 
baskets, and the making of utensils from birch-bark, and especially 
upon the construction of canoes from birch-bark and of logs 
through the agency of stone tools and fire, for he prided himself 
on reproducing the Indian arts by only such means as he supposed 
they were able to command. 

It was by these experiments that he discovered the signifi- 
cance of the beaver teeth found so extensively in the village sites 
of the region. He found that a beaver tooth made an admirable 
carving tool. In later years he discovered many other carving 
tools, especially those of sharks' teeth found elsewhere in the 
United States. One of the remarkable discoveries made in this 
forest workshop was the method by w^hich the Amerinds wove 
their rush mats. First he obtained a sample and then set his 
wits to work at the problem of its manufacture. The rushes 
which constitute the woof could not be handled in a shuttle, and 
the ordinary device of the hand-loom he supposed to be beyond 
the art of the Amerinds. Then he devised a new method of 
weaving such fabrics. He cut into lengths the warp which he de- 
sired to use, using ordinary twine for experimental purposes; 
then he made two stiff rods which he placed upon two sawhorses, 
so that they were parallel and about six inches apart. On this 
framework of rods he placed his strings of warp, one end over 
each pole, so that the middle portion of the string fell down to 
the ground, while the ends of the string turned over the poles. 
Then he attached to either end of the string a stone weight, and 
having a succession of warp-strings distributed at intervals along 
the poles, he placed several rushes upon the warp-string between 
the rods, then taking the ends of the strings with their weights 


one in either hand, he crossed them, and then left them to again 
hang down over the rods. Having crossed all of the warp-strings 
in this manner, he again placed one or more rushes over the first 
bundle on the crossed string of the warp, and continued this pro- 
cess until the rush mat was completed. Prior to this time these 
warp-weights had been found widely distributed over the United 
States and were considered to be plummets or sinkers. You will 
find them still labeled in this manner in most collections. But 
Gushing was not sure that he had yet found the purpose of these 
so-called sinkers until in after years he found them used in this 
manner in the Far West. I have myself seen them used as warp- 
weights by the mat-makers of California. 

It was in this workshop of technologic investigation that 
Gushing gained that marvelous skill in handicraft for which he 
became so well known among ethnologists, and which ultimately 
led to the preparation of his paper on Manual Concepts: A Study 
of the Influence of Hand-usage on Culture-grozvth. 

At the age of eighteen he went to Gornell as a special student 
of natural science, continuing from time to time his local studies 
of village sites in New York. In 1876 he was given charge of a 
portion of the National Museum collection at the Gentennial 
Exhibition at Philadelphia. In 1879 ^ called Mr Gushing into 
the service of the Bureau of Ethnology. Nine years before I 
had visited Zuni and the pueblos of the ancient province of Tu- 
sayan. There I had observed the marvelous savage and barbaric 
culture presented in the Pueblo region, and witnessed several 
of the ceremonies performed by its people. The memory of 
these strange sights haunted me, but I was never able to return 
to these investigations, and more than nine years passed before I 
could find some one else to enter upon the examination of this 
interesting subject. In 1879 Mr Gushing was employed in assist- 
ing Colonel Stevenson in making a collection of Pueblo artifacts, 
and this was continued in the subsequent year. I went myself 
with Colonel Stevenson and Mr Gushing into the field and took 

364 AMERICAN ANTIIROPOLOGIsr [n. s., 2, 190a 

occasion to have many conversations with the latter about the 
wonderful things which I had witnessed in 1870. I told him 
that I had long held it in view to have some one to investigate 
the subject. Through these conversations he became deeply 
interested in the sociology as well as in the mythology and re- 
ligion of these people, and he finally concluded to stay at ZuHi 
and see if it were not possible to be initiated into the mysteries 
of the life of the people. Many travelers had already seen the 
strange pueblos founded on rocks in the midst of the desert, and 
had learned all that could be learned without becoming a mem- 
ber of a tribe and learning its language. But Gushing decided 
that he would do everything necessary to make the intimate 
acquaintance of the people by learning their language, and, if 
possible, to gain admittance into the tribe and to become a mem- 
ber of one or more of their religious fraternities. So when we 
turned away from Zuni we left Frank Gushing among the people. 
He soon ingratiated himself into their good will and was adopted 
into one of their clans, — the Macaw, — and the sacred name 
" Medicine-flower," borne by only one person in a lifetime, was 
given him. Then he was initiated into one of their leading fra- 
ternities. From month to month and almost from week to week 
he rapidly gained in knowledge of the Zuni language, so that 
early the next year he wrote me that he had won a place in the 
esteem of the people and was confident that he could earn 
that promotion which seemed to him necessary in order that 
he might fully understand the nature of their government and 
especially the character of their religion. He found no diffi- 
culty in gaining knowledge of their mythology, but he found 
that they were very loath to reveal the secrets of their re- 
ligion. At last success crowned his labors, for within a year 
he could speak the language, was the second chief of the tribe, 
and was promoted to a leading position in one of the most 
important of the fraternities — the Priesthood of the Bow. To 
accomplish this end it had been necessary for him to live with 


the people. He lived in the family of the governor; he adopted 
the native costume, ate native food, never spoke a word of 
his mother tongue, but assiduously cultivated the speech of 
the people, until finally he took part in their councils and in 
their sacred ceremonies. 

For five years Gushing led this life, returning to civiliza- 
tion but once, when he brought a party of Zufii natives east, 
visiting Boston and other large cities of the Atlantic coast. 
Everywhere he, with his party, was warmly received by the 
people, and the poor Zufii, who could not speak a word of Eng- 
lish, were yet indoctrinated into the ways of civilization by those 
object lessons which Gushing was able to conduct for them. 
When he with his Indian chiefs returned to their home in the 
desert, Gushing's power over the Zufii was firmly established. 

In looking back over tlie history of these times one cannot but 
admire the leadership which Gushing displayed. While as a 
student of ethnology he was engaged in learning the characteris- 
tics of Zuni religion, in recording their mythology, and in becom- 
ing deeply versed in their methods and principles of government, 
he at the same time led the Zufii to look with favor on the ways 
of civilization and laid the foundation for radical changes in their 
life, so that today all of these Pueblo peoples of Zuni and 
Tusayan are on the highroad to American civilization. They 
have become interested in modern agriculture, have practically 
abandoned many of their ancient customs, and are largely clothed 
as white men ; they have consented to the establishment of 
schools in their midst, and are anxious for their children to learn. 
English ; but above all they are steadily abandoning their ancient 
religious ceremonies, and the new generation, with the gift of 
English speech, will soon accept the boon of Ghristianity. 

These years in the desert, these years of life among savage 
men, these years of toil and privation, were busy years to Gush- 
ing, who pursued his ethnologic investigations with unflagging 
zeal. First, he gained a thorough knowledge of their language. 

366 AMERICAN AiXTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

for he was deft in the acquisition of speech ; at the same time he 
gained a thorough knowledge of tlie nature of the government of 
the Zufli, took part in it himself, and became an influential man 
in their councils. With his skill in handicraft he became an ex- 
pert in all their labors, and there was nothing that a Zufli could 
make which he could not produce with greater skill. In the 
mythology of the people he became a pundit, and in their religious 
ceremonies he was more learned than the high-priest himself. 

From 1886 to 1888 Mr Gushing organized and conducted 
archeologic research in the Salado and Gila valleys in Arizona, in 
charge of the Hemenway Southwestern Archeological Expedi- 
tion, which was generously endowed by the late Mrs Mary 
Hemenway of Boston, In 1888 he made extensive excavations 
in the ruins of the " Seven Cities of Gibola " which had been dis- 
covered and identified by him seven years previously. 

His health gave way, the privations of his life at Zufii had 
undermined his constitution, and he was compelled to return to 
the East for medical advice. After many vicissitudes and much 
suffering he finally consulted Dr Pepper, of Philadelphia, under 
whose treatment he partially recovered. Then Dr Pepper came 
to Washington for a consultation with me about the future course 
of life which Gushing should pursue. He recommended that he 
should go to Florida for a few months, at least, and perhaps for 
a year. Dr Pepper offered to raise the money to defray the ex- 
penses of an exploring expedition in the everglades and keys of 
the extreme southern portion of that peninsula. The expense of 
the expedition was borne in part by Dr Pepper himself, but 
chiefly by Mrs Phoebe Hearst. The discoveries made by Gush- 
ing on this expedition were of great interest and of profound 
importance in American archeology, and at his death he had 
nearly finished a voluminous report on his discoveries. 

Gushing was a man of genius. He not only had the zeal for 
labor and the gift of untiring toil, but he had the genius for the 
interpretation of facts. In his association with men he was 


always kindly and courteous ; everywhere he made friends, and 
when he made one he could never again sever the bond. He 
loved his wife, who shared with him the dangers and privations 
of the wilderness. From the time that we first went together to 
Zuni until the day of his death he was my companion and 
friend, and I loved him as a father loves his son. 

Remarks by Alice C. Fletcher 

My acquaintance with Mr Gushing dates from the spring of 
1882. He had come to Washington with some of his Zufii friends 
on his first return East from his ethnologic researches in the 
Southwest. I was also just from my studies in the homes of the 
Indians in the Missouri valley, having left them to plead before 
Congress the cause of a tribe that was threatened with the loss of 
its ancestral lands. Mr Gushing and I, all unknown to each 
other, had been doing our work in the same manner, both going 
to live with the natives, accepting the natural conditions and 
merging ourselves, as far as possible, with the people, that we 
might learn their social organization, customs, and religious rites. 
This similarity of method and experience coilld not fail to make 
our first meeting one of peculiar interest, and the acquaintance 
thus begun soon ripened into companionship and a friendship 
that, as the years passed, grew in strength and helpfulness. 

Rereading some of Mr Gushing's papers printed during the 
last ten years, I have noted with delight that they preserve much 
of his personality and illustrate his peculiar wealth of mental 
imagery, so that the man whom we have known may yet be 
known to those who are to come after us. 

The keynote of Mr Gushing's personality seems to have been 
an unconscious sympathy. It dominated his elastic step and 
erect carriage, as he came and went, never intruding, and always 
meeting one with a smile that started from the eyes and spread 
over the kindly face. It governed his speech and the choice of 
his language ; it controlled his methods of research and was the 

368 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s. , 2, 1900 

master key that unlocked so many secrets to his deft hands and 
keen vision. Hear his words, spoken in 1895, when making his 
address as Vice-president of the Section of Anthropology in the 
American Association for the Advancement of Science: 

''Well-nigh all anthropology is personal history ; even the things of 
past man were personal, like as never they are to ourselves now. 
They must, therefore, be both treated and worked at, not solely 
according to ordinary methods of procedure or rules of logic, or to 
any given canons of learning, but in a profoundly personal mood and 
way. If I would study any old, lost art, let us say, I must make 
myself the artisan of it — must, by examining its products, learn both 
to see and to feel as much as may be the conditions under which they 
were produced and the needs they supplied or satisfied ; then, rigidly 
adhering to tliose conditions and constrained by their resources alone, 
as ignorantly and anxiously strive with my own hands to reproduce, 
not to imitate, these things as ever strove primitive man to produce 
them. I have virtually the same hands he had, the same physique, 
generally or fundamentally the same activial and mental functions, 
that men had in ages gone by, no matter how remote. If, then, I 
dominate myself with their needs, surround myself with their material 
conditions, aim to do as they did, the chances are that I shall restore 
their acts and their arts, however lost or hidden ; shall learn precisely 
as they learned, rediscovering what they discovered precisely as they 
discovered it. Thus may I reproduce an art in all its stages ; see how 
it began, grew, developed into, and affected other arts and things — all 
because, under the circumstances I limit myself to the like of, — it be- 
came and grew and differentiated in other days." 

His entrance into this method of training is told in his own 
picturesque way. He says: 

" When I was a boy less than ten years of age, my father's man, 
while plowing one day, picked up and threw to me across the furrows 
a little l)lue flint arrowpoint, saying, ' The Indians made that ; it is 
one of tlieir arrowheads.' I took it up fearfully, wonderingly, in my 
hands. It was small, cold, shining, and sharp, — perfect in shape. 
Nothing had ever aroused my interest so much. That little arrow- 
point decided the purpose and calling of my whole life. ... I 
treasured that small arrow blade on the lid of an old blue chest in my 
little bedroom, until the cover of that chest was overfilled with others 


like it. . . . When nearly fourteen years of age I discovered in 
the woods south of Medina, New York, an ancient Indian fort. I 
built a hut there, and used to go there and remain days at a time, dig- 
ging for relics when the sun shone, and on rainy days and at night in 
the light of the camp fire, studying by experiment how the more 
curious [of the relics] had been made and used." 

In these early experiences we see the lad led by his uncon- 
scious sympathy into an environment and adopting conditions 
that laid the foundation for his future triumphs in technologic 

The peculiar wealth of his mental imagery was germane to his 
personality. To him everything was alive ; nothing was dead or 
incapable of responding to his vital touch. Like these spring 
days, when every twig and bough and buried root is sending 
forth in unmeasured profusion tokens of the life hidden within 
it, so, in the atmosphere of his mind, the crude ceremony, the 
archaic thought, the mnemonic symbol, each and all gave forth 
to him the secret meaning which through them was struggling for 
expression. His unconscious sympathy, his abounding mental 
vigor that pain and years of suffering could not quench, made 
him a master in reading the thoughts of the race he studied. 

As an example of his divining power I will mention an inci- 
dent of recent occurrence : 

Mr Gushing had been studying the symbolic use of birds 
in connection with ceremonial objects among the Indians, both 
ancient and modern. A year or two ago I called his attention to 
the manner in which the woodpecker was treated on the sacred 
peace calumet : its upper mandral was turned back upon the 
crest. This aroused Mr Cushing's interest ; we talked of it 
again and again when we met. At last he said, " I have been 
looking for the evidence of similar treatment, and I think I have 
found out the reason." Rising and walking rapidly, he stopped 
suddenly, and said : " I knoiv why they turned the mandral back, 
— it was to prevent the crest from rising, to show that the 
bird could not be angry ; he must serve the cause of peace." 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2 — 24. 

370 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Not long afterward an old priest (of a tribe unstudied by Mr 
Gushing), the keeper of a rite in which these peace calumets are 
used, gave me the ritual. In speaking of the woodpecker, he 
said, " The mandral is turned back upon the red crest of the bird 
that it may not rise; he cannot become angry," — a singular con- 
firmation of Mr Cushing's power of thinking his way along the 
lines of aboriginal thought. 

To him the unseen was the real. He was busy, not with 
externals merely, "but rather," as he has said of his work, "as to 
how and why they became at all, ... of the laws and prin- 
ciples which have governed man's development under all sorts of 
circumstances and in every age and land." 

Remarks by Washington Matthews 

Of the many remarkable achievements of Mr Gushing, there 
is none, perhaps, so remarkable and so fruitful in its results as his 
excavations in the Salado valley in Arizona — the work of the 
Hemenway Southwestern Archeological Expedition. 

This work, begun in 1887, ^^^^s the first systematic effort ever 
made to excavate the wonderful ruins of the Southwest within 
our borders. For over three hundred years the existence of such 
ruins had been known to civilized man. During the forty years 
of American occupancy which preceded Gushing's labors, ruins in 
Arizona and New Mexico had been often sketched, photographed, 
described, modeled, surveyed, and superficially examined ; but no 
one had undertaken to dig into them. 

A famous American archeologist said to me in 1880 that he 
did not consider excavation necessary to the study of Pueblo 
archeology. He has learned better since, and largely through the 
example of Mr Gushing. If such was the opinion of one of the 
high-priests of American archeology, can we blame the lesser 
lights and the uninitiated laity for their ignorance and indif- 
ference ? 

But there were some practical reasons why explorations in the 


Southwest were long deferred: much of the land was held by 
hostile Indians who have been but recently subdued ; and the 
country was difficult of access before the railroads were built. 
Money for the costly purposes of excavation was not to be pro- 
cured ; American scholars were interested in the Old World, and 
so, of course, were the wealthy patrons whom they influenced. 

Slowly have our scientists come to discover how dense was 
their ignorance of things American. Mr Gushing has told me the 
following very characteristic tale of a Washington archeologist, 
now deceased : 

When he heard that his young friend was going to Zuni to 
study the ethnology of its people, he said : " Mr Gushing, I 
understand you are going to Zuiii. You will stay there perhaps a 
month, perhaps two or three months. While you are gone I will 
consult my authorities" (waving his hand grandly at his well-filled 
book-cases), " and when you come back, I will write a better 
book than yours." Thus we see that one of the foremost of our 
students of American antiquities believed that the crude work of 
the few hasty travelers who had visited Zuni contained all that 
could be known about its people, and that a few months would 
suffice Mr Gushing to learn all that he needed to know. He 
remained five years, learning something new every day to the last. 

In studying the mythology and religion of the Zuni people, 
Mr Gushing felt that something was lacking. He found allusions 
to many things which the present life of Zuni could not explain. 
The nature of these problems, and the way in which our explorer 
believed he had solved them by means of excavation, have been 
explained by him in a paper read before the seventh session of 
the International Gongress of Americanists at Berlin in 1888, and 
published in the Compte Rendu of the Gongress. We have not 
time to give the details. Let it suffice here to say that he be- 
came convinced that by exploring ruins far to the southwest of 
Zufii he might find a key to the mysteries, and he determined to 
seek it there. 

372 AMERICAN ANTIIKOPOLOGISr [n. s., 2, 1900 

To the ordinary investi<^ator this might seem the errand of a 
madman. The land southwest of Zufii is a vast wilderness filled 
with ruins and other ancient remains. The proverbial needle in 
the ha\'stack might seem as easy to find as his ke}'. But he was 
a man of rare intuition who beheld clearly what others saw only 
as "through a glass darkly." The intuition which guided him to 
his wonderful discoveries in Florida, from the contemplation of a 
single specimen brought from there, had, before -this time, guided 
him to other discoveries. 

But where should he obtain the money for his costly investi- 
gations ? Here fortune and perhaps his own eloquent tongue 
assisted him, and a wealthy, patriotic lady of Boston, Mrs Mary 
Hemenway, came to his aid with abundant means, and he set out 
for the Southwest on his " wild-goose chase." 

In February, 1887, he arrived with a party of assistants in the 
neighborhood of Tempe, in the valley of Salt river, or Rio Sala- 
do, in Arizona. At first he worked in the uplands on some stone 
ruins of a kind widely distributed over the Southwest, without 
finding anything unusual or discovering the clews he sought. 
While thus discouragingly employed, he learned of a large 
earthen mound, some nine miles from Tempe on the bot- 
tom of Salt river, and he proceeded to dig here and in the 
vicinit}'. The structure, which was an irregular rectangle, rudely 
terraced, seemed an earthen mound such as was once common in 
Mississippi valley ; but being excavated it was found to be the 
remains of a great clay building, of many stories, similar to the 
long-known Casa Grande, some 35 miles distant in the Gila 
valley. The flood-plain surrounding the mound, overgrown with 
mesquite trees and sagebrush, showed to the untrained eye no 
evidence of former habitation ; but the eye of our explorer saw 
abundant evidence in the shape of potsherds and other products 
of human labor. He set his workmen to digging, and they soon 
exposed numerous foundations of earthen walls. The party 
camped beside this mound all summer and excavated until they 


exposed the remains of an ancient city, sonne six miles in length 
and from half a mile to a mile in width. This place he named 
Pueblo dc los Muertos, or, briefly, Los Mticrtos^ the " Town of the 
Dead," from the great number of skeletons which he exhumed 
there. Subsequent excavations revealed many other cities as 
large as this or larger, and in all these there were skeletons ; but 
he retained the name of Los Muertos for the first, and found 
other appropriate Spanish names for the remainder. Thus on his 
maps we find one ruined city named Los Homos, "The Ovens," 
from the number and good preservation of the bread ovens 
found there ; another called Las Aceqiiias; from the number and 
good condition of the acequias, or artificial water channels, there 
seen ; a third named Los Giianacos because in it he found many 
pottery images of an animal which he could not identify with 
any now inhabiting Arizona, but which he thought resembled 
some of the CamellidcB of South America — the vicuna, llama, or 
guanaco. I may here mention that he found in many houses 
collections of spherical stones which he thought might be the 
remains of bolas such as the South Americans use, and he found 
rock inscriptions which he thought might represent llamas and 
hunters casting the bolas. 

There is not sufficient space to enter into many of the details 
of his great work ; a few of his results only can be mentioned. 

Besides the first great clay building or casa g-rafide, — priest 
temple he called it, — the remains of many more of these stupen- 
dous buildings were found (in one city there were seven), and he 
found in these some mythic relations to the estufas or kivas of 
modern Zuhi. The temples were made of mud, covering a core 
of wicker-work. They were, in fact, great mud-covered baskets. 

He found another class of great buildings that were apparently 
used for public games and ceremonials, which he called sun- 
temples. Each, consisting of a single chamber, was elliptical in 
form, rounded on top, not so lofty as the priest temple but 
covering a greater area. One measured 150 feet in width by over 

374 AMERICA^W ANTIIKOPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, igoo 

200 feet in length. It is thought to have resembled, when in use 
an inverted, elongated unburned earthen bowl. 

But perhaps the most notable work of the ancient Saladoans 
was their system of irrigation. The land of which we are speak- 
ing is a hot desert flood-plain surrounded by sterile, woodless 
mountains. No crops can be raised without abundance of irriga- 
tion, and as the ancient Saladoans lived almost exclusively on the 
products of their fields, they had to employ with great care the 
waters of Salt river. The accquias niadrcs, or mother canals, were 
traced for a distance of over 150 miles, notwithstanding the drift- 
ing sands of centuries had done much to obliterate them. Their 
remains were found at distances of fifteen or twenty miles from the 
bed of the river from which they derived their water. They were 
deep and broad enough to be used for purposes of navigation. 
The great timbers brought from pine-clad mountains fifty or sixty 
miles away and used in constructing the temples were probably 
rafted to their destination on these canals. Crops were moved 
upon them. There are localities where the old beds are used 
today by the white settlers for wagon roads. In one place, near 
the present Mormon settlement of Mesa City, about ten miles 
from the ruins of Los Mucrtos, an ancient canal was dug through 
a hard rocky layer. The Mormon community made use of the 
prehistoric cut when constructing their own irrigating ditch. I 
have heard on good authority that the Mormons estimate the 
saving made by using this cut at twenty thousand dollars. It 
would be difficult to estimate the equivalent of this in human 
hands and days of labor, when the stone ax was man's best imple- 
ment, when man was his own beast of burden, and when he had 
no better way of removing the debris than that of gathering it in 
his hands, loading it into a basket, and bearing it away on his 

Pottery, finely finished and elaborately decorated, was found 
in great abundance. Much of it was in perfect condition. Some 
had been buried with the dead ; some had been used as funeral 


urns to contain the ashes of the cremated. Some of the symbolic 
decorations resembled those of Zuhi ; others were similar to those 
of Peru. 

The majority of the dead were cremated, their ashes being 
interred outside the dwellings. A few, supposed to belong to 
the priestly class, were buried without cremation and inside the 
houses. Their graves were found sometimes under the floors, 
where Zuiii folklore had taught Mr Gushing to look for them ; 
sometimes within the thick adobe walls ; sometimes partly under 
the floor and partly within the wall. Children were often buried 
under the floors close to the fireplaces for mythic reasons which 
Mr Gushing explains. It is fortunate for science that all were not 

On the 1st of September, 1887, I arrived in Mr Gushing's 
camp at Los Miiertos, for the purpose of looking after his health, 
which was in bad condition, and to assist him, if necessary, in his 
work. After my arrival, the first objects which attracted my 
attention were, naturally, the skeletons. I found them scattered 
in fragments over the ground, in some cases reduced to dust. 
They had become very friable from their long interment, and on 
exposure to air and sunlight soon disintegrated. Besides, air 
and sunlight had good assistance from vandal visitors who used 
their boots most successfully to hasten destruction. No effort had 
been made to preserve the bones up to the time of my arrival. I 
procured all the paraf^ne I could buy in Phoenix and Tempe, and 
did my best, thereafter, to preserve the bones as they were un- 
earthed. After my return to Washington, Dr Jacob L. Wortman, 
anatomist of the Army Medical Museum, went out to Mr Gush- 
ing's camp, well equipped with material for preserving the bones. 

I had not been long studying these osseous remains when I 
became convinced that they were, in many respects, the most 
unique ever discovered. After they were brought to Washington, 
they were studied more thoroughly and described in volume VI of 
the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. 

3/6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Not the least result of the labors of Gushing and the munifi- 
cence of Mrs Hemenway has been to direct the attention of 
scholars and capitalists to our southwestern land as a fruitful field 
of exploration. 

There was one great drawback to Mr Cushing's usefulness. 
His life was too full of eager quest. He rarely rested long 
enough from his breathless race to tell his tale. " Give ! Give ! " 
was the ceaseless cry of the horse-leech's daughters in his heart. 
I know that much of the information gathered in Salado valley 
was never written ; I know the same of his long investigations in 
the pueblo of Zufii. He learned much under conditions which 
can never be repeated. He bore in his mind the lore of an irre- 
trievable past. Other faithful laborers may follow on his trail — 
in truth, others have already followed him, yet they cannot recover 
much that he alone knew and that is now buried with him forever. 
In many things, his loss to science is irremediable, for 

" Who shall lift that wand of magic power, 
And the lost clew regain ? 
The unfinished window in Aladdin's tower 
Unfinished must remain." 

Remarks by Steivari Culin 

My acquaintance with Mr Gushing dates from the spring of 
1893, when I met him in Washington and soon after again in 
Chicago. We quickly became warm friends, finding many inter- 
ests in common, and being more closely drawn together as the 
years went on. In Ghicago he was engaged in setting up some 
groups of Zufli figures at the Exposition ; I in arranging my col- 
lection of games in the Anthropological building. He perceived 
the striking analogies existing between the Zufli games with 
which he was acquainted and those from eastern Asia in my col- 
lection, and insisted upon making examples of the Indian objects 
for me that I might illustrate directly the curious parallels. The 
specimens which he then inii)rovised remain among my most 


interesting and valued souvenirs of this gifted man. With other 
exhibits at Chicago which particularly attracted Mr Gushing was 
one from the clifT dwellings of Mancos canon, Colorado. He 
spent much time in studying this collection, and with his knowl- 
edge of the existing Pueblos and their traditions made many 
identifications of this prehistoric material which will prove to be 
of permanent scientific value. 

In the seven years which have passed, Mr Cushing spent much 
time in Philadelphia. In the spring of 1895, while under Dr 
Pepper's care, he met Colonel Durnford and soon after started on 
that expedition to Florida which yielded such amazing results, — 
results which should give Mr Cushing lasting fame had he achieved 
naught beside. 

It is my pleasure to bear testimony not only of Mr Cushing's 
services to the cause of science generally, but specifically to the 
institution with which I am connected. He interested and stim- 
ulated those upon whom we depend for financial support, and he 
left many substantial tokens of his life-work among the collec- 
tions committed to my charge. Personally, I owe him an obliga- 
tion not easily expressed in words. 

Mr Cushing's chief ideal was perfected knowledge. He was 
consumed by a desire to know and to understand. He was forever 
questioning, and, while he despised no source of information, he 
ever sought his replies in direct personal experiment. Living in 
the world and of the world he was utterly disregardful of self. 
His spirit strayed full often. Even now I think of him, not as 
dead, but only reunited to that wild brotherhood to whom his 
heart went out. 

Letter from yoseph D. Mc Guire 

I find at the last moment that matters over which I have no 
control will make impossible my presence at the meeting of the 
Anthropological Society in memory of Mr Cushing, yet I trust 

3/8 AMERICAN AN THKOPOLOCIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

that a few words from me may be recorded as expressive of the 
loss sustained by Anthropology in Mr Cushing's death. 

Principal Dawson, of Montreal, years ago wrote that in order 
to properly appreciate Stone-age conditions in Europe, one had a 
better field of studying primitive races and their manner of life 
in America than elsewhere. Study of primitive conditions almost 
conclusively demonstrates that throughout the world man resorted 
to similar methods to support life, and Gushing in his life at Zufti 
lived as an Indian and studied their life as one would a problem 
in mathematics. He sat in their councils and learned the tra- 
ditions of their forefathers. He studied their mythology and 
familiarized himself with their tools and their uses. Their daily 
life for years was his own, consequently he was enabled to make 
clear the Indian method of thought. 

During an acquaintance with Mr Gushing extending over 
a period closely approximating a quarter of a century, I never 
heard him say an unkind word of any one, but had a pleas- 
ant word for all, especially for those who were in any manner 
studying primitive conditions of the American Indians. 

He was about the first who laid bare an aboriginal soapstone 
quarry where the natives made their cooking utensils. His de- 
scriptions of the methods of the manufacture of pottery and of 
metal-working would entitle him to rank among the greatest of 
the ethnologists of his })eriod had he done nothing else. He was 
an expert stone-chipper, and he familiarized the world with cer- 
tain methods of primitive peoples in stone-fracturing. Had 
longer life been spared him, doubtless much more would have 
been heard from him concerning it. Of his work in other fields 
of ethnology, others are more competent to speak than I. 

The Washington school of Anthropology has certainly lost 
one of its brightest lights. In the going out of his life we have 
lost a man who was in many respects one of the most original 
minds among anthropologists; but it must be a comfort to his 
relations, as it certainly is to his friends, that before he was taken 




away his name had been inscribed among those of the brilliant 
ones who have passed so many years in aiding in the diffusion of 
knowledge among mankind. 

Bibliography of Frank Hamilton Gushing 

Antiquities of Orleans county, New York. 
(Annual Report of the .Smithsonian In- 
stitution for 1S74, pp. 375-377 ; Wash- 
ington, 1S75.) 

The Zufii social, mythic, and religious 
systems. {Popular Science Monthly, 
vol. XXI, pp. 186-192 ; New York, 
June, 1882.) 

The Nation of the Willows. {Atlantic 
Monthly, vol. L; New York, Sept. and 
Oct., i'882.) 

My adventures in Zuni. I-III. {Cen- 
tury Magazine, New York, Dec, 1882; 
Feb. and May, 1883.) 

Zuni fetiches. {Second Annual Report 
of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1880-81, 
pp. 3-45 ; Washington, 1883.) 

Zuni weather proverbs. (In Dunwoody 
(H. H. C), Weather Proverbs, pp. 
124-127 ; Washington, 1883.) 

Zuni breadstuff, i-xix. {The Mill- 
stone, Indianapolis, vol. IX, Jan., 1884, 
to vol. X, Aug., 1885.) 

A study of Pueblo pottery as illustrative 
of Zuni culture-growth. {Fourth An- 
nual Report of the Bureau of Ethnol- 
ogy, 1882-S3, pp. 467-521 ; Washing- 
ton, 1886.) 

Preliminary notes on the origin, working 
hypothesis, and primary researches of 
the Hemenway Southwestern Archaeo- 
logical Expedition. (Congres Interna- 
tional des Americanistes, Coinpte-ren- 
du de la 7e session, Berlin, 1888, pp. 
151-194; Berlin, 1890.) 

A Zuni folk-tale of the underworld. 
{Jotirnal of American Folk-lore, vol. 
V, pp. 49-56 ; Boston and New York, 

The Villard-Bandelier South American 
expedition. {American A7ithropologist, 
vol. V, pp. 273-276 ; Washington, 
July, 1892.) 

Manual concepts : a study of the influence 
of hand - usage on culture - growth. 
{American Anthropologist, vol. v, pp. 
289-317; Washington, Oct., 1892.) 

" The giant cloud-swallower." A Zuni 
tale of the Canon de Chelly. {The 
Archceologist, vol. I, pp. 241-244 ; 
Waterloo, Ind., Dec, 1893.) 

Commentary of a Zuni familiar. (In 
Proctor (Edna D.), Song of the Ancient 
People, pp. 25-49 > Boston and New 
York, 1893.) 

Primitive copper working : an experi- 
mental study. {American Anthropolo- 
gist, vol. VII, pp. 93-117 ; Washing- 
ton, Jan., 1894.) 

The germ of shore-land pottery. An ex- 
perimental study. {Memoirs of the In- 
ternational Congress of Anthropology, 
pp. 217-234 ; Chicago, 1894.) 

A preliminary examination of aboriginal 
remains near Pine island, Marco, West 
Florida. {American Naturalist, vol. 
XXIX, pp. 1132-1135 ; Philadelphia, 
Dec. 1895.) 

The arrow. {American Anthropologist, 
vol. viii, pp. 307-349 ; Washington, 
Oct., 1S95. Proceedings of the Amer- 
ican Association for the Advancement 
of Science, vol. XLiv, pp. 199-240 ; 
Salem, 1896.) 

Keresan Indians. {Johnsofis Universal 
Cyclopcedia, vol. iv ; N. Y., 1894.) 

Pueblo Indians or Pueblos. {Johnson's 
Universal Cyclopcedia, vol. VI ; N. Y., 

Tafioan or Tanoan Indians. {Johnson's 
Universal Cyclopcedia, vol. viii ; N. 
Y., 1895.) 

Zunian Indians. {Johnson's Universal 
Cyclopcedia, vol. viii ; N. Y., 1895.) 

Outlines of Zuni creation myths. ( Thir- 
teenth Annual Report of the Bureau of 
Ethnology, 1892-93, pp. 321-447 ; 
Washington, 1S96.) 

Scarred skulls from Florida. {American 
Anthropologist, vol. X, pp. 17-18; 
Washington, Jan., 1897.) 



[n. S., 2, U)00 

The Pepper- Hearst expedition. A pre- 
liminary report on the exploration of 
ancient key-dweller remains on the 
gulf coast of Florida. {Proceedings of 
the American I'hilosophical Society, 
vol. XXXV ; Philadelphia, 1S97. Re- 
printed, Philadelphia, 1897, pp.l-129.) 

Primitive motherhood. ( Work and Works 
of the National Congress of Mothers, 
First Ann. Session, pp. 21-47 ; New 
York, 1897.) 

A case of primitive surgery. {Science, 
N.S., vol. V, pp. 977-981 ; N. Y., June 
25. 1897.) 

Discussion [of J. Cheston Morris' address 
on the " Relation of the pentagonal 
dodecahedron fount! near Marietta, 
Ohio, to shamanism " ] and remarks 
on shamanism. {Proceedings of the 
American Philosophical Society, vol. 
XXXVI ; Philadelphia, 1897.) 

The need of studying the Indian in order 
to leach him. An address delivered 
before the Board of U. S. Indian Com- 
missioners at Washington, D. C, Jan- 
uary 20, 1897. {Twenty-eighth An- 
nual Report of the Board of Indian 
Commissioners; Washington, 1897. 
Reprinted, Albion, N. Y., 1897.) 


Ethnology. Translated from the German of Dr Michael Haber- 

LANDT by J. H. LoEWE. London : J. M. Dent & Co. [New 

York : The Macmillan Co.], 1900. 24°, 169 pp. 

This pretty little volume is one of " The Temple Primers," intended 

to provide the average reader with an up-to-date summary on important 

topics. Such a scheme has the approval of all original investigators. 

It is most important that the work be well done and that economy of 

the reader's time be studied at every point. To this end the following 

advice is offered to the publishers : Do not print the same full-page 

illustration twice. Print the name of the illustration underneath it. 

Refer to the pictures in the text. In your bibliography of ethnology 

find at least one American authority later than E. G. Squier. If the 

Primers are all to be written on the other side of the Atlantic for 

American readers, employ an American editor, O. T. Mason. 

Primitive Love and Love Stories. By Henry T. Finck. New York : 
Charles Scribner's Sons, 1900. 8°, 851 pp. 

The task which Mr Finck has set for himself in this most interesting 
work, is to demonstrate that human love is subject to the laws of evolu- 
tion ; that it is not, as has generally been supposed, a sentiment that 
has always existed as we find it today. He holds that romantic love is 
an evolutionary product, belonging exclusively to the higher stages of 
modern sociological conditions ; that it did not form a part of the nature 
of the human race during the days of the world's primitive civilizations, 
and that it is today still unknown and incapable of existence in states 
of savagery, barbarism, and semi-civilization. 

The literature of the world abounds in love stories, but this is 
perhaps the first attempt to tell the story of Love : the first endeavor 
to subject this phase of human life to the laws of development, and to 
trace its growth from a simple physiological appetite to a highly 
differentiated ])sychical emotion. 

This story of human love as unfolded by Mr Finck is a story for the 
general reader as well as for the scientist and student ; and while it 
may a{)pear to some as more imaginative than real, it cannot fail to 


382 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

excile the interest of even tlie most sceptical ; for not only is it rich 
in illustration through abundant recital of the love-lore and customs 
of primitive peoples, hut it possesses the rare charm of being well 

According to the analysis of the author there are fourteen essential 
ingredients of that very composite mental state which we call romantic 
love. They are individual preference, monopolism, coyness, jealousy, 
mixed moods of hope and despair, hyperbole, adoration, purity, pride, 
personal beauty, gallantry, self-sacrifice, sympathy, and affection. Tc 
prove that these characteristic elements are lacking in the primitive love 
sentiment, he brings to bear a truly remarkable array of ethnological 
facts, representing many years of careful and laborious research. These 
facts, which in the main will be readily admitted by all students of 
anthropology, are not only of interest in themselves and as evidence 
in support of the author's contention, but a special interest attaches to 
many of them in view of the interpretation placed upon them by Mr 
Finck in opposition to the explanations offered by Darwin, Westermarck, 
and other reputed authorities. 

In the light of the evidence presented he very clearly and very forci- 
bly demonstrates that romantic love as we know it today played no 
part in the love romances of the Greeks, Romans, Arabians, Persians, 
Hebrews, and other early nations of the world, notwithstanding popular 
opinion to the contrary. He shows, furthermore, the fallacy of the 
assumption that any of the elements of romantic love are capable of 
expression among savage or barbarous tribes ; that love with them is a 
purely sensual or selfish sentiment, prompted solely by desire or merce- 
nary motives, and utterly lacking in the altruistic and psychic qualities 
that characterize the present development of sexual attraction. 

Not the least interesting and instructive feature of this unique work 
is the author's very convincing demonstration that ethical and moral 
sentiments are not inborn, but, on the contrary, are acquired as the re- 
sult of sociologic conditions. He very clearly shows, by the evidence 
of customs in vogue among primitive peoples of the present time, that 
our notions regarding murder, incest, chastity, modesty, monogamy, 
etc., are by no means inspired by any moral sentiment inherent in the 
human race. 

It is upon this ground that he bases his argument for the evolution 
of love, affirming that in common with modesty, chastity, and other 
ethnic features of modern civilization, romantic love has grown up 
slowly, subject to the laws of development, into its present exalted 

Clifford Howard. 


Overtro og Trolddom. Alfr. Lehmann. Kjubenhavn : 1893-94. 8°, 
pp. vi, 166, 191, 173, 390, xiii. Aberglaube und Zauberei. [Stutt- 
gart : F. Enke, 1898.J 
Professor Lehmann's book, now rendered easily accessible to foreign 
students, performs a threefold service to the world of science. It con- 
tains a wonderfully complete and scholarly history of superstition and 
magic ; it affords to psychologists a study in primitive, ancient, and 
modern mental processes ; and it deserves the gratitude of the anthropol- 
ogist and the sociologist in that it sheds the light of a sensible psychology 
on some of the less-understood sides of early and modern superstition 
and religion. The volume warrants translation into English. Only a 
few of its many suggestive facts and conclusions can be stated here. 

Superstitions are the aberrations of man's mind in the field of 
religion and science. Superstition is a relative term ; the lines of its 
definition are vanishing ones, for all depends upon the standpoint of 
judgment. Superstition is science until it is superseded or disproved 
repeatedly and emphatically. Keppler demolished the science of as- 
trology, which thereupon sunk to the position of a groundless super- 
stition. Superstition is, in fine, that which comes into strife with our 
own religious or scientific conceptions of the real and true; "every 
general idea is superstitious which either has no foundation in a certain 
religion, or is in strife with the scientific conception of nature of a given 
time." As for magic, "superstition is the theory ; magic the practice." 
These definitions indicate the scope of the work, which treats of 
shamanism, demonology, methods of divining the future, ordeals, witch- 
processes, etc., together with the pseudo-sciences, such as astrology, 
alchemy, spiritualism, and theosophy; 

Historically, much of European superstition and magic originated 
in the East. There were two chief streams of Oriental influence — one 
flowing immediately from Chaldea, succeeding the conquests of Alex- 
ander the Great, the other derived less directly from the same country 
through the medium of Jews, Egyptians, and Arabs, and arriving in 
southern Europe with the Moors. 

Professor Lehmann's historical treatment of the subject is remarka- 
bly complete ; the instances are well selected and the arrangement all 
that could be asked. We find that the Chaldean ideas and practices, 
which are described in detail, moved steadily westward, taking on 
a character peculiar to the nations within which they were trans- 
planted. Indigenous contributions to the borrowed product are found 
to have been almost negligible. The greater part of these super- 
stitions passed over into the Middle Ages and were adopted, with 
characteristic modification of details, into the medieval church. 

3^4 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

To this point the southern stream also converges, bringing Hebrew 
cabalistic methods, the search for the philosopher's stone, and the read- 
ing of the stars. As usual with the ignorant, the more advanced sci- 
ence was taken to be sorcery ; persecution of the Jews and savage 
witch-processes alternated with complacent, metaphysical reasonings 
on questions which were either imaginary or for which a solution 
could not possibly be found. After these empty dogmatists came the 
pioneers of the modern world, Paracelsus, Roger Bacon, and their fel- 
lows, soon to be succeeded by Galileo, Keppler, and Huygens, in the 
light of whose discoveries the quondam sciences were shown to be 
mere superstition. 

In the third part of the treatise we are introduced to the modern 
forms of superstition and magic — spiritualism, "psychic force," 
alleged power over the "fourth dimension," theosophy, and fakirism. 
Recalling the definition of superstition with which Professor Lehmann 
begins his work, it is clear that the fact of his treating these subjects at 
all is evidence of his conviction that they are unable to endure the 
tests of modern scientific norms ; his own investigations have aided in 
bringing out some of their charlatanism. The full history of Sweden- 
borg, Andrew Jackson Davis, and Madame Blavatsky is given, as well 
as the results of experiments and observations made by the author and 
other psychologists of note. 

It is in the fourth part of this work, however, that theories and 
views are presented which are new to anthropology, at least in the 
matter of their apt and systematic application to phenomena in the 
life of the uncivilized and of the ancients. 

In short, the author, after explaining the nature of sleep, dreams, 
somnambulism, ecstasy, hysteria, and hypnosis, proceeds to apply such 
psychic conclusions in an explanation of religion and sorcery. He 
discusses normal and abnormal inexactitude in the processes of obser- 
vation, memory, and association of ideas ; the effect on judgment of 
prejudice, mental strain, fear, and terror ; and the results of practice 
and habit. Experimental demonstration is appended in most cases. 
Applying conclusions to the history of superstition, many of the fabu- 
lous monsters, stellar portents, cases of " supernatural " healing, dream- 
y)rophecies, and omens in general yield a reasonable explanation. 
Synchronous, involuntary, and automatic movements are found to 
produce the table-moving of the modern spiritualists ; many of their 
feats are merely skillful imi)Osture, effected by manual dexterity. 

Sleep, dreams, somnambulism, hallucinations (normal and abnor- 
mal), epilepsy, hysteria, and hypnotic suggestion have had, the author 


thinks, an immense influence upon the superstition of all times. Hys- 
teria and hypnosis are shown to be closely rehated in nature, while 
autohypnosis, with self-suggestion, is found to be induced by the use 
of certain narcotics, or by the fixing of attention ("contemplation") 
upon some object such as water, a crystal, a shining ball, a part of the 
body, or the like. Prophets, from the Siberian shaman to the Delphic 
Pythia, have, by intoxication, brought themselves into aulohypnotic 
trances and ecstasies. Nervous persons make the best " mediums," 
and, naturally enough, women far surpass men in this field. Sweden- 
borg and Davis were nervous wrecks. Moreover, the power to act as 
mediums is sometimes lodged in a special people ; for instance, the 
Etruscans and Finns, whose magic besides bears strong resemblance to 
that of the Chaldeans. 

Application of these psychic theories is successfully and convincingly 
made to many prehistoric and historic cases. Lehmann's work seems 
to have made a decided contribution to anthropological data and 
theory. Albert G. Keller 

Archaeological Report, i8gg. Being part of Appendix to the Report of the 
Minister of Education, Ontario. Toronto: 1900. iv, 199 pp., illus- 

The Reports of this series are always welcome as they contain new 
material in regard to the archeology of Canada. In addition to the 
report by the archeologist, Mr David Boyle, this volume includes the 
following papers : New sites in (North) Victoria county, by G. E. 
Laidlaw ; Notes on sites of Huron villages in Simcoe county, by An- 
drew F. Hunter; Description of village, by Samuel D. Frazer ; Indian 
village sites in the counties of Oxford and Waterloo, by W. J. Wintem- 
berg ; The Wyandots, by William E. Connelley ; The war of the 
Iroquois, by Benjamin Suite ; Notes on some Mexican relics, by Mrs 
Wm. Stuart ; Pagan dance songs of the Iroquois, by Alex. T. Cringan ; 
and A study of the word Toronto, by Gen. John S. Clark ; also an 
obituary notice of Dr Brinton. 

Mr Boyle's report, after mentioning the additions to the Museum, 
adds some notes on clay and stone pipes, bone articles, some curiously 
marked phalangeal bones, a rattlesnake gorget, Huron crania, an Iro- 
quois medicine-man's mask, the " Macassa," an article of "vegetal 
character " carved by a white person ; and on the remains on Pelee 
island. There are also brief remarks on the Big Corn feast (Lower 
Cayuga), naming a child, the peach-stone game, the wake game, the 
invitation stick, and Turtle clan names. 

The finding of a specimen of the " rattlesnake shell gorget " so far 

AM. ANTH., N. S., 2—2$ 

386 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 2, 1900 

north is certainly interesting. It was doubtless obtained in the south, 
probably by some Iroquois warrior, and carried nortli. 

Many of the^ problems to be solved by the Canadian ethnologists 
and archeologists are exceedingly complicated, for the rapid changes of 
the positions of tribes in post-Columbian times have doubtless caused 
such an intermingling of pre-Columbian and post-Columbian specimens 
as seemingly to [baffle attempts to separate them. As it is only by the 
accumulation of data that this separation can, if ever, be accomplished, 
it is hoi:)ed by other workers in the same field that all possible encour- 
agement|will be given to the investigations being conducted under the 
auspices of the Minister of Education. We judge also that it is very 
desirable to extend the investigations a little farther toward the north- 
west. Cyrus Thomas. 




Baumann (Oskar.) Gottesurtheile bei 
den Svvahili. (Globus, Braunschw., 
IQOO, Lxxvi, 371-373.) Description 
of various forms of ordeals and the 
effect of auto suggestions upon their 
results. — F. B. 

Bloch (A.) Discussion sur la platycne- 
mie. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr., Paris, 1900, 
IV^ serie, X, 447-449.) A contention 
thaiplaiycn/mie is not the result of a 
specific local cause, such as muscular 
development adjacent to the tibia, but 
a variation due to influences affecting 
the whole body. — A. L. K. 

Bollinger. Ueber Sauglings-Sterblich- 
keit und die erbliche functionelle Atro- 
phie der menschlichen Milchdriise. 
(Mitth. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 1900, 
XXX [51-55].) The author finds that 
failure to nurse infants injures both 
mother and child. — A. L. K. 

Bumiiller (J.) Menschen und Affen Fe- 
mur. (Mitth. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 
igoo, XXX [91-94].) From a study of 
the femur, the author comes to the 
conclusion \kvaX pithecanth-opiis erectus 
is a species of Hylobates, or at most a 
new genus of the //j//i5'^fl//fl'(Z'. — A. L. K. 

Buschan (G.) Die Notwendigkeit von 
Lehrstuhlen fiir eine " Lehre vom Men- 
schen " auf deutschen Hochschulen. 
(Centralblatt f. Anthr., Ethn., u. Urg., 
Jena, 1900, v, 65-72.) Calls attention 
to discrepancies and illogical dispro- 
portions between various subjects of 
research at German universities, and 
demands the extension of anthropologic 
study. — A. L. K. 

Edwards (Charles L.) Animal m,yths 
and their origin. (Jour. Am. Folk- 
Lore, Boston, 1900, XI 11, 33-43-) Ad- 
dress delivered at the eleventh annual 
meeting of the American Folk- Lore So- 
ciety. Believes in both independent 
origin and borrowing doctrines and 
that at the base of these is a common 

human ancestry and an evolution of the 
myths concomitantly with that of the 
mind and the body of man. — H. I. S. 

Folli (Ricardo.) Ricerche sulla morfolo- 
gia della cavita glenoidea nelle razze 
umane. (Arch, per I'antrop. e la 
ethnol., Firenze, 1899-1900, xxix, 
fasc. ii, pp. 161-202.) This article is 
also a doctor's thesis. The effects of 
alimentation, sexual differences, differ- 
ences due to age, racial differences, 
variation, asymmetry, and abnormality 
were the subjects of the author's investi- 
gations which dealt with 877 skulls of 
various races (European 448, New Brit- 
ain 105, etc., including 19 "South 
American Indians" from the Pampas, 
and 18 Fuegians). The conclusions 
arrived at are : With peoples largely 
frugivorous, like the Hindus (41 skulls), 
the glenoid fossa is deeper than with 
peoples eminently carnivorous, like the 
Pampas Indians, or omnivorous, like 
Europeans ; and with carnivorous peo- 
ples this fossa is more developed ante- 
ro-posteriorly than with frugivorous 
peoples. Appreciable sexual differ- 
ences do not exist. The characteristic, 
ellipsoidal, deep form of the cavity 
marks the period of youth and con- 
tinues till old age — in infancy and child- 
hood the form is somewhat roundish, 
and less deep, which features also tend 
to reappear in old age, when it is also 
a little less developed antero-posteri- 
orly. With respect to race the chief 
points noted are that the Mongoloids 
approach the child in the roundish form 
of the fossa, and that the depth of the 
cavity decreases gradually from the 
higher races to the lower. Out of some 
2,700 skulls, which Dr Folli passed in 
review as to the absence of the glenoid 
fossa, such absence was sliown in 31 
(white race 10 per 1000, yellow race, 8 
per 1000, black race 20 per 1000, of 
which 22 were males, 6 females, and 3 
uncertain). The general average of ab- 
sence is about 1 1 per looo. which is a 
lower percentage than that of Giuffrida- 
Ruggeri for lunatics,— 13 per 1000.— 
A. F. C. 




[n. S., 2, 1900 

Helm. Ueber die Bedeutung der cliem- 
isclien Analyse bei vorgeschichtlichen 
Untersuchungen. (Mitth. d. Anthr. 
Ges. in Wien, 1900, xxx [30-34].) 
Shows the value of chemical analysis as 
an aid to archeology, especially in the 
case of objects of metal and amber. — 
A. L. K. 

Hofler (.M.) Medizinischer Diimonis- 
mus. (Centralblatt f. Anthr., Ethn., 
u. Urg., Jena, 1900, v, 1-8.) Finds 
the origin of all primitive and popular 
belief in demons or spirits as causing 
and influencing physiological actions, 
in the experience of nightmare. — A. 
L. K. 

Karutz {Dr) Kin lieitrag zur Anthro- 
pologie des Ohres. (Archiv f. An- 
thropologic, Braunschsv., igoo, xxvi, 
733-746.) Development of the anthro- 
pological bearings of a long paper by 
the autlior on the form of the external 
ear published in 1897 in Zeitschrift 
fiir Ohren/ieilkmide. Reports from 
different sources are collected and dis- 
cussed, and a plea is made for the 
recognition of the form and size of the 
ear as a distinguishing characteristic. — 
L. F. 

Karutz. Der Stand der Bogen und 
Pfeilforschung. (Globus, Braunschw., 
19CX), LXXVI, 380-389.) A review of 
investigations referring to forms and 
distribution of bows and arrows, par- 
ticularly in reference to O. T. Mason, 
F. von Luschan, F. Ratzel, E. S. 
Morse, and Weule. — F. B. 

Klaatsch (Hermann.) Die Stellung des 
Menschen in der Reihe der Siiuge- 
thiere. (Globus, Braunschw., 1900, 
LXXVI, 329-332, 354-357) The pri- 
mates are one of the oldest forms of 
mammals. Man has branched off from 
the generalized forms of primates at a 
very early time, and for this reason his 
affiliations are not primarily with the 
anthropoids, but with more generalized 
types of primates. — F. B. 

Die Stellung des Menschen in der 

Primatenreihe. und der Modus seiner 
Hervorbildungauseiner niederenForm. 
(Mitth. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 1900, 
XXX [88-91].) The author finds man 
to be a priniiiive primate, and tlie pri- 
mate a primitive form of mammal. 
The species man is as old as the sejiara- 
tion of the mammalia into their main 
divisions ; and the chief races of man 

cannot be mucii more recent. A cessa- 
tion of natural selection was necessary 
for the (irigin of man. — A. L. K. 

Laborde, Manouvrier, Papillault, et 
Gelle. Etude j^sycho-physiologique, 
mcdico-k'gale et anatomique sur Va- 
cher. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr., Paris, 1900, 
iv« serie x, 453-495.) An extended 
study of an executed degenerate. The 
authors declare him to have been irre- 
sponsible, and demand wider legal 
consideration of such a condition. The 
cranium and the brain showed no 
anomalies. — A. L. K. , 

Letourneau (Ch.) La vie de ^con- 
science chez I'homme. (Rev. de I'Ecole 
d'Anth., Paris, 1900. x, r-i6.) The 
author defines the various forms of con- 
sciousness from sensation to a sense of 
morality, in terms of molecular modifi- 
cations of nerve cells and similar simple 
facts vk^ith which he is well acquainted. 
He finds ready amusement in polemics 
against "metaphysical illusions" and 
the " scholastic spirit." He states that 
the theory of hereditary persistence of 
acquired functions and characters is a 
fact, and from it derives civilization. — 
A. L. K. 

Mochi (A.) L'indice encefalo-rachidi- 
ano. (Arch, per I'Antrop. e la etnol., 
Firenze, 1899-1900, xxix, fasc. 
ii, pp. 107-160.) This is the doctor's 
thesis in natural sciences of the author, 
who is assistant to Prof. P. Mantega^za 
in Florence. After a brief historical 
aper^-u of the literature of the subject, 
Dr ^lochi treats of technique, experi- 
ment, and theory. The author's mate- 
rial consisted of 686 skulls (males 428, 
females 258), of which 211 were Italian, 
the rest from divers races, including 16 
Fuegians, 26 Pampas and Patagonian 
Indians, and 54 ancient Peruvians. 
For the cranial capacity Dr Mochi uses 
Broca's method, and for the area of the 
occipital foramen a modilled planime- 
ter. Dr Mochi concludes that the in- 
dex in question, "representing the 
volumetric between the medulla and the 
encephalon.and indicating the develop- 
ment of the higher nervous centers with 
respect to that of the rest of the cerebro- 
spinal nervous system," is "a good 
criterion of the degree of psychic evolu- 
tion," and in the case of man "agrees 
with what is commonly admitted con- 
cerning the psychic hierarchy of the 
races and sexes." The article is fur- 
nished with detailed tables. — A. F. C. 



Miiller (H. C.) Die Grtindung einer 
Zeitschrift fiir allgemeine Sprachwis- 
senschaft. (Verb. d. Berl. Ges. f. 
Anthr., iSgg, xxxi, 497-506.) A plea 
for the establishment of a periodical 
devoted to universal philology and the 
science of language. No action was 
taken by the society. — A. L. K. 

Papillault (G.) Mode de croissance 
chez un geant. (Bull. Soc. d' Anthr., 
Paris, 1900, IV« serie, X, 426-447.) 
Measurement and detailed examination 
of a giant, whose abnormal growth, 
chiefly in the extremities, took place 
from the age of iS to 27. A general 
infantile character was marked. — 
A. L. K. 

Regnault (F.) Morphogenie osseuse ex- 
pliquee par la pathologic. (Bull. Soc. 
d' Anthr., Paris, 1900, iV^ serie, x, 

Schrader (F.) L'homme devant les 
grands phenomenes terrestres. (Rev. 
de I'Ecole d' Anthr. , Paris, 1900, x, 
1 17-125.) Generalities concerning the 
influence on man of his environment, 
" the scientific truth that we are an in- 
tegral part of nature," and other recent 
discoveries. — A. L. K. 

Thuli^ (H.)^ Les primitifs et I'ame. 
(Rev. de I'Ecole d'Anthr., Paris, 1900, 
x, 126-135.) Finds that ignorance, 
terror of death, dreams, etc., are the 
sources of the belief in immortality ; 
the idea of immortality then gave the 
idea of a soul ; from this arose anim- 
ism, — a stage in the development of 
mysticism. — A. L. K. 

Virchow (R.) Meinungen und that- 
sachen in der Anthropologic. (Mitth. 
d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 1900, XXX 
[14-17].) A brief address devoted to 
caution against confusing demonstrable 
facts and personal opinions. In re- 
gard to the debated question of the 
permanence of types, the writer takes 
an undetermined position. He recog- 
nizes the value that archeology has 
been to somatology in this question and 
others ; but thinks an absorption of 
anthropology by archeology impossible. 
—A. L. K. 

Wake (C. Staniland.) The word for 
man and child in different languages. 
(Am. Antiquarian, Chicago, 1900, 
XXII, 33-35.) A list of these words in 
African, Indian Archipelago, Poly- 

nesian, Australasian, Asiatic, and 
American languages. Suggests that 
these may lead to thought of possible 
affinity between Polynesian, Asiatic, 
and American languages. Data in- 
sufficient to prove affinity. — H. I. S. 

Waldeyer. Universitiiten und anthro- 
pologischer Unterricht. (Mitth. d. 
Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 1900, XXX 
[4-9].) A resume of the instruction in 
anthropology at present given in 
universities throughout the world. — 
A. L. K. 

United States and Canada 

Backus (Emma M.) Folk-tales from 
Georgia; (Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, Bos- 
ton, 1900, XIII, 19-32.) Author be- 
lieves men tell the tales to one another 
much more than do the women. 'I"en 
tales, regarding Brer Rabbit, Wolf, 
Frog, Siscoon ; How Mooly Cow has no 
horns; Pine Tree and Oak Tree fall out, 
and How little boy went to heaven. — 
H. I. S. 

Chapman (N. A.) Orientation among 
the mounds. (Am. Antiquarian, Chi- 
cago, 1900, XXII, 41-44.) A report of 
reconnoissance of earthworks in Green- 
up county, Ky. — H. I. S. 

Deans (James.) "Hidery" prayers. 

(Am. Antiquarian, Chicago, 1900, 

XXII, 31-32.) States that the Haida 

pray. Gives examples. — H. I. S. 

Friederici. Der Indianerhund von Nord- 
amerika. (Globus, Braunschw., igoo, 
Lxxvi, 361-365.) A description of the 
races and uses of the dog in North 
America, with very full use of the ex- 
tensive ethnological literature, but no 
discussion of anatomical characteriza- 
tion.— F. B. 

Ivey (Harry J.) Morgan Hill (Pa.) 
mounds. (Popular Science, N. Y., 
Feb., 1900, p. 32.) A description of 
five small mounds of unknown origin. 
— H. I. S. 

Jenkins (C. Francis.) The Moki bread. 
(Popular Science, N. Y., Jan., igcx), 
p. 6.) Two illustrations and a popular 
account. — II. I. S. 

Mooney (James) The Cherokee river 
cult. (Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, Boston, 
1900, XIII, I -10.) Purification in the 
running stream is a part of the tribal 
function. The river speaks, but only 



[n. s. 


Mooney — Contitiutd. 

the priest understands. Its aid is in- 
voked with prayer and fasting on every 
important occasion of life, from the 
birth of the infant, in health and sick- 
ness, in war and love, in hunting and 
fishing, to ward off evil spells, and to 
win success in friendly rivalries. — 
11. I. S. 

Neef (S. A.) Die Passionisten des Slid- 
westens von Nordamerika. (Globus, 
Brauiischw., 1900, l.xxvil, 24-28.) 
A description of the "Penitents" of 
New Mexico, with illustrations. — F. B. 

Peet (Stephen D.) The Great I'lateau 
and its inhabitants. (Am. Antiquarian, 
Chicago, 1900, XXII, 1-16.) An illus- 
trated description of the plateau drawn 
largely from the report of C. E. But- 
ton in second Ann. Rep. U. S. Geol. 
Survey. The problems are stated. — 
H. I. S. 

Russell (Frank.) Athabascan myths. 
(Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, Boston, igoo, 
XIII, ii-iS.) Little Hairy Man, The 
Raven, and the Wolf and the Wolver- 
ine, told by a Loucheux woman at 
McPherson, the northernmost Hudson 
Bay trading-post, and The Great 
Beaver, Origin of the Pine, and Why 
the Wolverine became a thief, told by 
a Slavey at Simpson. 

Wilson (Ida.) Civilization of the In- 
dians. (Am. Antiquarian, Chicago, 
1900, XXII, 25-31.) Believes in edu- 
cating Indians. — H. I. S. 

Mexico and Central America 

Gatschet (Albert S.) Central-Amerikas 
.Sprachstamme und FJialekte. (Globus, 
Braunschw., 1900, Lxxvii, 81-84, 87- 
92.) A comprehensive and very useful 
review of the present status of our 
knowledge of the distribution of lin- 
guistic stocks and languages in Central 
America. — F. B. 

Sapper (Karl.) Ein Besuch bei den 
Giiatusos in Costarica. ( Globus, 
Braunschw., igoo, l.xxvi, 348-353.) 
Description of their communal houses 
with unecjual, slanting roofs, ham- 
mocks, large pots for cooking, sieves, 
metates. The dead are buried in the 
hf)uses. Food and firedrill are buried 
with them. Only those who die from 
the sting of a venomous snake are 
buried outside the house'. Their widows 

are not permitted to re-marry. Bows 
and arrows, and machetes made of 
heavy wood are still in use. The 
ancient style of clothing is a breech- 
clout of bark cloth for the men, a 
larger piece of bark cloth wound 
around the waist for the women. They 
oil their bodies and wear necklaces of 
tiger teeth. On account of the great 
number of men, they are polyandrous. 
They practice the couvade. The 
shades of the deceased are believed to 
enter the body of the deer, which for 
this reason is not hunted. A specimen 
of their songs is given. A rock sculp- 
ture in the territory of the Guatuso 
seems to differ in type from other Cen- 
tral American monuments. — F. 15. 

Ein Besuch bei den Chirripo-und 

Talamaura-Indianern von Costa Rica. 
(Globus, Braunschw., 1900. lxxvii, 
1-8, 2S-3T.) Description of a journey 
through Costa Rica. The Indians 
visited by Sapper still use bows and 
arrows, which are described in some 
detail. The Estrella Indians use small 
bows and blunt arrows to drive dogs 
and pigs out of their houses. These 
tribes live in round communal houses. 
They subsist mainly on bananas. Corn 
is little used ; tortillas are unknown. 
Fishing is done by means of bows and 
arrows. Bark cloth was formerly used 
for clothing, while nowadays it serves 
only for bed-covers. Hammocks are 
not used for sleeping, only for taking a 
rest during the daytime. The dead 
are placed on scaffolds near the houses, 
and after decomposition the bones are 
smoked over the hre of the house and 
deposited in sacred places, the where- 
abouts of which are held secret. They 
use drums and flutes made from shells. 
A few tunes are given. A number of 
very interesting illustrations accompany 
this paper. — F. B. 


Belck (W.) Aus den Berichten der ar- 
menischen Expedition von Waldemar 
Belck. (Zeitschrift fiir Ethn., Berlin, 
1899, XXXI, 236-275.) Letters from 
the explorer reporting on the progress 
and results of his expedition. — A. L. K. 

Braunhofer (II.) Die Ankunft derSans- 
krit-,\rier aus Armenien und Medien. 
(Verb. d. Berl. Ges. f. Anth., 1899, 
XXXI, 478-483.) A sketch of an argu- 
ment in favor of the view indicated by 
the title.— A. L. K. 



Chevalier (FI.) Les coiffures Coreennes. 
(Int. Arch. f. Elhnog., Leiden, 1899, 
XII, 225.) An account, with colored 
illustrations, of the various kinds of 
(national) Korean head-wear, with their 
uses and distinctions. The variety is 
very great. — A. L. K. 

Francke (H.) Ladaker niythologische 
Volkssagen. (Globus, Braunschvv., 1900, 
LXXVI, 313-315.) The Bou religion of 
Tibet is little known. The author has 
collectetl a number of folktales which 
he interprets as seasonal myths and 
which he believes to be of common ori- 
gin with Aryan myths. — F. B. 

Martin (R.) Die Ureinwohner der ma- 
layischen Halbinsel. (Mitth. d. Anthr. 
Ges. in Wien, igoo, xxx [59-61].) A 
consideration of the physical characters 
of the aborigines of the Malay penin- 
sula, especially the Senoi or Sakai. 
The descriptions are based on measure- 
ments, which, however, are not given 
in detail. The average stature is very 
low. — A. L. K. 

Melnikow (N.) Die Burjaten des 
irkutskischen Gouvernements. (Verh. 
d. Berl. Ges. f. Anth., 1899, xxxi, 439- 
448 ; also Int. Arch. f. Ethnog. , Leiden, 
1899, xi[, 193.) A consideration of the 
causes of the degeneration of the tribe, 
which is due largely to contact with 
civilization, but partly inherent. — A. 
L. K. 

Saint-Yves (G.) Les peuplades retrou- 
vees de I'Asie centrale. (Revue Scien- 
titique, Paris, 1900, (4*= serie, xili, 
204-207.) In these articles the author 
gives a brief aperfu of the results 
of recent researches in Central Asian 
archeology and epigraphy. He points 
out the great importance of a knowledge 
of ancient Chinese and Mongolian civil- 
ization, and of the results of the early 
Buddhist, Nestorian, and Mussulman 
missionary efforts, and hints that the 
now sterile tundra of Siberia may have 
been the very hive of the first human 
civilization. — A. F. C. 

von Torok (A.) Ueber den Yezoer und 
den Sachaliner Ainoschadelzu Dresden. 
(Archiv fiir Anthropologic, Braunschw., 
igoo, XXVI, 561-6S9.) Continuation 
of the report of the minute examination 
of these skulls which has been appear- 
ing in the Archiv for more than a year. 
The conclusion, with plates, is prom- 
ised for the next issue. — L. F. 

Vircho-w (R.) Ueber den Ursprung der 
Bronzecultur und ueber die armenische 
Expedition. (Mitth. d. Anthr. Ges. in 
Wien, 1900, XXX [80-84].) Chiefly a 
statement of the purposes and a sketch 
of the partial results of the archeologi- 
cal expedition of Belck and Lehmann 
in Armenia. — A. L. K. 

Australia and Pacific Islands 

Andree (Richard.) Ein Moi Toromiro 
(Hausgotze) von der Osterinsel. (Glo- 
bus, Braunschw., 1900, LXXVI, 389-390.) 
Description and figure of an idol from 
Easter island, deposited in the museum 
at Brunswick. — F. B. 

Beyfuss. Schwerteraus Borneo. (Verh. 
d. Berl. Ges. fiir Anthr., 1899, xxxi, 
448-452.) Deals with the manufacture, 
ormentation (which is partly indicative 
of rank), and use of swords in Borneo. 
Head-hunting and allied practices are 
touched upon. — A. L. K. 

Blumenreich (R.) Untersuchungen der 
Haare von Neu Irlandern. (Verh. d. 
Berl. Ges. f. Anthr., 1899, xxxi, 483- 
486.) Report of a detailed study of 
hair of natives, chiefly female, of New 
Ireland. There is considerable vari- 
ability. — A. L. K. 

Fridolin(J.) Siidseeschadel. (A rchiv f. An- 
thropologic, Braunschw., 1900, xxvi, 
691-715.) General description with tab- 
ulated measurements and sixteen plates 
of eighty-two skulls from the South 
Seas. — L. F. 

Karutz (Z>;-) Zur Ethnographic der 
Matty-Insel. (Int. Arch. f. Ethnog., 
Leiden, 1899, xii, 218-223.) A de- 
scription of several objects of ethno- 
graphic interest, with remarks on the 
ornamental art of the island, which is 
exemplified in illustrations. — A. L. K. 

Preuss (K. Th.) Kiinstlerische Darstel- 
lungen aus dem Deutsch-IIollandischen 
Grenzgebiet in Neu-Guinea. (Int. Arch, 
f. Ethnog., Leiden, 1899, xii, 161-1S5.) 
A description of the art of the northern 
Papuans, which is at times realistic in 
intent and at times decoratively orna- 
mental. The author intends that " free 
ornament," that is, i^urely decorative, 
meaningless art, occurs among savages, 
and may coexist, as in this case, with 
realism or a style of art conventional- 
ized from realism. — A. L. K. 



[\. S., 2, 1900 

Schmidt (P. \V.) Die sprachlichen 
Vcrlialiiiisse Oceanieiis in ihrer Bedeu- 
tuni; flir die Ethiioloyie. (Mitlh. d. 
Anilir. Ges. in Wien, 1S99, xxix, 245- 
258.) An argument in favor of the 
affinity of Melanesian and Polynesian 
languages, and of the general relation- 
ship of these with Malayan and Microne- 
sian. — A. L. K. 

Schurtz (H.) Schnitzereien der Maori. 
(Globus, I5raunsch\v., 1900, LXXVII, 53- 
58.) Description of a number of recent 
Maori carvings with explanations given 
by the artist. All the figures represent 
ancestors, some of whom were trans- 
formed into demons. — F. B. 

Smith (S. P.) Note on some Maori 
gods. (Int. Arch. f. Kthnog,, Leiden, 

1899, XII, 223-225.) Illustrations, ac- 
companied by remarks, of si.\ New 
Zealand idols carved in wood, the 
lower ends being wound with cord. — 
A. L. K. 

Volz (W.) Zur somati.schen Anthropolo- 
gie der Battaker in Nord-Sumatra. 
(Archiv f. Anthropologic, Braunschw., 

1900, XXVI, 717-732.) Brief general 
notes, followed by descriptive and an- 
thropometric tables and discussion. At 
least two cranial types appear, but no 
specific conclusions are reached. — L. F. 


Blundell (H. W.) A journey through 
Abyssinia to the Nile. (Geog. Journ., 
London, 1900, XV, 97-118.) Although 
mainly occupied with details of travel 
and geographical matters, reference is 
in one place made to the natives. This 
notice is concerned with the Gallas, or 
Ilmorro, as they call themselves. Avery 
brief glance at their history is given, in 
which it is stated that they appeared on 
the frontiers of Abyssinia in 1542, and 
were at that lime a pastoral people. 
Later they developed agricultural tastes, 
and became also famous breeders of 
horses. Their language is said to be 
divided into five dialects, and to belong 
to the " Proto-Semitic branch." The 
physical type varies considerably with 
the varying mixture with the surround- 
ing peoples. — R. B. D. 

Fournier de Flaix (K.) Les premiers 
Boers. (Rev. Scientif., Paris, 1900, 
4<= serie, xiii, 299-306.) Treats of the 
origin and formation of the Boer peo- 
ple of South Africa. The author points 

out, among other things, the large in- 
termixture of aboriginal blood in the 
descendants of the early Dutch colonists 
— an "assimilation by domestication " 
has taken place. 'I'his intermixture has 
not been without its efTect upon their 
tem]ierament, manners, customs, etc., 
and their warlike disposition. — A. F. C. 

Fritsch (G.) Ueber die Korperverhalt- 
nisse der heutigen Bevolkerung /ligyp- 
tens. (Mitth. d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 
1900, xxx [t(7-7oJ.) The author finds, 
chiefly from photographs, that in the 
immediate |)ast a change in the Egyp- 
tian type has taken place, consisting in 
the formation of a new ty]:)e intermedi- 
ate between that of the Arabs and the 
Fellaheen. — A. L. K. 

Gallieni. Madagascar. (La Geographic, 
Bull. Soc. de Geogr. , Paris, 1900, 
1-29.) Contains an enumeration and 
brief description of the Madagascar 
tribes. — A. L. K. 

Leprince (Jules). Les Simons, sorciers 
de la Guinee fran^aise. (Rev. scientif., 
Paris, 1900, 4^ serie, xiii, 399-401.) 
An interesting account of the origin, 
transformation, and process of dissolu- 
tion of the Simons, one of the many 
secret societies of West Africa. Ac- 
cording to the author they originated as 
a band of primitive patriots, thereby 
gaining an immense prestige ; afterward 
turned into bandits, then, hunted by the 
whites and ridiculed by the blacks, 
their organization weakened, and the 
vSimon of today is a tom-tom dancer, 
who tomorrow will be a beggar. — 
A. F. C. 

Ruete (Said). Der Totenkultus der 
Barabra. (Globus, Braunschw., 1900, 
i.X.xvi, 33S-339.) Description of the 
Mohammedan funeral rites o{ northern 
Nubia. The body is wrapped in white 
cloth ; the mouth, nose, ears, etc., are 
closed with cotton. The grave is 
scented, stones placed over the body. 
A clay vessel with water for birds is de- 
posited on the grave. After the burial 
there is a celebration in memory of the 
deceased extending from four to seven 
days. The women wail, and, in one 
place, jierform a ceremonial dance. 
— F. B. 

Starr (Frederick). The art of lienin 
City. (Am. Antiquarian, Chicago, 
1900, XXII, 17-24.) A review of pre- 
liminary papers by Read and Dalton, 
F. von Luschan and Webster's cata- 



Starr — Coiitiiiittui. 

logue. The art in ivory, wood, cast- 
iron, and bronze, representing the life 
of the people in many details, is con- 
sidered to be purely African art, al- 
though the metal may be imported. — 
H. 1. S. 


Bancalari (G.) Forschungen und Stu- 
dien uber das Haus. (Mitth. d. An- 
thr. Ges. in Wien, 1900, xxx, 1-23.) 
A collection of names of domestic and 
other implements in various popular 
dialects of central Europe. — A. L. K. 

Bonnemere (L.) L'influence oriental 
en Bretagne. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr., 
Paris, igoo, 4« serie, x, 389-397.) 
The author finds in certain words, in 
ancient beads, and in patterns, indica- 
tions of Phenician influence in Brit- 
tany, and considers intercourse or 
contact easily explicable. — A. L. K. 

Dumont (A.) Apti'tude de la France a 
fournir des colons. (Bull. Soc. d'An- 
thr., Paris, 1900, 4^ serie, x, 503- 
519.) Recognizes the inability of 
France to colonize, regards non-colon- 
ization as preferable, and sees the only 
hope for France in the spread and de- 
velopment of science. — A. L. K. 

Folmer (H. C.) Die ersten Bewohner 
der Nordseekiiste in anthropologischer 
Hinsicht, vergHchen mit den gleichzei- 
tig lebenden Germanen in Mittel- 
deutschland. (Archivf. Anthropologic, 
Braunschvv., igoo, xxvi, 747-763.) 
E.xamination of ail the availalile skulls 
and the existing literature regarding 
the early inhabitants of Friesland. 
Author takes issue with Virchow, hold- 
ing that the same process has gone on in 
Friesland as in parts of Germany and 
that a former dolichocephalic race has 
given way to the present brachyce- 
phalic type of that region. — L. F. 

Grillmayer (|.) Alte landliche Wohn- 
stiitten aus der Umj^ebung des Schlos- 
ses Wiirting in Obercisterreich. (Mitth. 
d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 1899, XXIX, 
237-244.) An illustrated description 
of Austrian peasant houses. 

Hoernes (M.) Die An fringe der bil- 
denden Kunst. (Mitth. d. Anthr. Ges. 
in Wien, 1900, xx.X [19-20].) Points 
out that among present primitive peo- 
ples, "realistic," "religious," and 

"decorative" art are found united 
and combined, while in prehistoric Eu- 
rope they occurred in separate periods 
and in distinct cultures. — A. L. K. 

Jackschath (E.) Ein deutsches Besch- 
worungs-buch. (Verh. d. Berl. Ges. f. 
Anthr., 1899, xxxi, 459-472.) A 
manuscript collection, about a cen- 
tury old, of magic formulae and spells, 
chiefly for veterinary use. — A. L. K. 

Kohl. Neue steinzeitliche Graber und 
Wohnstattenfunde bei Worms. (Mitth. 
d. Anthr. Ges. in Wien, 1900, xxx 

Kollmann. Fingerspitzen aus dem 
Pfahlbau von Corcelettes. (Mitth. d. 
Anthr. Ges. in Wien igoo, xxx [20- 
25].) An ideal reconstruction of a 
female individual of the bronze age at 
Lake Neuchatel, from impressions of 
finger tips in pottery. The reconstruc- 
tion is based on the assumption of the 
unchangeability of physical types, which 
theory is defended. — A. L. K. 

Laville (M.) Stations archeologiques 
de Draveil. (Bull. Soc. d'Anthr., 
Paris, 1900, 4^ serie, X, 398-409.) A 
report on excavations on the Seine, 
pointing back to populations of the 
bronze and later neolithic age, proba- 
bly raft-dwelling. Flint objects, pot- 
tery, and bones were found. — A. L. K. 

Lef^vre (A.)^ Les prejuges historiques. 
(Fiev. de I'Ecoie d'Anthr., Paris, 1900, 
X, 89-107.) An enumeration of the 
prejudices and unfounded current as- 
sumptions that must be dispelled before 
a true view of early and medieval 
French history can be obtained. The 
prejudices are chiefly German and 
Cliristian. — A. L. K. 

Montelius. Ueber die Chronologie der 
Pfahlbauten. (Mitth. d. Anthr. (les. 
in Wien, igoo XXX [17-19].) The 
opinion is expressed that copper was 
known in central Europe earlier than 
2000 B.C., and that neolitiiic Alpine 
culture dates back beyond 3000 B.C. — 
A. L. K. 

Obici (G.) and Ferruccio (C). DitTu- 
sione delle psicosi alconliche in Padova 
ed in Venezia. (Kiv. di Patol. Nerv. e 
Ment., Fitenze, 1S99, iv. 529-537.) 
An interesting study of alcoholism in 
Padua and Venice, during the period 
1891-189S, males only lieing consid- 
ered, woman suffering so rarely in both 




s. , 2, igoo 

Obici — Continued. 

these cities from alcoholic psychoses 
that they may be left out of account. 
Padua and V'enice are so close in geo- 
graphical pt)sition, race, customs, hab- 
its, etc., that the diversities of their 
alcoholic psychoses are rather surpris- 
ing. In Venice, as compared with 
I'ailua, alcoholic psychoses are niucli 
more prevalent, appear at an earlier 
time in life, and yield less easily to 
• successful treatment. The author at- 
tributes the diversities in question to 
the different quality of the wine con- 
sumed in the two cities. — A. F. C. 

Pitard (K.) Etude de deux nouvelles 
series de cranes anciens de la vallee du 
Rhone (Valais). (Rev. de I'Ecole 
d'.Anthr., Paris, IQOO, x, 136-143.) A 
pronounced brachycephalism prevails 
in the crania from Rhone valley. 
The author intends to summarize the 
results of this and previous work on 
the same region in a future paper. — 
A. L. K. 

Tappeiner (F.) Die Capacitrit der Tir- 
oler Schadel. (Zeitschrift f. Ethn., 
Berlin, 1S99, xxxi, 202-235.) A tabu- 
lar presentation of the capacity, ce- 
phalic index, sex, and other character- 

istics of qiS crania from the Tyrol. 
The conclusion is reached that the ca- 
pacity increases with braciiycephalism. 
—A. L. K. 

Vram(H.) Untersuchung der in Aqui- 
leja gefundenen Schadel. (Archiv f. 
Anthropologic, Praunschw., igoo, 
XXVI, 765-767.) Brief description of 
27 skulls. 

Winter (.A. C.) Eine Bauernhochzeit 
in Russisch-Karelien. ((jlobus, Braun- 
schw., igoo, 1.XXVI, 3i5-3ig.) De- 
scription of the elal)orate marriage 
ceremony of the people of eastern 
Finland. The whole ceremony is ac- 
companied l)y traditional songs. It is 
characterized by a period of wailing on 
the part of the bride and her friends 
before the marriage ceremony, cere- 
monial baths, and an exjiression of her 
submission to the bridegroom's father. 
— F. B. 

Zeppelin (E.) Ueber die ethnograph- 
ischen VerhJiltnisse der prahistorischen 
Bodensee Bevolkerung. (Mitth. d. 
Anthr. Ges. in Wien, igoo, xxx [25- 
27].) Theories as to prehistoric races 
in the vicinitv of Lake Constance. — 
A. L. K. 


The Osage Indians in France — The Bureau of American 
Ethnology has recently procured two rare pamphlets,' both of which 
relate to a visit to France, in 1827, of six Osage Indians. Both bro- 
chures bear the imprint of Paris, 1827, while from their text it would 
seem that there had been a third and earlier account of the Osage 
printed at Havre, or else the Havre pamphlet appears now as one of 
the Paris publications entitled Six Indiens Rouges, of which the present 
copy is from the " Troisieme edition, revue, corrigee et augmentee," 
etc. The author of the other Paris pamphlet, Histoire de la Tribu des 
O sages, quotes from the Havre book by title, Les Indiens O sages, and 
both criticises and corrects its statements. His quotations can be found 
verbatim in the Paris pamphlet. Six Indiens Rouges, but not upon the 
designated pages. Whatever may be the facts as to the Havre pubHca- 
tion, these pamphlets, one of which had reached its third edition, testify 
to the lively interest awakened by the coming of these aborigines of the 
territory that had so recently passed from the dominion of France. 

This popular interest was undoubtedly augmented by the spread of 
the tradition which is said to have influenced these Indians to take their 
long journey. The story is practically the same in both accounts. I 
translate that given in the Histoire, chapter xviii, p. 90 : 

" The most distinguished of the six Osages that we have with us is 
a prince of the blood of the reigning dynasty. His name is Kishaga- 
shugah. . . . The ancestor of this chief of the Osage tribe came to 
France under the reign of Louis XIV, whom he visited and from whom 
he received a most distinguished welcome. Flattered by the gracious 
reception given him by this monarch, and with the manner in which, 
following the lead of the king, he was received by the gentlemen of the 
court, as well as by the officials and the people of France whom he 

1 Histoire | de la tribu | des Osages, | peuplade sauvage de TAmerique septen- 
trional, I dans I'Etat du Missouri, ] Fun des Etats-Unis d'Amerique ; | ecrite d'apres 
le six Osages actuellement a Paris; | par M. P. V. | [etc] Paris, | chez Charles 
Bechet, libraire, | Quai des Augustins, N'^ 57, | [etc.] | 1827. (12°, 92 pp.) 

Six I indiens rouges | de la tribu Osages | arrives du Missouri au Havre, | Le 27 
Juillet 1827, I sur le navire Americaiii | New-England, cap. Hunt. | Troisieme Edi- 
tion, I revue, corrigee et augmentee de particularites interessantes | sur leur sejour au 
Havre. | Paris. Delaunay, libraire | [etc.] | Palais-Royal, N? 243. | 1S27. (12', 
36 pp., pi.) 


396 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

visited, he expressed on his return liome the entliusiasm wliich he had 
conceived for the French people. 

" Concerning this, the author of the pamphlet printed in Havre 
says, p. 27, that on returning from the voyage to the court of Louis 
XIV, the Osage traveler called together his tribe and gave an account 
of his journey. He says further that at the recital, the present chief (he 
whom we now have with us in France, and to whom he attributes 39 
years of age), cried, I also 7vill visit France, if the Master of Life permits 
me to become a man. 

" Our estimable author, who always confounds places, persons, peo- 
ples, and times, pressed by a desire to publish his book, has not noticed 
that, in order to make this recital at the commencement of the nineteenth 
century, the grandfather of our present guest, who without doubt was 
of ripe age when he visited France under Louis XIV, in the seventeenth 
century, must have been very old when he excited the enthusiasm of 
his grandson. 

" It is very evident that tradition alone revealed to Kishagashugah 
the voyage of his ancestors ; in fact we know from him that it is to the 
history of this voyage that we owe the visit which he now makes us in 
1827, with his wife, his cousin, and three distinguished warriors of his 

In Les Indiens Osages, third edition, the monarch visited by the 
ancestor of Kishagashugah is said to have been Louis XVI. This is 
obviously an error, as would appear from the argument just quoted, 
which is based on the fact that the king in question was Louis XIV. 

A visit of Osages to the court of Louis XIV is not improbable, as it 
was during the latter half of this monarch's reign that the discovery of 
the Mississippi by the French had taken place, Marquette's voyage and 
La Salle's heroic venture occurring in the last quarter of the 17th cen- 
tury. The planting of a French colony in Louisiana had been a favorite 
scheme at the French court, and when such plans were afoot it not in- 
frequently happened that groups of Indians were taken to Europe to 
amuse and interest the patrons, arouse the sympathy of the philanthro- 
pic, and to impress the savages with the power of the white man so that 
on their return home they might influence their tribesmen to become 
submissive allies. 

The spirit of this old method of procedure seems to live in the naive 
outburst of the author of the Histoire in the opening paragraph of chapter 
XVII, p. 81, where he says : 

" The Osages, an eminently warlike tribe, profess a feeling of great 
admiration for the French nation, whose military glory has for so long 
a time been known to them. Living near St Louis and New Orleans, 
with which cities they have had frequent relations, the Osages, besides 
having much curiosity, have often heard the glories of our armies 


exalted ; they have known that our soldiers contributed to the emanci- 
pation of the United States, which they consider as their mother country. 
Hence their enthusiasm for the French, whom they look upon as a people 
of demigods whom nothing can resist. These are the causes which 
prompted the voyage of the six Osages now with us, which they had 
meditated for several years." 

He then goes on to tell of the preparation and start of the Osages 
upon their journey, as follows : 

" They assembled at first to the number of twenty-five, with the 
object of visiting the chief of white warriors, the king of France, their 
first father. It took them four years to provide for the expenses of this 
voyage, and in the meantime death and the exigencies of their families 
reduced their number to twelve. These, rich with the proceeds of the 
four years' hunt, descended the Missouri, in the beginning of 1827, on 
rafts, upon which they had placed the furs they were to carry to their 
first father, the funds produced from the sale of other furs which they 
destined to defray the expenses of the voyage, and, finally, their arms 
and their clothes.' Heaven, which so often overwhelms the projects of 
men, did not wish that the twelve Osages should arrive happily. When 
near St Louis their raft capsized, and the waters engulfed furs, money, 
arms, and baggage. Our travelers were lucky to reach the shore by 
swimming, and to arrive, naked but in good health, in the city of 
St Louis. 

'• This deplorable event was calculated to cause an abandonment 
of the project, but the savages were persevering. At St Louis_ was a 
soldier whom they had often seen, who by his bravery and humanity had 
for a long time held their confidence. They knew that this white war- 
rior was a Frenchman, about to return to his native country, and they 
asked him to take them along. They had now no presents to offer to 
their first father ; but what matter ! They will say to him that they did 
have some which the river swallowed up, and he would believe them, 
because he knew that they never spoke falsely. They had no money to 
pay their way ; their great father would provide it ; the chief of the 
great French tribe must be generous and hospitable ; they would go. 
They persuaded a captain to give them passage on his steamboat ; 
nothing kept them back. Nevertheless, at the moment of departure 
some of them recoiled from the perils of the journey. Six gave up the 
voyage ; the others, four men and tv/o women, embarked under the care 
of Mr David Delaunay, a native of France who had lived twenty-five 
years in St Louis and was a colonel in the service of the United States. 
They went down the Mississippi on the steamboat Commerce to 
New Orleans, . . . where they embarked on the American ship 
New England, in command of Captain Hunt." 

After a long and difficult passage, the entrance to France is thus 
described by the writer of Les Indiens Osages : 

" On entering the docks of Havre they (the Indians) mounted the 
bridge and thanked God for having accorded them a safe voyage. . . . 

398 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

They arrived the 27th of July at noon. They were on the deck of the 
ship, and it was very hot. A great part of the population of the city 
covered the wharf, the outer port, and even the yards of the shipping. 
This crowd troubled at first the savages, little accustomed to exciting so 
lively a curiosity ; but, reassured by their guide, they became pleased. 
The crowd grew each minute, and the disembarkment was obliged to be 
protected by a platoon of troops of the line. The Indians were taken 
to the Hotel Hollande, followed by a large concourse of people, drawn 
together by the novelty of the spectacle, constantly kept back by the 
soldiers of the guard, to whom the travelers had been confided. 

" Arrived at the hotel, the Indians asked for refreshments, and were 
served with various kinds of wine. They preferred the sweet wines, 
particularly that of Malaga. One of them, the big soldier, though natu- 
rally sober, was sickened by the mixture. Several peojjle were intro- 
duced into the parlor where they were resting. The Indians presented 
their hands to them, with a bow thanking them for the honor which they 
(the Indians) were receiving. The chief called for the master of the 
house in order to wish him good-day, which is their custom. 

" In the afternoon they were taken to the country house of the 
Mayor of Havre. They walked in the gardens, looking with indiffer- 
ence upon the beautiful trees and rare plants which ornamented them, 
but, at the turning of a path, having recognized a pine from Missouri 
and a poplar from Louisiana, their joy was extreme and their expressive 
eyes glistened with brilliant fire. . . . 

" Our Indians went to the play. This event, for it was one, had 
drawn together so numerous a concourse of spectators that the greater 
part were not able to find a place in the hall. The Osages arrived 
at a quarter to 7 oclock ; two boxes in the first gallery had been reserved 
for them. They took their seats in their natural costume ; that is to 
say, naked to the waist; the two women alone were dressed, according 
to the mode of their country. The play commenced with the opera, 
Blaise et Babet, which did not appear to amuse the Indians any 
more than it did the French people. It is true that the savages dis- 
simulate their sensations with much art, and that they do not manifest 
the weariness which they feel by any exterior sign. Tired, without 
doubt, of being lorgnetted and half stifled in their box, where the tem- 
perature was 25°, they wished, when the i)iece was ended, to breathe 
a little more freely in the foyer, but, surrounded again, pushed, pressed, 
nearly asphyxiated, they sought refuge under the vestibule where they 
were crushed against the gates. They were obliged to retreat and not 
wait for the second piece. . . . They escaped on the Place de 
la Comedie. It was then that the chief ex|)ressed his discontent to his 
guides. * In my country,' said he, ' four soldiers would suffice to hold 
at a distance eight or ten thousand Indians ; we would never have such 
a spectacle as this ! If we have braved the dangers of the sea, it is not 
to be stifled on the other side of the great lake ! ' " 

The writer of the Histoire, remarking upon these experiences, says : 

" Fatigued with so much feting, and dazzled by so many things, they 
sighed for those moments of solitude when alone they could talk over 


the events of the day and fix them in their memories, so that they 
might be able to remember and tell them to their fellow tribesmen at 
home. . . 

"At 6 oclock on the morning of the ylh of August, they took the 
steamboat for Rouen, where the crowd, which had been for four days 
expecting them, precipitated itself upon the wharf upon the arrival of 
the boat from Havre. To avoid the accidents which the crowd of 
curious people in their eagerness might occasion, the Osages were 
landed a league from the city. Carriages were waiting for them there, 
and they were taken to their hotel. At this new place they were the 
object of the same curiosity as at Havre. Everywhere they were fol- 
lowed by the crowd. At last arriving at Paris on the 13th of August, 
they were set down at the Hotel de la Terrasse, rue de Rivoli. There, 
as at Rouen, an innumerable crowd of curious people were gathered 
many days before the door of this hotel without being able to see them; 
because, having come from such a distance to salute the Chief of 
French warriors, their first father, they wished to conform to their own 
usages, which demanded from a guest that he make his first visit to the 
chief of the tribe." 

Unhappily the desire which the Osages expressed of presenting 
their respectful homage to the French king, could not be satisfied 
as speedily as they wished, because the etiquette of the Court and 
social usages were opposed to it. It was only on the 21st of August, 
1827, at II oclock in the morning, that they were accorded an audience 
with His Majesty at Saint Cloud. His Majesty received them with the 
goodness of a tender father, saying to the chief that he was pleased to 
see him, that the Osages had always been faithful to France while their 
country had been under his rule, and that he hoped the Osages would 
be equally faithful allies of the United States. His Majesty then 
addressed M. David Delaunay, and expressed his satisfaction upon the 
arrival and the visit of the savages. Mme. la Duchesse d'Angouleme 
accorded to them the favor of seeing the French children, speaking to 
the chief in the kindest manner. The chief addressed the King as fol- 
lows : 

" My great father, in my youth I heard my father speak of the 
French nation. 1 formed then the purpose of visiting this nation when 
I should become grown. I have become a man, and 1 have accom 
plished my desire. I am today with my companions among the French 
people whom we love so much, and I have the happiness to be in the 
presence of their King. We salute France ! " 

What became of the Indians after this interview we are not told, 
save that ''they returned to Paris." 

Both pamphlets mention the territory and the neighbors of the 
Osage, and briefly describe, under sections or chapters, their customs. 

400 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2. 1900 

avocations, and beliefs. It is evident that both authors had consulted 
the same authorities, — the Gf'ograJ)/iie Univcrscllc and the numerous 
volumes of the yournal des Voyages. In the Histoire one comes upon 
statements which indicate that the author had sought to obtain first- 
hand information, either from the Osage themselves, or from M. Delau- 
nay, who, he tells us, had been an observer of the manners of the tribe. 
The literary style of this pamphlet is superior to that of the other ; 
greater care has been observed in i)resenting facts, and several thought- 
ful deductions are noteworthy. 

While these pamphlets present no new ethnologic material, they 
afford a few interesting glimpses into the working of the untutored mind 
when confronted with unfamiliar conditions, and give a vivid picture of 
the French populace when, years ago, they were brought face to face 
with people of a strange race. 

Les Ifidiens Osages has a colored frontispiece representing the six 
visitors. The men, as far as scanty clothing, are sufficiently Indian, 
but the women's gowns betray a French touch. These are of striped 
goods, one red and white, the other blue and white ; the skirt falls a 
little below the knees, and is finished around the bottom with a band of 
red or blue ; a similar band outlines the low neck, forms a belt, and 
binds the short putfed sleeves. The women stand with arms folded, 
their heels together, and toes turned out, as if taking " the first posi- 
tion " in a French dancing lesson. Their hair falls in loose waves 
over their shoulders. Mr Colson, whose name ap])ears as having made 
the sketches " d'apres nature," was evidently not aware that among the 
Osage the unbraided hair of a woman is the sign of mourning. 

Alice C. Fletcher. 

Explorations in Mexico— Prof. Frederick Starr, of the Univer- 
sity of Chicago, lias rcceml)' completed his tenth season of study 
among the native tribes of Mexico, tlie last expedition having been 
aided by Mrs Frank G. Logan of Chicago. Five tribes were examined 
— the Chinanteco, Chocho, Mazateco, Tepehua, and Totonaco — and 
among each fourteen different measurements were made of one hundred 
men and twenty-five women, in addition to front and profile photographs 
and plaster-cast busts of notable types Professor Starr also recorded 
a fair vocabulary of the little-known Tepehua tribe, and investigated 
the ancient art of beating paper from the bark of trees, still practiced 
by the Otomi. It is expected that these investigations will be com- 
pleted by next year and that the results will be published during the 
year following. 


Dr J. W^alter Fewkes, ethnologist of the Bureau of American 
Ethnology, has returned to Washington after eight months' absence in 
the field. During this time he has devoted himself to a continuation 
of his researches on the religious festivals of the Hopi Indians of Ari- 
zona, confining his studies to the pueblos of Walpi, Sichumovi, and 
Hano. He has brought back exhaustive notes on several winter cere- 
monies which were but partially known to ethnologists, and on several 
ceremonies which have never been described. Among the former may 
be mentioned the New Fire, Winter Solstice, Powamil, and Paliiliikohti, 
the last-mentioned rivaling in character the celebrated Snake dance. 
Among the latter are the Owakiilti, the Mo/ntcita (a warrior celebra- 
tion), the Buffalo dance, and the abbreviated winter rites of the Flute 
priests, the Lalakonfi, Mcvnzrai/ii, Sui/iykoli, and the Sun priests. In 
addition to complete notes he has made photographs and sketches of 
many undescribed altars, shrines, pictographs, and ceremonial para- 
phernalia. He has also studied Hopi migration legends, traced trails 
of clans in their migration from distant points in Arizona to the Tusa- 
yan pueblos, and identified former habitations. He has made a com- 
plete census by clans of the population of the East Mesa, and has pre- 
pared maps illustrating their localization in these three pueblos. A 
novel collection is a Hopi "codex" consisting of 280 pictures of ka- 
tcinas, drawn in color by Indian artists, showing the symbolic markings 
and dress of these supernatural personages. These pictures not only 
illustrate aboriginal methods of drawing, but also are of great value in 
a study of the ceremonial paraphernalia of the katcinas, or native gods. 
Dr Fewkes has discovered many undescribed ruins in Arizona, and 
has brought back a beautiful collection of photographs of ancient hab- 
itations made during a reconnoissance in April last. These ruins are 
well preserved ; their walls are still standing over twenty feet high, the 
flooring of several stories being still in place. They are among the 
best ever visited by him in Arizona, and undoubtedly contain most 
important material for the solution of problems connected with the 
prehistoric peoples of the Southwest. 

Pennsylvania University Lectures — A course of free public 
lectures, illustrated by objects in the Museum, has recently been deliv- 
ered under the auspices of the Department of Archeology and Paleon- 
tology of the University of Pennsylvania, as follows : April 4, " Present- 
day survivals of primitive modes of thought and feeling," by Prof. 
Lightner Witmer ; April 11, " The origin of ornament," by Mr Stewart 
Culin ; April 18, "Recent excavations in Babylonia," by Dr A. T. 
Clay ; April 25, " Coinage of the ancient Greeks," by Dr William N. 

402 AMERICAN ANTHROl^'OLOGI ST [n. s., 2, 1900 

Bates; May 2, "The genesis of musical instruments," by Prof. Hugh 
A.Clarke; May 9, " Impressions of the Philipjjine islands," by Prof. 
Simon Flexner ; May 16, "Household life of women in the colonial 
period," by Prof. John P. McMaster. 

The Committee on Public Lands of the House of Representa- 
tives in Congress is considering the bill prepared on behalf of the 
Committees of the American Association for the Advancement of Sci- 
ence and the Archaeological Institute of America for the preservation 
of i)rehistoric monuments, ruins, etc., on the public domain, by reserv- 
ing the lands on which they stand from entry and sale. The bill has 
been referred to, and is now in the hands of, a subcommittee consist- 
ing of Messrs Shafroth of Colorado, Moody of Oregon, and Jones of 
Washington. 'l"he members of the two societies, and citizens interested 
with them, may materially assist in securing some affirmative action if 
they will signify their desire in person or by letter to any Member of 
Congress with whom they may be acquainted. 

Deaths — On March gth, Charles E. West, of Brooklyn, aged 91 
years. Dr West was one of the founders of the American Association 
for the Advancement of Science and of the Long Island Historical 
Society ; he was a fellow of the Royal Antiquarian Society of Den- 
mark, a member of the American Antiquarian Society, the Ameri- 
can Philosophical Society, and of the New York and Long Island 
Historical Societies. 

Dr C. Piazzi Smith, formerly Astronomer Royal of Scotland, 
author of some famous speculations on the construction and purposes 
of the Great Pyramid as an exponent of the standard of measurement. 

In Paris, February 17th, Philippe Salmon. Born at Cerisiers, 
Yonne, France, July 27, 1823 ; was an officer of public instruction, 
president of the Societe d'Anthropologie de Paris in 1893, director of 
the Ecole d'Anthropologie in 1896, president of the Commission des 
Monuments Megalithiques in 1898. 

At Paris, April 23, Alphonse Milne-Edwards, aged 65 years ; 
director of the Museum of Natural History and vice-president of the 
Academy of Sciences of Paris. 

At Washington, April 10, Frank Hamilton Cushing. A more 
extended notice of Mr Cushing appears elsewhere in this issue. 

In London, May 4, Lieut. -Gen. Augustus Henry Lane Fox- 
PiTT-RiVERS, aged 73 years ; vice-president of the Society of Anti- 
quaries ; president of the Anthropological Institute ; author of many 
works on archeologic subjects. He assumed the name of Pitt-Rivers 
in 1880. 


Mrs Phoebe Hearst has undertaken to defray the expenses of 
explorations and excavations in various parts of the world, to obtain 
collections for the University of California. Dr George A. Resinal is 
expected to have charge of the work in Egypt, Dr Alfred Emerson in 
Greece and Etruria, Dr Uhle in South America and Yucatan, and Dr 
P. M. Jones in California and Mexico. The report that Mrs Hearst 
proposes to establish a Museum of Archeology in connection with the 
University of California is not authorized. 

The Seventh Annual Reception and exhibit of recent progress 
in science was held by the New York Academy of Sciences at the 
American Museum of Natural History, April 25-26. The exhibit in 
Anthropology, in charge of Dr Franz Boas, consisted of (i) Symbolism 
of the Arapaho Indians, from the collections of the Jesup Expedition, 
by Alfred L. Kroeber ; (2) Basketry designs of California, from the col- 
lections of the C. P. Huntington expedition, by Roland B. Dixon ; (3) 
Designs of the Gold of Amoor river, from the collections of the Jesup 
North Pacific Expedition, by Berthold Laufer ; (4) Archeology of the 
coast of southern British Columbia, from the collections of the Jesup 
North Pacific Expedition, by Harlan L Smith ; (5) Implements of the 
Eskimo of Southampton island, by George Comer. All the collections 
exhibited were from the American Museum of Natural History. 

Cannibalism in Sarawak— At a recent meeting of the Anthropo- 
logical Institute in London, Mr C. Hose, of Baram, Sarawak, stated 
that there were cases in which human flesh was, eaten in Borneo, but 
did not think they could be properly called cannibalism. Sometimes 
they cut off strips of flesh from their enemies, but these were not eaten, 
as some observers had too hastily concluded. On the contrary, they 
were stored in bamboos and used as an offering to the hawks from 
which the omens were taken. The occasions on which human flesh 
was eaten were cases of chronic illness in which a small piece, swal- 
lowed with great difficulty by the patient, was supposed to be curative. 
In Dutch Borneo the people did roast and eat human flesh, but only 
very rarely, and the practice had been stopped by the Dutch. When a 
male child about fourteen years old was very ill, it was thought proper 
to keep him alive, if possible, at the expense of a female life, which was 
less valuable ; hence, as a last chance of saving his life, a sister would 
be sacrificed, and a small piece of the flesh given to the boy to eat. 

The Henderson Maya Dictionary— Dr C. H. Berendt, writing to 
the Smithsonian Institution, in 1 867, in regard to his explorations in Cen- 
tral America, during the previous two years, remarked as follows : " I 

404 AMERICAN AiYTIIROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

also made a very agreeable and useful acquaintance in the person of Rev. 
Alexander Henderson, a distinguished linguist, whom I found occupied 
with a dictionary of the Maya language, giving the dialect actually spoken 
in the district of Bacalar, Yucatan, and in some recent settlements of Yu- 
catan Indians in the territory of the colony. Having been engaged my- 
self for a number of years in the work of reproducing from old and rare 
manuscripts the Maya language as spoken and written in the sixteenth 
and seventeenth centuries, I derived both information and pleasure 
from tlie intercourse with this learned missionary." {Smithsonian 
Report, for 1S67, pp. 420-21.) It may not be generally known that 
the manuscript dictionary alluded to in this statement is now in posses- 
sion of the Bureau of American Ethnology, having been procured by 
Prof. Cyrus Thomas and transferred to the Bureau archives. It con- 
sists of six volumes, averaging 250 pages each, three of the volumes 
being Maya-English and three English- Maya. From a statement found 
at the end of vol. iii of the Maya-English part, it appears that the total 
number of pages of this portion is 696, averaging 30 words to the page ; 
that it was begun in April, 1859, and finished August 11, 1864, and that 
the English- Maya portion was finished September 6, 1866. It is 
written in a clear hand throughout. 


Dr Franz Boas, Curator of the Department of Anthropology of the 
American Museum of Natural History, has been honored by election to 
membership in the National Academy of Sciences at its meeting held 
in Washington, April 17-19. 

Prof. John Rhys will preside over the Section of Anthropology of 
the British Association for the Advancement of Science at its seven- 
tieth annual meeting at Bradford, beginning September 5th. 

Mr Alfred L. Kroeber has been appointed Curator of Anthro- 
pology in the museum of the Academy of Sciences of California at San 

The General Board of Cambridge University proposes to estab- 
lish a lectureship in ethnology for Dr Alfred C. Haddon. 

American Anthropologist 


Vol. 2 July-September, 1900 No. 3 

By W. H. holmes 

A recent visit to Mexico afforded the writer an opportunity 
for studying two great sites representing the ancient peoples and 
their culture — the ruins of the city of Xochicalco, the " Hill of 
Flowers," in the state of Morelos, and the obsidian mines of 
Hidalgo. These studies have confirmed his previously formed 
notions respecting the remarkable achievements of the pre-Colum- 
bian tribes of the southern part of the great plateau of Mexico, 
and have enabled him to form a still more vivid and complete 
conception of their unique and remarkable culture than was pos- 
sible without such observation. 

The obsidian mines alone will receive attention in this place. 
Mining operations by native tribes in various regions have 
been recorded in a casual way by early writers, but have been 
brought much more forcibly to our attention by recent archeo- 
logical researches. At various points, from Lake Superior on the 
north to Argentina on the south, traces of mining and quarrying ' 
have been noted, and no doubt many other sites in Central Amer- 
ica and South America remain to be located. 

' The terms mining and quarrying are here used as synonyms, but the former has 
generally been applied to the obsidian workings. 


406 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 2, 1900 

Obsidian was extensively mined by many of the native peoples 
of America, It is a brittle stone — a natural glass — fused in 
Nature's mighty furnaces and poured out in sheets or thrown out 
in fragments from the craters of volcanoes. Cooled under proper 
conditions, the glassy rock is homogeneous, breaking up in 
columnar form, or otherwise in irregular masses. In Yellow- 
stone Park and in Oregon and California there are numerous 
great sheets of this glassy product. In Mexico the volcanic for- 
mations of the southern end of the continental plateau furnish 
extensive deposits from which the energetic tribes derived the 
raw material for making their implements and ornaments. When 
good qualities of the stone were discovered, quarrying was resorted 
to, and the requirements of the great Nahuatl peoples were such 
that in course of time extensive mining was necessary in order to 
supply the demand. 

The uses of obsidian are somewhat limited, owing to its 
glassy character, but it is readily shaped by fracture into im- 
plements of certain classes, such as knives or razors, spearpoints, 
arrowheads, and scrapers. Less frequently the shapes were elab- 
orated by pecking and grinding, and some remarkable results 
were achieved ; round and oblong beads were fashioned, wonder- 
ful labrets, ear ornaments, and even vases, masks, and animal 
forms were executed and exquisitely finished. 

Artificial distribution of obsidian has been very wide. Hardly 
an occupied site in all Mexico and Central America can be found 
that does not furnish examples of obsidian implements or frag- 
ments. The flake-knife is the simplest and most universal of the 
flaked forms, and occurs in great numbers in and about the valley 
of Mexico. The immense refuse deposits of the ancient city of 
Tenochtitlan, now the City of Mexico, are in places literally black 
with the broken knives, and San Juan Teotihuacan furnishes an 
apparently inexhaustible supply of these and other forms of im- 
plements. The latter place, however, has its supply of the raw 
material immediately at hand. The bed of the Rio San Juan, 

holmes] the obsidian MINES OF HIDALGO 407 

which runs through the ancient city, and even the plains about, 
furnish bowlders and irregular masses practically without limit. 
The people of the valley did not depend on the scattering 
local supply. It is certain that they explored up the obsidian- 
producing slopes and streams, finding the deposits in place, 
and that they engaged extensively in the arduous work of 
quarrying. Among the several localities reputed to show in- 
dications of mining operations, that situated on the Guajalote 
estate, some twenty miles northeast of Pachuca, in the state of 
Hidalgo, has been most frequently referred to. The writer con- 
sidered it great good-fortune to have been able to make a visit to 
this place. 

Forty-three years before the date of my visit Prof. E. B. Tylor, 
of Oxford, examined the Guajalote obsidian deposits, and in his 
AnaJniac has graphically recorded his experiences and observa- 
tions.' In appendix I, he gives a free translation of Torquemada's 
account of the flaking of obsidian by the Aztecs. This account, 
unfortunately, is so vague that little is to be learned from it, save 
perhaps that the flaking was done by pressure with a wooden 
implement. It is not impossible, however, that some serious mis- 
apprehension existed in Torquemada's mind, and that one or more 
of the vital features of the process have been omitted. 

Reaching Pachuca by rail, the party, consisting of Prof. G. K. 
Gilbert, Mr W. W. Blake, and the author, took a conveyance by 
way of Real del Monte to the estate on which the Jacales, a group 
of escarped hills, are situated. The highway led gradually up the 
sinuous contours of the mountain slopes, and as far as Real del 
Monte, situated on the northern side of the range, it was in ex- 
cellent condition ; but beyond the stone quarries, a little to tlie 
east of that village, it became exceedingly rough, and for several 
miles was barely passable for the horses and empty vehicle. Late 
in the afternoon the hacienda was reached. Presenting our let- 
ter of introduction, we were received and entertained by the 

' E. B. Tylor, Anahttac, p. 14. 

4o8 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

proprietor, Seflor Don Rafael Amador, a gentleman of most excel- 
lent local reputation. During the evening we searched the fields 
in the vicinity for relics of the ancient time, everywhere finding 
fragments of obsidian, flakes, worked pieces, and implements. 

Early in the morning wc were supplied with guides and saddle- 
horses, and conducted to the mines, some three miles farther on. 
The trail led through the forest, over rising ground, to the lower 
slopes of the Sierra de las Navajas, or Mountain of the Knives, 
which rose to the northeast in a lofty ridge. Beyond are the 
rugged buttes called Jacales, from their hut-like appearance. 

At Pachuca and Real del Monte we had made inquiries re- 
specting the obsidian mines and their situation, and heard some 
interesting and curious stories. We were told that it was a vol- 
canic reo-ion, in which were many craters and sink-holes of ancient 
origin and unexplored depth. Some were called blow-holes, and 
were said to be set with crystals of glass so sharp that no one 
could descend into the openings, for the reason that the ropes 
used in the descent would be cut by the projecting edges. 

Reaching the site, we found the broad ridge covered with open 
pine forests, in places overgrown with tall grass, and, on the 
steeper parts, with underbrush. Everywhere were scattered 
fragments of obsidian, and presently we came upon groups of 
mounds alternating with depressions and pits extending indef- 
initely up the forest-covered ridge. We were cautioned by our 
guides to beware of the pits, as they were scattered everywhere 
through the glades and were hidden by the rank grass. This 
caution was indeed necessary at first, but we soon learned to 
recognize the various features of the site. The pits and depres- 
sions are the ancient mines, while the hillocks are the heaps and 
ridges of debris thrown out from them. 

The writer was prepared to expect just these phenomena, for 
the flint quarries of the north are in most respects identical ; 
but the work was more extensive than he had anticipated, al- 
though perhaps no more extensive than on the two great quarry 

holmes] the obsidian MINES OF HIDALGO 409 

sites of the United States, — one on Flint ridge, near Newark, 
Ohio, and the other near Hot Springs, Arkansas. The enterpris- 
ing peoples of the valleys below must have operated the mines 
vigorously for centuries to have thus worked over hundreds of 
acres of the mountain side, and so fully and profoundly, more- 
over, that the deep pittings and heavy ridges of excavated debris 
are practically continuous for a mile or two in length and cover a 
width reaching in places possibly half a mile. It is not unlikely 
that there are other worked areas in the vicinity, not reported to 
us. No outcrops of the obsidian, or, in fact, of any other rock, 
are to be seen on this part of the mountain, and it is apparent that 
the ancient miners had exploited the entire slope in search of 
deposits lying at varying depth beneath the surface. 

Notwithstanding the fact that more than four hundred years 
have passed since active operations in these mines were sus- 
pended, evidences of work are perfectly distinct, and the pittings 
and their accompanying ridges of debris are as pronounced in 
outline as if they had been made but ten years ago. In the 
main, the diggings are irregular in arrangement and of no great 
depth. Many isolated excavations are scattered about, while 
others coalesce, connecting one with another in irregular order 
over acres of ground. 

The depth of the wider depressions usually does not exceed 
six or eight feet, but some are deeper, and many take the form 
of wells from three to ten feet in diameter and often fifteen or 
twenty feet deep, with vertical or overhanging walls. Many 
of these must have been much deeper, for the debris thrown out 
is more extensive than the present openings would warrant, and 
there can be no doubt that in numerous cases tunneling was con- 
tinued horizontally or obliquely for considerable distances along 
productive layers. The heaps and ridges of debris thrown out 
are rarely above ten feet in height, but they are well-pronounced 
and abrupt, and the total irregularities of the site are so great 
that exploration is tedious and difficult. Very generally the 





debris is intermingled with broken obsidian, and in many cases 
it seems to consist almost exclusively of broken fragments and 
flakes left by the workmen engaged in roughing-out the forms de- 
sired. In places there are large heaps of flakes where the choice 
fragments of stone were brought from the mines and placed in 
the hands of the flakers to be worked. 

The industry must have been conducted for long periods, as 
extensive areas are covered with these deposits of pure black 
ringing flakes and fragments. One great heap which lies upon 
the mountain slope is over forty feet in vertical extent and many 
feet in depth, comprising perhaps 20,000 or 30,000 cubic feet of 
flakage. Plate XV shows our party at work digging into this re- 
markable deposit. No headway could be made, however, for 
there was no earth to hold the flakes together, consequently the 
holes dug were immediately filled by the sliding, tinkling slivers 
of glass, every piece of which is as clean and incisive of edge as 
when struck ofT by the workmen hundreds of years ago. 

Fig. 42 — Section of great deposit of obsidian llakage on the mountain side. 

The top of the deposit, as shown in the section (figure 42, a) 
is quite level, and is perhaps 20 by 40 feet in extent. Here, 
no doubt, the workmen sat and conducted their labors while the 
miners brought the stone painfully extracted from the pits, the 
nearly closed mouths of which are scattered over the slopes 


N. 8., VOL. 2, PL. XV 

Photo by G. K. I.ilbert 





above {b\ At one side and a little above this heap the remains 
of a small stone house were found, the remnants of walls indicat- 
ing an original structure only 12 by 13 feet and of no con- 
siderable height. In other places, especially near the lower end 
of the worked area, are the remains of much more considerable 
dwellings, but none of these appeared to have been important 
structures, being irregular in plan and grouping. They probably 
served for the use of the mining community, assembled at this 
point for limited periods at least. The walls, of small, irregu- 
lar stones, are so much reduced that their thickness and surface 
character could not be determined without excavation. None 
is over two or three feet in height. 
As already stated, the exca- 


vations and ridges of debris are 
often continuous over large 
areas, and there is general irreg- 
ularity of form and arrange- 
ment. But where an exten- 
sively operated mine has been 
somewhat isolated, the ridges 
of debris usually encircle the 
pit on three sides, and extend 
outward on the fourth side, in 
a rough way like the arms of the 
letter U, as shown in figure 43. 
There was thus left an open 

approach to the mine on the level of the general surface. The 
section of an ordinary group of mines is shown in figure 44. 

The obsidian must occur in considerable bodies, as the frag- 
ments left upon the surface are of large size and are homogene- 
ous in texture. The color is usually black or blackish, but in 
places there are varieties of pale greenish cast and having a satiny 
play of color due to a peculiar form of crystallization known as 

Fig. 43— Map showing mines and refuse heaps. 



[N. S., 2, 1900 

Being without appliances for descending into the deeper mines, 
we learned little of the subterranean phenomena, and discovered 
no traces of the implements used in the mining operations, save a 

Fig. 44 — Section through mines and refuse deposits. 

number of hammerstones, which are identical in shape with those 
used in our northern quarries. The larger specimens, four or five 
inches in diameter and somewhat discoidal or cheese-shaped, may 
have been used in breaking the obsidian in the mass, but the 
smaller examples, many of which are globular in form, must have 
been used in the hand simply, or with a light haft attached, in 
the work of breaking the fragments and trimming them down 
to the desired contour. It does not seem likely that these im- 
plements were used in the more refined operations of flaking 
and knife-making. The stone is usually a tough lava, and the 
peripheries show the usual evidences of battering. 

Long before reaching the mines the writer had speculated upon 
the probable character of the shaping work done and the nature 
of therejectage to be expected. As the ancient dwelling sites of 
the general region are strewn with countless knives derived by 
fracture from nuclei of approximately uniform shape, and as the 
exhausted nuclei are also found in great numbers, evidence of the 
roughing-out of these nuclei was to be expected on the quarry 
site. Examination developed the fact that the rejectage is 
literally filled with the abortive forms resulting from the rough- 
ing-out of nuclei which were rejected because lacking in some 
of the characters necessary to successful blade-making. It was 




requisite that the material should be fine-grained and uniform in 
texture ; the shape had to be rudely cylindrical, and it was 
essential that one end should be smoothly squared, so that the 
flaking tool would have exactly the right surface for receiving 
the stroke or other form of impact. Of course the flake-knives 
were not made upon the quarry site, as the edges of the blades 
were so delicate that transportation would have subjected them 
to injury; therefore the selected nuclei were carried away and 
the knives made whenever they were required. 

As indicated by the rejectage, the nuclei produced averaged 
four or five inches in length, and two to four inches in diameter. 
The largest nucleus that has come to the writer's attention is 
now preserved in the Field Columbian Museum, and is about 
eight inches long and six inches in diameter. Although from 
Mexico, the exact place of its origin is not known. It has been 
roughed-out by a few dexterous strokes, which probably deter- 
mined the flaking capacity of the piece and gave it the desired 
rudely cylindrical form. The specimens found in the quarry- 
shops are of course such as did not lend themselves readily to 
manipulation and were thus not worth carrying away. 

Fig. 45 — Typical rejects of nucleus-making, from the quarry-shop debris. 

Typical rejects are shown in figure 45. They are irregularly 
cylindrical or polygonal, and show a few of the facets or flutings 
made in testing the texture and in shaping the form. The 



[n. s., 2, I goo 

majority of the specimens are less symmetrical than these, and 
many are broken or otherwise manifestly defective. 

It is impossible to form any reasonable estimate of the num- 
ber of successful nuclei carried away, but the product of the vast 
work on this site must have been enormous. 

The post-quarry history of these nuclei may briefly be traced. 
They were distributed far and wide among the people, and no 



Fig. 46 — The making of knives and the exhaustion of the nucleus. 

doubt formed an important feature in trade. When knives were 
required, the nucleus was taken up and the necessary implements 
struck off, but whether by direct percussion or by pressure we are 
not yet able to say. The sketch presented in figure 46, a, indi- 
cates the order in which the flakes were removed. The size of the 
blade decreased as the work went on (J) and e). This is shown 
also by the width of the flutings {a, c, and d). \n d we have the 
exhausted nucleus after all the knives that could be made from it 
were removed. The upper end no longer had sufficient surface to 
permit of the necessary flaking impact. The flakes at this stage 
became so attenuated {e) as to be of little practical value, and the 
slender fluted shaft was discarded or reshaped into some form 
of implement or ornament. The exhausted nuclei occur very 
frequently on inhabited sites. 




Besides the rejectage of nuclei-making and the hammerstones 
already referred to, a few other varieties of artifacts were found 
on the quarry site. In some of the heaps of refuse there were 
found a number of scraper-like objects, made by taking a long, 
thick flake with one smooth, concave side, and removing a few 
chips around the convex margin of the wider end, giving a scrap- 
ing edge. One of these is outlined in figure 47. Whether the 
specimens encountered are only rejects of scraper-making or are 
implements made and used upon the site, it is difficult to say. 
Resembling the scrapers somewhat in general form are numerous 
long, curved flakes of triangular section (figure 48), the convex 
sides of which have been roughly flaked off, as if for some definite 

Fig. 47— Examples of the scrapers found 
in the shop refuse. 

Fig. 48 — Modified flakes of triangular 
section found in the shop refuse. 

Strangely enough, there seems to be an almost total absence 
on this site of the incipient leaf-blade forms from which knives, 
spearpoints, and arrowheads were usually specialized. Long and 
patient search brought to light only one specimen, the fragment 
of a large reject showing the bilateral flakings characteristic of so 
much of the shop-work of the United States. In the vicinity of 
the quarry some large blades have been found, and spearheads and 
arrowpoints are common, indicating that the manufacture of this 

4l6 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, igoo 

class of implements was carried on somewhere in the general 

It is to be expected that on a site of this class, where many- 
workmen were assembled from time to time and doubtless for con- 
siderable periods, evidences of domestic life would be common. 
The occurrence of numerous remains of houses has already been 
noted, and it remains only to add that mingled with the debris of 
the shops are many fragments of earthenware — of vessels no doubt 
used for carrying water and preparing and serving food. The 
fact that this pottery is identical in paste, shape, color, and 
decoration with the ancient ware of Tenochtitlan indicates with 
suf^cient clearness that it was the Aztecs who conducted the 
remarkable mining operations of the state of Hidalgo. 


In the Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 
page 59, the following statement is to be found : " The obsidian 
flakes of the Aztecs resemble the flint flakes of our ancestors, not 
so much because the ancient Briton resembled the Aztec, as be- 
cause t\\& fracture of flint is like that of obsidian^ The fracture 
of flint is like that of obsidian in that both break with what is 
called conchoidal fracture. But there are different degrees of 
conchoidal fracture, that of obsidian being finer and possess- 
ing an accompaniment which that of flint does not have. The 
aim of this paper is to describe the distinguishing features of 
obsidian fracture, to seek an explanation for the same, and to 
show that to them is due, in a measure at least, the excellence of 
obsidian as a material for knife- and razor-making. 

To compare flakes and nuclei or cores only, the curves in 
obsidian are more delicate and graceful than those in flint. 
Flints differ in quality among themselves ; so do obsidians, depend- 
ing especially upon their homogeneity. There seems to be a 
stiffness in the flint flake ; it resembles the arc of a more or less 
rude circle. On the other hand, the curve in the obsidian flake 
(figure 49), beginning with the percussion end or base, is first 
sharp, then, for the greater part of its course, very gentle indeed, 
and lastly, sharp again— somewhat sharper than the initial one. 
Corresponding phenomena are observed in the cores. 

In addition, the obsidian fracture possesses a feature not found 
in that of flint. If the edges of an obsidian flake on its nuclear 
or inner surface be examined carefully with a pocket lens, or even 
with the naked eye, several series of parallel lines or markings 
of varying length and remarkable for their regularity are easily 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2 — 27 



[N. S., 2, 1900 

distinguishable (figure 50). All end in one direction, uniformly at 
the edge, which they meet at an angle of about 45°. They point 
toward the percussion end or base, curving gracefully in their 

courses until the longest 
series comes to take a di- 
rection almost parallel 
with the edges of the im- 
plement. The longest 
lines are distributed regu- 
larly at intervals of about 
one-fifth of a millimeter. 
Other sets of lines of vary- 
ing length fall in between 
with astonishing regularity 
until, at the edges, a space 
between two lines meas- 
ures not more than one-for- 
tieth of a millimeter. 

The same phenomenon 
may be seen on the outer 
or raised surface of the 
obsidian flake ; not along 
the cutting edges, how- 
ever, but along both sides 
of the median ridge as 
seen in another view of the 
same instrument (figure 
51). The back of this flake 
is composed of three sur- 
faces of fracture, each formed by the removal of an earlier 
flake from the parent core (figure 52). Surface a fits the 
median portion of the inner surface of the eldest flake repre- 
sented here, and does not show the minute parallel lines of 
fracture. The surfaces a' a' fit a portion of the inner surface of 

Fig. 4g— Obsi- 
dian flake, 
edge view. 
(Cat. No. 
/5./.11, Yale 
Universi ty 
Muse u m. ) 
fi nat. size. 

Fig. 50 — Obsi- 
dian flake, 
view of inner 
surface. Mex- 
ico. ( Cat . 
No. /J^.ii, 
Vale Univers- 
ity Museum.) 
Ji nat. size. 

Fig. 51 — Obsi- 
dian flake, 
view of outer 
surface. Mex- 
ico. (Cat. 
No. /5./.11, 
ity Museum.) 
-)i nat. size. 

maccurdy] the obsidian RAZOR OF THE AZTECS 419 

the two next eldest flakes of this group, and have the Hnes of 
fracture corresponding to those which marked the inner surface of 
the latter along their edges. The life-history of a nucleus may be 
read in these minute markings, the presence and disposition of 
which reveal the relative ages of the flake-scars (figure 53, Nos. i 
to 5), that marked 5 in figure 53 being the youngest. 

The phenomenon of these delicate markings is due to what 
seem to be multitudinous planes of fracture parallel to one an- 

FiG. 52 — Obsidian flake, cross section. Mexico. (Cat. No. /^^.ii, Vale 
University IVIuseum.) 

Other, penetrating, on the one hand, the core and, on the other, 
the flake, probably at right angles to their common surface of 

If that be so they would bear a striking analogy to the marginal 
crevasses of a glacier (figure 54), however inappropriate may seem 
the comparison of objects in the sizes of which there is such great 
disparity. The resistance at the sides {g g') of a glacier and the 
more rapid flow at the center together make crevasses {c c') point- 
ing obliquely up-stream at angles of about 45°. The direction of 
the pull {p p'), or greatest tension, tending to produce the fractures 
is oblique toward the center, down-stream. Hopkins has shown 
that this pull is strongest theoretically when it makes an angle of 
45° with the sides of the glacier, and therefore the crevasses are 
at 45° with the sides up-stream,' 

The force in the glacier is gravitation, that in the obsidian flake 
is percussion. By the percussion the particles of the mass of the 
flake would be set in motion. The movement in line with the 
direction of the applied force, that is to say, along the axis of 
the flake, would be most rapid. The sides tending to lag behind 

' Dana, Manual 0/ Geology, fourth ed., p. 245. 



[n. S., 2, 1900 

would produce a tension to be relieved only by fractures at right 
angles to the direction of that tension. Here again the direction 
of the tension is oblique toward the center, " down-stream," and 

is strongest when it makes an angle 
of 45° with the sides of the flake, 
which it does apparently near the 
margin, for there the transverse 
fractures are most numerous, as 
might be expected — make angles 
of 45° with the edges and point 
obliquely " up-stream," to use the 
glacial terminology. 

The obsidian flake represented 
in figures 49-51 is an Aztec razor 
from the anthropological collections 
of Yale University Museum. The 
parallel lines of fracture give it a 
feather-edge — an edge similar to 
that produced on a steel razor by 
grinding and one almost as straight 
as that of a razor for the greater 
part of its length. With such an 
edge the obsidian flake was by far 
the most efUcient tool throughout 
the Stone Age for the uses to which 
our modern scissors, knives, and 
razors are put. It is doubtful if the 
Bronze Age or the early Iron Age 
even furnished an instrument that could compare with it in point of 
sharpness. The principal advantage possessed by razors of bronze 
and iron was that they could be resharpened indefinitely. An ob- 
sidian razor, on the contrary, is easily dulled, and the edge once 
gone is lost forever. This disadvantage was more apparent than real 
in Mexico, at least, where obsidian of excellent quality was plentiful 

Fig. 53— Obsidian core, Mexico. (Cat. 
No., Yale University Museum.) 
Yx nat. size. 

maccurdy] the obsidian RAZOR OF THE AZTECS 42 1 

and the natives, according to Clavigero, were so skilful in the 
manufacture of obsidian knives and razors that a single workman 
could produce a hundred per hour. So much has already been 
written concerning the methods of producing 
flakes that a description in this connection y Ct 

would be mere repetition. 

The Aztec razor mentioned above was tried p 
by the writer upon linen, woolen, and cotton /» 
cloth, paper, parchment, the hair, and the beard 
with very satisfactory results. It cut cloth, for 
instance, in any direction without tearing and 


... , . f . . f f Fig. 54 — Plan of marginal 

With the expenditure of a minimum of force, crevasses of a glacier 

(after Dana). 

and was equally serviceable when employed as 
a knife or a razor. Scissors were unknown in Mexico before 
the advent of the Spaniards, hence obsidian flakes must have been 
freely used by tailors and bookmakers as well as by barbers. 

Cortes, in describing the grand bazar of the City of Mexico, 
speaks of barber-shops where barbers shaved the head with obsi- 
dian razors. The Mexican word for obsidian is itztli, which means 
" barber's razor." The Mexicans as a race did not have heavy 
beards, but the masses among the male population shaved their 
heads with the exception of a small tuft near the crown. In a 
land where the clergy, the nobility, and the army alone had the 
right to wear the hair long ' (and this was true of both Mexico 
and Peru), the demand for obsidian razors must have been great. 
According to Solis, the Mexicans also made use of razors of 
bronze, but they seem to have been rare in comparison with those 
of obsidian. It would not require a great stretch of imagination 
to picture the ancient Aztec with his obsidian razor taking a 
morning shave before a mirror of obsidian, as mirrors made of 
polished slabs of that substance are not infrequently found. 

' Spire Blondel, " L'Art capillaire chez les peuples primitifs." Revue d'Ethtto- 
graphie, t. VI, p. 420. 


Introductory Note 

In April, 1900, 1 made a cursory examination of the ruins near 
Flagstaff, Arizona, with a view to more extended future explora- 
tion,' finding this neighborhood, which of late has been neglected 
by archeologists, to be a most interesting field of research. The 
three types of Arizonian ruins, namely, (i) cavate rooms, (2) cliff- 
houses, and (3) pueblos, are well represented in this locality. The 
cavate rooms are burrowed in lava, generally in the tops or sides 
of cinder-cones; the cliff-houses in Walnut canon are small but 
typical ; the pueblos occur in well-preserved ruins near Little 
Colorado river, and are built of lava, sandstone, and limestone 
blocks. There are many examples of the third type of ruins in 
the cedars not far from Flagstaff, but it is to those near the Black 
falls of the stream mentioned that attention will especially be 
called. The ruins noted in this preliminary account are only 
a few of many ancient habitations dotting the country about 
Flagstaff. The paper will deal only with the more striking 
examples of two of the types mentioned. 

I will consider in sequence the cavate rooms and the pueblo 
ruins, passing, for the present, the cliff-houses of Walnut cafton 
which have been so frequently described by others. The hitherto 
undescribed ruins near Black falls, to which especial attention is 
now given, will, for convenience, be divided into three groups, 
called A, B, and C. 

> This work was done under the direction of the liureau of American Ethnology. 
It is my intention later to excavate the ruins herein described. 



Sitgreaves, in 1852, seems to have been the first writer to refer 
to the ruins about Flagstaff and along the Little Colorado. He 
figures one of the ruined pueblos near the cascades or falls,' 
which is of the same general character as those near Black falls, 
which he probably did not visit. Major Powell, in 1885, visited 
and later described "" the clifT-houses, the cavate rooms of the 
volcanic cones, and several pueblo ruins north and northeast of 
Flagstaff. He did not visit the Black Falls ruins, which are 
undoubtedly similar to some of those which he describes. Since 
Powell's description the literature of the Flagstaff ruins has been 
confined mostly to popular newspaper articles, archeologists 
seeming to have paid little attention to this neighborhood. 

Cavate Rooms . 

The cavate rooms near Flagstaff are excavated in the lava, or 
volcanic breccia, and may be classified as (i) cavate rooms with 
vertical entrances, and (2) cavate rooms with lateral entrances. 
The former are well illustrated by the " old caves," nine miles 
east of Flagstaff; the latter by the "new caves," twelve miles 
from the same place, in the same direction, and by cavate rooms 
half a mile west of Turkey Tanks. These two types of cavate 
rooms are similar, and their former inhabitants were apparently 
of the same culture.' Major Powell learned from the Indians of 
Cataract canon that the ancestors of the Havasupai occupied 
these cavate houses, and he states that " they doubtless lived on 
the north, east, and south of San Francisco mountain at the time 
this country was discovered by the Spaniards, and they subse- 
quently left their cliff and cavate dwellings and moved into 
Cataract canon, where they now live." 

The fragments of pottery seen about the entrances to these 

' Probably the " cascades" were the Grand falls, miles above the Black falls. 

^ See Seventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, iSgi. 

^ The relationship of the inhabitants of the cavate rooms to modern survivors will 
be discussed in a final report. Both the new and the old caves, by reason of their 
proximity to Flagstaff, are often visited by tourists. 

424 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

caves are identical with those found near the pueblo ruins in the 
neighborhood, and there is no doubt that the cave inhabitants 
had burrowed in the lava as the most practical means of con- 
structing habitations in this neighborhood. Free walls are found 
in combination with the caves, but these walls, save that they are 
built of lava, have no distinctive characteristics. This would 
indicate that the builders simply utilized readily available building 
material and took advantage of peculiar geological conditions. 


The " old caves " lie near the top of Old Cave mountain, about 
nine miles north of east of Flagstaff, and cover an area of about 
five acres. On the top of this height there is a level space which 
was surrounded by a rough wall made of volcanic breccia, from 
which a good view can be had of the surrounding country. The 
caves are found on the southern slope, and were excavated in a 
conglomerate of cinders or volcanic breccia which bears every evi- 
dence of having been erupted from a crater or blowhole (plate 
XVI, a). Clambering over the rough lava blocks one finds every- 
where on the surface the remains of walls, often continuous, indi- 
cating former rooms. In places there are level spaces which seem 
to have been plazas, and the entrances to the caves often open ver- 
tically from these levels into the subterranean rooms. At other 
points it would seem as if these rectangular rows of walls were con- 
tinuous, but there is no visible evidence that they had roofs, which, 
however, may have existed in former times. In fact, the old caves 
show combinations of underground cavate rooms with free walls 
above, and when inhabited the settlement must have looked like 
a collection of low, one-story rooms continuous for several hun- 
dred feet. We may therefore call this cluster of cavate rooms a 
pueblo in which each room above ground has a corresponding 
subterranean chamber hewn out of volcanic breccia. 

One of the best-preserved and characteristic rooms of the old 
caves, with a vertical entrance, is shown in the accompanying 


H. 8., VOL. 2, PL. XVI 

a — Type of the "Old Caves" 

b — Type of the "New Caves" 



plan (figure 55). It will be seen that there are two subterranean 
rooms, a and b, each of which is entered by an opening in the roof, 
indicated by a dotted line. Room a measures 12 feet each way, 
and the entrance measures about 6 feet. This entrance has a 
square enlargement, or chimney, on one side, which extends to 
the floor of room a and has perpendicular, regular walls. 

At one corner of room a there has been hewn out of the lava 
a small recess {e), the floor of which is lower than that of the 
room. There is also a small recess {f) at one side of the chimney. 

Fig. 55 — Plan of an " old cave " dwelling. 

Room b is larger than room a, being about 16 feet square. It 
communicates with the latter by an opening or broken doorway, 
and has an opening through the roof. The floor is somewhat 
lower than that of a. A recess {d) on one side of this room also 
communicates with the outside by a small opening which bears 
the same relation to room b that the flue (/) does to room a. 

Room c is an oblong, irregular, subterranean chamber, 5 by 7 
feet, with passageways into rooms a and b. The opening into a 
is almost perfectly square, that into b less regular. Its floor is 
several feet lower than the floors of the other two large rooms in 

426 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

this cluster. There are evidences of clay plastering in several 
places, and apparently the floor, walls, passageways, and possibly 
the roof, were smoothly finished. This plastering, however, has 
fallen, exposing the rough lava corners. 


The mountain in which the new caves occur is about three 
miles west of Turkey Tanks, or about 12 miles east of Flagstaff. 
This height is interesting from a geological point of view, it being 
a section of the rim of an old crater, as may be seen from its sum- 
mit. The remaining portion of the crater rim, or that on the 
eastern side, has been eroded into hills, the relations of which to 
the crater are recognized only by their positions. The highest 
part of the rim, and that in which the caves are found, is the 
western wall of the crater, which, with an adjacent southern sec- 
tion, forms a crescent connected by a ridge of less altitude. The 
more northerly of these elevations is the higher, and the cavate 
rooms occur on its eastern side. 

Climbing the mountain from the west, the ascent, though 
steep, is not difificult, the trail passing stunted cedars over a mass 
of cinders. In the depression between the two hills which form 
the crescent, we find rows of volcanic breccia arranged in rectan- 
gular and other forms suggesting a reservoir. From this point 
the ascent becomes more difficult, and as one reaches the top 
of the higher hill he finds himself on the rim of a former crater. On 
the east the rim rises almost perpendicularly, and its walls on that 
side are outcroppings of exceedingly rough cinder conglomerate. 
In this almost perpendicular wall, facing what may have been the 
middle of the former crater, tier upon tier of cavate rooms, irregu- 
larly arranged and most difficult of approach, have been excavated. 
The crest of this as well as that of the adjacent lower section of 
the crater rim is capped by artificial walls of considerable height, 
indicating former houses. The whole aspect of the place is one 
of desolation, and the lava appears as if it had been molten but a 


few generations ago. It may have been great stress of danger 
which drove the aborigines to seek homes in this forbidding 


About half a mile west of Turkey Tanks, or about fifteen 
miles east of Flagstaff, there is a collection of cavate rooms with 
lateral entrances arranged in tiers. These caves, although not so 
numerous as the new caves, are comparatively well preserved. 
They are situated a short distance to the left of the road from 
Flagstaff, on the uplifted outcrop of what appears to be an old 
volcanic blowhole, and are confined to the northern side of the 
depression which marks the former place of eruption (plate XVI, b). 
The outcrop on this side of the depression is composed of 
alternate layers of hard lava and volcanic breccia. The former 
would tend to resist any working with primitive implements, but 
the latter could readily be excavated with stone tools. The aver- 
age thickness of the layers is about eight feet. By the excavation 
of the breccia the layer of harder lava above it has been under- 
mined, and at present has fallen in places, filling the rooms or 
closing their entrances so that the form and dimensions are no 
longer determinable. As the layers are uplifted, vertical entrances 
into these cavate chambers are absent, the doorways entering 
horizontally from the side of the cliff. There are at least three 
tiers of these rooms, corresponding with the volcanic strata. 

In the construction of some of these cavate rooms there is a 
combination of stone walls and excavated chambers, the lateral 
separation of the rooms having been made by a plastered wall of 
small bowlders brought from the bottom of the adjacent depres- 
sion. Apparently, also, walls formerly existed in front of the 
entrances to the caves, but these for the greater part have fallen, 
and their outlines are difficult to trace except in small sections. 

Entering by a side opening, we pass into a subterranean room, 
12 by 10 feet, and 6 feet high, the walls and floor of which are 


I goo 

partially plastered. This room has five smaller rooms leading from 
it, which we will call b, c, d, c, and /. They average about five 
feet in diameter, and have their floors depressed about a foot below 
that of the main room, a. The entrances into these lateral rooms, 
especially that into d, are carefully made, are almost square, and 
when plastered, as there is good evidence that they once were, 
made good doorways. In fact, although the walls of most of 
these cavatc chambers are now very rough, and the rooms seem- 
ingly desolate as places of habitation, they must once have been 
comfortable abodes, for the plastering made the finish almost as 
smooth as that of any wall which could be constructed. 

Several of the rooms in which the plastering still remains have 
ledges and cubby-holes in which household utensils were doubt- 
less kept. The similarity of these cavate chambers to those exca- 
vated in volcanic tufa in Verde valley is apparent. The material 
in which they occur is different, but the plan of the rooms is almost 
identical. Whatever peoples inhabited the cavate dwellings of 
the cinder-cones near Flagstaff and the tufa mesas of the Verde, 
their culture was not radically different. 

Ruins near Black Falls of the Little Colorado 
the environment 

It has long been known that the banks of the Little Colorado 
and the neighboring mesas were sites of ancient dwellings, but 
exploration has been confined mostly to the upper part of the 
river and its tributaries. The numerous ruins along the stream 
from Grand falls to its confluence with Rio Colorado have been 
wholly neglected, but there is little doubt that future excavation 
will be rewarded with many novelties. 

The Black Falls ruins have been known for several years to 
local amateur archeologists, and a considerable collection of an- 
cient objects has been taken from them by Mr Benjamin Doney, 
of Flagstaff. Under his guidance several well-known residents of 


that town, among whom may be mentioned Dr Robinson and Mr 
Jack, have visited and photographed them.' Herders and cow- 
boys are acquainted with the ruins, and the former have cleared 
some of the rooms for use in winter. 

The geological features of the region in which these three 
groups of ruins occur are instructive, but for present purposes one 
or two simple statements will sufifice. The three well-marked for- 
mations — lava, sandstone, and limestone — have affected the 
appearance of the ruins. The black lava covers the red sandstone 
and limestone, forming great mesas or isolated buttes, the sum- 
mits of which are crowned with ruins. The lava ruins have low, 
rough walls in which adobe mortar was not detected. The red 
sandstone formed a more tractable material, and the buildings 
constructed of it show fine masonry with adobe mortar. These 
ruins ordinarily stand on the brink of small cafions eroded in the 
sandstone, on isolated blocks of the same stone, or on ridges left 
by erosion. If these lava and red sandstone ruins were found in 
different localities they might be regarded as products of different 
peoples, but their existence side by side in this region shows that 
the slight differences in their architecture were due simply to the 
building materials employed. The irregular forms of the lava 
blocks made it impossible to construct from them the fine recti- 
linear walls which were possible with the well-squared blocks of 
sandstone and limestone. The erosion of the lava produces a 
coal-black, porous sand which as a rule covers the finer red soil 
derived from the sandstone and limestone. This soil, drifting into 
pockets or depressions in the surface rocks, afforded burial places 
for the inhabitants of the villages. 

This region has few trees ; there are no pines, and only a few 
cedars. It is the same sagebrush country which we find near the 
upper Little Colorado at Holbrook and Winslow. 

'The author was guided to these ruins by Mr Doney. He is indebted to Dr 
Robinson and Mr Reed for kodak photographs, and to Mr Jack for measurements of 
several rooms. 


The region is arid ; it has now few springs, and those which 
were used in ancient times have probably been filled with drifting 
sand.' Volcanic agencies have left their mark on the whole 
region, causing in places deep fissures in the rocks into some of 
which a strong current of air continually passes, and from one of 
which emerges a roar as if from subterranean currents of water. 
One of the largest of these fissures is about two miles from the 
Tuba road, on the way to the ruins called cluster A ; others are 
found in the rocks near G and H of this cluster, where their 
depth has not been determined. These crevasses, which are 
no unusual feature in the geology of this region, vary in breadth 
from a few inches to many hundred feet, and from a hundred 
yards to miles in length. When very broad they form canons, 
which end abruptly or merge into "washes" as the configuration 
of the country may dictate. 


The ruins near Black falls are, as a rule, cubical in form, with 
rectangular rooms of one or more stories. Curved walls are rare, 
although in some instances the shape of the ruin follows the curv- 
ature of the mesa on which it stands. These ruins are built of 
both sandstone and lava, and the two varieties are found in close 
proximity, or within a few hundred feet of one another. 

The sites of these ruins are ordinarily elevated, and it is not un- 
common to find an entire mesa top either covered with rooms or 
surrounded by a wall perpendicular with the escarpment. The 
ground-floor rooms had no lateral external entrances, but where 
there were several chambers side by side they communicated with 
each other by doorways. In the case of two- or three-story houses 

'I do not share a common belief that when these now-ruined structures were in- 
habited the precipitation was greater. In an arid region springs rapidly till with 
drifting sand if not dug out repeatedly. The Hopi are obliged to clean out some of 
their largest springs annually. 


it is probable that the ground floor was used for storage and was 
entered from the roof. 

This is an architectural feature still retained in the old Hopi 
houses, but it has been somewhat masked by more modern build- 
ings erected in front of them. The old houses of Walpi, Sichumovi, 
and Hano had ground floors which were entered from the roofs, 
to which one mounted by ladders, while entrance to the second 
story was gained by means of a side doorway from the roof of 
the first. Many of these old rooms are still to be seen at Walpi, 
especially around the plaza, and there are one or two examples 
in the villages of Sichumovi and Hano.' The oldest houses 
of Tusayan never had lateral entrances from the ground floor, 
but when the first story was occupied it was provided with 
a hatchway in the roof. This type of room, however, is rapidly 
disappearing, the majority of ground-floor rooms on the East 
Mesa now being provided with doorways in the walls ; on the 
Middle Mesa and at Oraibi the number of ground-floor rooms 
entered by a side door is still smaller than on the East Mesa. It 
may safely be laid down as a rule that, whenever in the Hopi 
pueblos one finds rooms on the ground floor entered by lateral 
doors, the construction is new.^ 

The character of the sandstone and limestone of the Flagstaff 
region is such that, when the stone is fractured, slabs are pro- 
duced which make possible the construction of excellent walls. 
Blocks of lava, however, have no flat faces, and when used as 
building material result in poor masonry, for the adobe mortar 

1 A good example of the ancient houses of Walpi, in which the lower story serves 
as a dwelling-room at certain times, is Saliko's home, near the Snake rock, and the row 
of rooms from Honsi's house to the Monkiva. The Flute house is also a fine example 
of this type. In Sichumovi the home of Putche illustrates this ancient type, and there 
are several in Hano, of which Kalacai's house is a good example. 

2 1 shall consider this architectural likeness of the ground rooms of ancient ruins 
to old Hopi houses in my final article on the Black Falls ruins, where plans will be 
given illustrating the relation of the ground rooms with lateral doors to the old rooms 
on the East Mesa. The ruins near Black falls have their ground-floor rooms like the 
old rooms of the Hopi pueblos. 

432 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s.. 2, igoo 

readily washes from the joints and the walls soon fall. It is rare 
to find houses built of the latter material which now stand many 
stories high. The best rooms constructed of lava contain also 
sandstone slabs, which have strengthened their walls, as in the 
" citadel " of the Black Falls ruins, where blocks of sandstone 
were also used as lintels. None of the walls show evidence that 
the building stones were dressed after being quarried. 

The highest walls of these pueblos as a rule were situated on 
the northern and western sides, the pueblos being terraced on the 
south and east. This arrangement was apparently adopted to 
secure sunny exposure. 

In many of the ruins there are found, at the base of the mesa, 
on the southern and eastern sides, rooms of a single story which, 
from their position, we may designate basal rooms. They are 
now covered with debris, but were once protected by the over- 
hanging edge of the mesa, suggesting cliff-houses, of which they 
may be a survival. These basal structures may have been used 
as granaries, but in none of them were remains of roofs found. 

With the exception of group B, ruin A, most of the ruins show 
little evidence of long occupancy ; few logs or beams remain in 
them, there are no extensive deposits of debris, and there is a 
lack of large quantities of pottery fragments such as are usually 
found about pueblos which have been occupied for many genera- 
tions. The general indication is that these buildings were inhab- 
ited in comparatively modern times. 

None of the rooms show marks of surface plastering, except 
those of group B, where it is confined to the interior of the walls, 
as is the case with the older Hopi buildings. 

The size of the rooms is much greater than is ordinarily the 
case with very ancient ruins. No kivas were found, and it is 
believed that the religious ceremonies were held in the ordinary 
domiciles. No building had a roof intact, but in many instances 
the remains of the roofs and floors of the upper rooms were found 
in the chambers below. 


N. 8. VOL. 2, PI, XVII 






a — Group A, The Citadel 

/' — Group .(, Rum j 


The fact that wooden beams occur so abundantly in group D, 
ruin A, impHes that it was either the last house to be abandoned 
in this neighborhood or that the beams were taken from the 
others to this pueblo, and when it was deserted its inhabitants 
moved too far away to carry heavy objects with them. Some of 
the timbers in the modern Hopi houses are said to have been 
dragged from the Little Colorado, possibly from old ruins. 


Group A includes a cluster of ruins which, as a rule, are small, 
and bear general similarity in construction. It is situated about 
fifteen miles west of Little Colorado river. Following the road 
from Flagstaff to T.uba to within about eleven miles of Tanner's 
crossing, after passing Deadman's flat, the visitor turns to the right, 
and, proceeding four miles eastward, finds himself in the midst of 
the group. There are no trails or wagon-tracks from the well- 
traveled Tuba road to group A ; but the country is so level that 
one can readily go overland to almost any point. A castellated, 
truncated lava cone, the " citadel " of the group (plate XVII, a), 
can be seen soon after one leaves the Tuba road, and this promi- 
nent landmark gives the general direction of the ruins among 
which it is situated. From the top of this citadel all the ruins 
of group A, with one or two exceptions, are visible, and the vis- 
itor is advised to inspect it first in order to determine the posi- 

tion of the surrounding ruins. 


The walls of the citadel are constructed of blocks of lava and 
sandstone, and cover the top of a truncated elevation. They are 
arranged about a level central court or plaza, the surrounding 
walls of which are best preserved on the western side. The hill 
upon which the citadel is built bears evidence of having once 
been a volcanic cone, and was a most advantageous place of 
refuge for the inhabitants of the neighboring houses, as it had a 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2 — 28 

434 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

commanding position, was difficult of access, and was well forti- 
fied. As some of the structures were of two stories, they appear 
to have been permanently inhabited. 

Twenty-three small ruins were counted from this elevated 
position. For convenience of description these may be desig- 
nated A, 15, C, etc. 


Ruin A of group A is situated at the base of the truncated 
mesa of the citadel ; it is built of red sandstone, with a few courses 
of lava blocks, is 50 feet long by 12 feet wide, and contains five 
rooms arranged side by side. Although the house was evidently 
never more than one story high, the many fallen building-stones 
would seem to indicate that its walls were once considerably 
higher than at present. Few floor-beams or rafters were de- 

Near this ruin, at the base of the hill, are four walled in- 
closures, one above another, suggesting terraced gardens. Their 
low walls are composed of alternate rows of lava and sandstone. 
Near these former gardens is a depression which might once have 
been a reservoir. This ruin is the only one visited which was not 
built on an elevated mesa at or near the edge of a cafton. 


There are remains of three houses, built of lava and sandstone 
blocks, on a small lava hill a few hundred feet north of the 
citadel. On the same elevation there is a circular wall which 
may have served as a fortification. Most of the walls have fallen, 
and it is almost impossible to determine the relationship of the 
former rooms. There are also some small ruins on a lava hill 
near the elevation on which B, c, and D are situated. 


A considerable distance from the last-mentioned cluster, but 
in the same direction from the citadel, there are situated two 


conspicuous ruins visible from a considerable distance. One of 
these, on the top of a lava mesa, is built of the same material 
of which the mesa is composed ; the other, situated at its base, 
is constructed of red sandstone. Near the latter, on a lava 
mesa, there are many pictographs, representing spirals, frogs, 
snakes, and unknown figures. There is much broken pottery 
near ruin F. 


These ruins, especially G, H, and j, are among the best pre- 
served of all those in group A. Ruins G, H, and j are contructed 
of limestone, and are situated on the brink of a canon, at the bot- 
tom of which, near the first mentioned, are mounds indicating the 
site of I. The walls of G, H, and j are well preserved and show 
some of the best aboriginal masonry in Arizona. 

Ruin G had two rooms with walls rising twenty feet from the 
rim of the canon. The lower courses of the walls are much larger 
than the upper, as is true of others in this neighborhood. The 
level of the floors is indicated by courses of larger stones. 

Ruin J (plate XVII, b) is the best preserved of all the ruins in 
group A, and presents exceptional features. It is situated on the 
left wall of a canon, about forty feet deep and of the same width, 
which deepens and widens east of the ruin, and then har- 
rows, forming a natural corral enclosed by cliffs. Eight good 
rooms were noted in that part of the ruin situated on the top of 
the canon wall, and in the canon below it there were several 
semicircular basal rooms, some of which were sheltered by an 
overhanging cliff. Similarly sheltered rooms are represented in 
many of the ruins in this neighborhood, but nowhere else are they 
so well preserved. There are no beams in place, but their former 
positions are shown in many walls by openings, indicating that 
when inhabited the pueblo had two, possibly three, stories. An 
inclosure which may been a ninth room is so filled with fallen walls 
that details of its construction or size could not be determined. 



[n. S., 2, 1900 

As none of the rooms have external lateral openings on a 
level with the foundations, it is naturally supposed that the rooms 
were entered by means of ladders and hatchways. There are a 
modern doorway and fireplace in one room, evidently of later 
construction than the walls of the rooms. 

Perhaps the most problematical structures in this ruin are the 
small cysts in the cafion walls east of the entrance. A thin layer 

( % 

Fig. 56 — Plan of group A , ruin j. 

of softer rock has so weathered as to leave a horizontal crevice 
which at intervals is divided, by stones set on edge, into re- 
ceptacles a foot or so deep. They were formerly closed by flat 
slabs of stone, only two of which now remain in place. These 
cysts were nicely plastered, and the slabs which closed them were 
luted in place with adobe. Nothing was found in them to indi- 
cate their use, whether as burial places for the dead or as bins for 
the storage of corn. Their number was considerable, but their 
size so small that their capacity could scarcely have been more 
than a few bushels. This is the only ruin in which such inclos- 
ures were found, and no theory is advanced as to their former use. 


Ruin K, which evidently formerly contained several rooms, is 
divided into two sections and is situated on a high lava mesa 


difficult of approach. The walls of the larger section inclose three 
well-preserved rooms and still rise to a height of about eight feet. 
Five feet above the base, the red-sandstone blocks of which the 
walls are built are replaced by a course of stone of lighter color, 
which forms a horizontal band around the ruin. The second sec- 
tion consists of a low, rough wall built along the edge of the cliff, 
inclosing a level space in front of the first section. There are 
isolated rooms in this inclosure, and a depression which may 
have been a reservoir. This ruin, like many others, consisted of 
dwellings and a fort for protection. There are instructive pic- 
tographs on the rocks near by. 


At the base of the lava mesa on which the last-mentioned 
ruin stands, there is a ruin of red sandstone with five rooms and a 
foundation of unusual shape. A huge rock, cubical in form, has 
fallen a few yards from its former position in the bluff. Ruin L 
is built on the top of this detached block, and its fairly well pre- 
served walls are separated from the bluff on all sides by a wide 
crevice. From a distance the ruin appears to be perched on the 
bluff, but closer observation shows its separation from the latter 
by an impassable natural moat. 


This is an oblong ruin, rising from the side of a deep, narrow 
canon, with walls consisting of alternating courses of large and 
small blocks of red sandstone. Some of the walls have fallen, but 
sections fully ten feet high still remain in place. There are evi- 
dences of five rooms, each two stories high, but most of the cham- 
bers are filled with fallen stones. The cemetery of this pueblo 
lies west of the ruin, where there are also remains of walls. 

Small ruins may be seen near the road from group A to B, z. 
few miles to the left. Their walls are in good condition, but no 
peculiar features were observed. 

438 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 


The largest of all the ruins in the Black Falls cluster, and 
one which bears evidence of having been inhabited for a consid- 
erable time, lies about 35 miles northeastward from Flagstaff and 
about 8 miles from the Little Colorado. This structure is built on 
a ridge of sandstone extending in a northeast-southwest direction, 
and consists of two large buildings of moderate elevation. On 
each side the ridge slopes gradually to a depression, the talus on 
the east covering a series of rooms, while on the west side, which 
is more abrupt, no rooms were discovered. The ruin is divided 
into two sections connected by rows of one-story rooms, the walls 
of which have fallen. Remains of a great number of roof- and 
floor-beams are still scattered throughout the debris. These 
beams are larger than those in any other ruin of the same size 
known to me (plate XVIII, a). 

It is difificult to determine the original number of rooms in the 
first section of this ruin, as the tops of the walls have fallen, filling 
the chambers with debris. How many basal rooms were buried 
in the talus of fallen walls at the base of the mesa on the eastern 
side could not be discovered. Room a of this section is elevated 
on a rocky base about ten feet high. The chamber is small, and 
its walls have fallen on two sides. The debris has been cleared 
out of this room by Mr Doney, who found in it the desic- 
cated remains of an infant wrapped in four well-preserved cotton 

Room <^ is a small, narrow chamber, with good walls on three 
sides, but the fourth wall, which was situated on the edge of the 
mesa, has fallen over the brink (figure 57). 

The ground-floor chamber of room c is formed by a gap in the 
mesa, from which a large cubical block has fallen. The walls of 
this chamber are the natural rock, to the surface of which adhere 
fragments of plastering. The beams of the floor of an upper room 
still rest on the edge of the gap, as in some of the kivas of Walpi 
today, especially those on the eastern edge of the mesa. The 


N. 8., VOL. 2, PL. XVIII 


,; — (/.rouji /', Ruin .\, Si-^ti 





latter are built in a depression, the solid rock forming the walls on 
three sides, the fourth wall being of masonry. 

Room d is buried under debris, and the broken beams which 
have pressed down on a plastered banquette are still visible. The 
reeds, straw, and impressed clay, which once formed a floor, may 
be seen in section. 

Room e has two stories, and the floor-beams and rafters are 
still in place, but buried under debris. A high wall extends from 

. ■.7•»-;,,,Jiu^^^\*"' , ■s^^mm'""""' — 

W^'j:-. u :i-i 

/"^'•^^^wl**^ "W-'> "' 

^;*:'i!/iw;'i|i^'"'"" ^'"^/.i*""))!;}!;;;?^*!^^^' -M- ■ 

Fig. 57 — Plan of group B, ruin a, section a. 

the eastern wall of room e, crossing a depression in the cliff, which 
is bridged by logs serving as its foundation. 

It seems within the bounds of probability that there were 
thirty rooms in the first section of group B, ruin A, including the 
basal rooms now deep beneath the fallen walls of the higher por- 
tion of the ruin. On the supposition that half of these were un- 
inhabited, and that there were four persons to each room in the 
remainder, the first section of the ruin would have housed a pop- 
ulation of 60. This, however, on the basis of the present popu- 
lation of Walpi as compared with rooms in the ruined pueblo, is 
a rather low estimate. Considering the population of the second 
section as about the same as that of the first section, and that of 
the connecting rooms as about 30, the approximate population 



[n. S., 2, 1900 

of the pueblos would have been 150. As compared with the size 
of Walpi the estimated population was 200. 

The rooms of the second section, several of which are well 
preserved, are lower than those of the first section, and the detri- 
tus has covered the base so completely that the mesa is incon- 
spicuous. Room a is nearly square, and is built on two rectangular 
rocks, the top of which forms the floor. One of these rocks forms 

,,„ ^.nuM.,,im^'^^ ''«^'^'''''*^''"''''''''''''''i'/;''''*"f''''^'''^'%^,,,^ *v. 







Fig. 58— Plan of group B, ruin a, section b. 

a side of the lower story of the adjoining room b, which is the best 
preserved of any in this section. The walls of room b are well pre- 
served, and the chamber was occupied as a habitation by a herder 
a few winters ago. The room has a lateral doorway through the 
wall on one side, and in one corner there is a fireplace communi- 
cating with a chimney which will later be described. This room 
is 12 feet 4 inches by 9 feet 7 inches. In the second section many 
walls are still standing high above their foundations, indicating 
many rooms which are now filled with fallen debris in which 
beams, fragments of pottery, and other objects may be seen. Ten 
large rooms were counted, several of which had two stories. 
There were apparently basal rooms on the eastern side. The 
entire section is about sixty feet long (figure 58). 

A chimney-like structure is one of the most conspicuous ob- 
jects in this part of the ruin. It rises from the mass of debris 


covering room e, and communicates with the fireplace in room b, 
but a vertical line from its top is 7 feet 10 inches from the near- 
est wall of the room in which the fireplace is situated. Whether 
this chimney is aboriginal or not, or whether it is a chimney at all, 
are open questions. Excepting its state of preservation and fine 
masonry, no evidence was found that it is of more recent date than 
the walls of the rooms. If an aboriginal chimney, which I doubt, 
its structure is unique. It may be a ventilator, comparable with 
the chimney-like structures described by Mindeleff in the kivas of 
Canon de Chelly. 

One of the finest reservoirs which I have ever seen in connec- 
tion with a ruin was discovered near the bottom of the elevation 
on which ruin A of group B is situated. This reservoir is circular 
in shape, fifty feet in diameter, and carefully walled. It lies south 
of the second section of the group, and apparently had a break in 
the wall in line with the depression east of the ruin. It appears 
to belong to the same type as those reservoirs on the East Mesa 
of the Hopi in which snow and rain are collected for future use. 
There are instructive petroglyphs near group B, ruin A. A num- 
ber of rock-etchings observed in a small caiion about a mile from 
ruin A were pecked in a perpendicular wall protected by the over- 
hanging rim of the canon. These petroglyphs were evidently 
made by the former inhabitants of this region, as one of the best 
examples shows the same design as that figured on pottery from 
the neighboring ruin. There were likewise butterfly, sheep or 
antelope, and other figures. 

It would be quite impossible in this preliminary notice to give 
a complete account of the archeological objects which Mr Doney 
has taken from this ruin, but even a preliminary sketch would be 
incomplete without some reference to them. One of the most 
instructive objects is the desiccated body of an infant wrapped in 
coarse cotton cloth, allusion to which has already been made. 
This bundle was inclosed in three small cotton kilts which were 
later washed and found to be as " sjood as new." At the foot of 

442 . AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., i, igoo 

the infant was a desiccated parrot (?), some of the brilliant plumage 
of which is still to be seen. This bird has a prayer-stick tied to 
one leg, which makes reasonable the belief that it was a cere- 
monial object. Another interesting specimen in the Doney col- 
lection is the dried body of a dog which was found in one of the 
deep clefts in the rock near one of the ruins. This dog has a 
head similar to that found by the writer in the Chaves Pass 
ruin in 1896. There are also several fragments of beautiful 
cotton cloth and netting. Some of the specimens are embroi- 
dered, others are painted with circles and other geometric designs. 
A heavy wooden club, several planting-sticks, and other wooden 
objects, are to be seen in Mr Doney's collection. There are also 
many cigarette canes, some with woven handles, as well as seeds 
of cotton, squash, gourd, and corn, and many objects of shell, as 
tinklers, ornaments, rings, and bracelets. One of the best Haliotis 
shells which I have ever seen from a ruin was found in one of the 

There are also many large turquois ornaments, some an inch 
or an inch and a half square. The many metates are made of 
lava, and are deeply worn as if from long use. The copper bell 
from a grave near group B, ruin A, is a remarkable specimen. It 
has the same form as the bells from Arizona ruins which T have 
elsewhere described, but on one side are ridges indicating eyes, 
nose, and mouth, apparently made of strips of metal soldered or 
brazed to the surface. It is not believed that this bell was the 
product of the former occupants of these now-ruined structures ; 
more probably it was obtained by them through barter. 


Across the depression north of ruin A, beyond the reservoir and 
on top of a mesa, there is a rectangular ruin consisting of two 
sections connected by low, parallel walls, which inclose a rectan- 
gular plaza. It appears that each section was composed of two 
single-story rooms. No beams nor other evidence of roofing are 


now visible, but a considerable quantity of masonry has fallen into 
the inclosures. From the base of the mesa to the ruin an old 
trail can be traced by rows of stones on the eastern side, and on 
the same side there are likewise remnants of rooms. Graves were 
found among the rocks at the base of the mesa. 


About half a mile north of group B, ruin A, there is a fortified 
mesa, with several rooms, some of which had two stories. The 
surface of this mesa is flat ; the rim is round, the sides perpen- 
dicular but of moderate elevation. Most of the walls, which are 
built on the rim continuously with the mesa sides, have fallen, 
but sections of the houses, ten feet high, still remain, and the roof- 
beams and wattling may be seen in place in one or two rooms. 

There are some fragments of broken metates made of lava, 
many potsherds,* and a considerable pile of debris at the base of 
the mesa. Ruin A can be seen from the highest point, and the 
distant group C, ruin A, is plainly visible. The cemetery is on the 
eastern side, among the rocks at the base of the mesa. 


This ruin, which lies forty miles by road from Flagstaff, and 
five miles due west of Black falls, is one of the most impressive 
masses of aboriginal masonry in this section. It is visible for 
many miles, and from a distance resembles an old castle as it 
looms from the northern end of an isolated, oblong, red-sand- 
stone mesa rising fifteen feet above the plain. The southern 
end of the mesa is higher than the northern extremity, and 
its rim appears to have been surrounded by a low wall, in- 
closing a plaza. Standing walls cover about half the surface of 
the mesa. On its eastern side, about midway of its length, there 
is a gap with perpendicular walls extending about fourteen feet 
into the side and almost bisecting it. 



[N. S., 2, 1900 

The following measurements of group C, ruin A, were made by 
Mr Jack, who has kindly placed them at my disposal : 

The longer axis of the mesa bears N. 10° E., this bearing be- 
ing obtained by using the face of the eastern wall of the highest 
building. The width of the mesa, at the middle point, measured 
from the rim of the overhanging cliff, is about 65 feet. The 
height of the tallest wall of room a is 19 feet above its foundation 


Fig. 59 — Plan of group C, ruin A. 

on top of the mesa, which is about 10 feet high. The inside 
measurements of the same room are : Top of mesa to probable 
position of first floor, 7 feet, 6 inches ; first floor to probable 
position of second floor, 8 feet ; bench on which the floor-beams 
of the second floor rest to the top of the wall, 3 feet. 

It may reasonably be concluded that the third story was as 
high as either of the other two, or about 7 feet 6 inches, which 
would make the original height of the wall about 23 feet. 

The inside horizontal measurements of the northern and 
southern walls of room a are not the same. The former is 1 1 feet 


4 inches, the latter 9 feet 9 inches. The eastern and western 
walls are 12 feet long. Room c is 17 feet 9 inches long, by 9 feet 
7 inches wide. 

Although the standing walls of this ruin are the best preserved 
of any of those examined, no wooden beams are found in place, 
nor are there remnants of the flooring or other debris in the 
rooms themselves. This absence is explained on the ground that 
at the time of the abandonment of the settlement, or later, the 
woodwork was carried away for use in new habitations. Possibly 
they were taken to ruin A of group B, or perhaps elsewhere. 
There is good evidence that this ruin once had large floor-beams, 
as indicated by openings in the walls in which they once rested. 

Examination of the ground-plan (figure 59) shows that the 
whole surface of the mesa was once covered with rooms, the walls 
of which still extend to its edge. The highest walls, or those 
which surrounded room a, are of three stories. The two out- 
side walls rise directly from the edge of the perpendicular cliff. 
There are several small openings at various levels, and holes in 
which rested the great beams that once supported the flooring 
are readily seen. At the corners of the rooms the masonry of 
the second story is bonded to that of the first and third, im- 
parting solidity and strength to the high walls. There is no 
entrance or passageway between rooms a and c, but access was 
had between rooms a and b. Room b is almost perfectly inclosed 
by standing walls, formerly two stories high. The wall on the 
northern side has been overturned, and the many stones which 
have fallen at the base make an entrance at this point possible. 
As shown by the depressions in the walls, this structure once had 
two large beams in the roof of the first story, but they have dis- 
appeared. Room c has one story ; its walls are complete on all 
sides, with an interior entrance into rt^ and an exterior passageway. 
Rooms a, b, c, are conspicuous from a distance and join the greater 
part of the ruin. At intervals on the rim of the mesa other 
walls are found, some sections of which are four or five feet high. 

44^ AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

but it is difficult to trace the walls of the rooms designated d 
and c. 

This ruin also has cave rooms at the southern base of the 
mesa, which recall those of the other ruins in the Black Falls 
cluster. Plate XVIII, b, shows ruin A, group C, looking southward, 
and gives the general appearance as one approaches it from the 
west. The tall, square tower on the right incloses room a, and 
the lower wall extending to the gap is the side of room c. The 
fragments of masonry on the left of the gap are all that remain 
of the walls of room e. The mounds on the mesa to the left of the 
last are remnants of an encircling wall and of rooms which once 
surrounded the open space on the end of the mesa. The trail to 
the top of the mesa passes over the fallen walls of this room, as 
shown in the illustration. 

The wall on the edge of the mesa, just above the large bowlder 
in the foreground of this plate, is a part of room d, and at the 
bottom of the cliff, at this point, can be seen the walls of the 
basal rooms built at right angles to the cliffs. The level part of 
the mesa summit is broken by a single fragment of elevated wall 
— a part of room c. On this side of the mesa the upper part 
overhangs the lower, forming a cave, but no indication of rooms 
was detected here. 


The cemetery is about a hundred yards east of the ruin, and 
is small in extent. The mortuary objects found in a single grave 
opened at ruin A, group C, will give an idea of the burial de- 
posits. The graves are oval, and consist of cysts made of slabs 
of stone set on end and covered with other flat stones. The up- 
right stones were cemented together with adobe, the covering 
slabs being apparently luted to the edges of the uprights. These 
burial cysts were commodious, and in the one uncovered, the 
body, which was that of a woman, lay on one side, at full length, 
with the head at the wider end. To the right of the hips were 


found a decorated food-bowl in which was a smaller bowl, a large 
and beautifully decorated vase, and a second small food-bowl. 
On the left arm was an armlet made of a Pectunculus shell identi- 
cal with those found in the ruins of Homolobi. There was a 
remnant of a wooden prayer-stick, painted green, on the breast. 
Near the mastoid processes were square ear-pendants made of 
lignite covered with a turquois mosaic surrounding a central red 
stone. These are beautiful specimens of turquois mosaic, far 
superior to those now in use in the Hopi pueblos. The skeleton 
was in a very poor state of preservation, probably due to the 
character of the soil, which consists of cinder sand through which 
water readily percolates. There is a general similarity in the tex- 
ture and decoration of the four pieces of pottery found in this 
grave. They belong to the black-and-white variety and have 
geometric ornamentation. 


About two miles from the large ruin just described, to the 
left of the road to Schiiltze's spring, is a small, red-sandstone 
ruin standing on an isolated bluff. This ruin covers the top of 
the mesa and is conspicious for some distance. The rim of the 
mesa overhangs in places, as the lower strata are much eroded, 
and the ruin can be entered at only one point. All the rooms 
of this ruin are single-storied, and most of the walls are high, 
although there is a considerable quantity of fallen stone in the 
rooms and at the base of the mesa (figure 60). 

Room a is a semicircular inclosure, most of the walls of 
which have fallen. This is perched over a projecting table or 
platform, the rim of which the wall covers. The ground-plan of 
room b is nearly square, with well-preserved walls which rise 
directly from the edge of the mesa, which is steep on three 
sides. The interval between rooms b and d is strewn with stones, 
but traces of low walls can be seen. One of these walls is on 
the edge of the steep mesa; the other, parallel with it. almost 



[n. s.. 2, igoo 

divides the space in halves. This is the part of the ruin which 
one first enters after climbing up the talus of fallen rocks. 
Room d is large, with well-preserved walls four or five feet high, 
and with a projecting platform on one side on which only obscure 
indications of artificial structures may be detected. 

Room /is rather small, with walls built over a projecting plat- 
form, and resembling, from below, a bow window. Room e is 




Fig. 6o — Plan of group C, ruin b. 

well constructed ; it contains considerable debris, and its sides are 
continuous with the perpendicular wall of the mesa. At the base 
of the cliff, just below room e, there is a low, almost circular wall, 
forming an inclosure somewhat similar to the basal rooms of some 
of the ruins already described. Although in general its architec- 
ture does not differ from many other rectangular ruins previously 
discussed, the overhanging platforms give a unique appearance to 
the structure. About 300 feet eastward were noted the edges of 
flat stones which indicate burial cysts. The whole length of this 
ruin is 46 feet, and the width, including the projections at /"and 
g, 21 feet. The sizes of difTerent rooms measured were: 

Room />, 10 feet 8 inches, by 9 feet 10 inches. 
«, 15 4 10 5 

U U U .. H 

t', 10 5 10 

The followinfT bearinf^s were taken from this ruin : 


Group C, ruin a, bears N. la"" E. 
Mt Agassiz " S. 48° VV. 

Schiiltze's spring " S. 50° W. 


The preceding description will give a general idea of the ruins 
in this section. It is not possible to compare them with the ruins 
of Homolobi, where most of the walls have disappeared or have 
so fallen as to render the original plan unrecognizable. The dif- 
ference in building material employed in the construction of the 
pueblos on Chevlon fork of Little Colorado river must have im- 
parted a somewhat different character to the buildings erected 
there, but there is some likeness between the ruins at Chaves 
pass and the lava ruins near Black falls. In this connection it 
may be stated that there is also a large ruin near Homolobi built 
of lava blocks on a lava mesa. 

The racial and clan kinship of the former inhabitants of these 
pueblos is somewhat problematical, but it is quite likely that the 
people were akin to the Hopi. This it shown not only by the 
character of the houses, but also by the pottery and various other 
objects found near them. Both legendary and archeological evi- 
dences point to the conclusion that the people who once inhabited 
the pueblos near Black falls came from the north, and were related 
to those who once lived in cliff-houses and other habitations on 
the Rio Colorado and its tributary, the San Juan. Hopi legends 
say that the Snake clans formerly lived at Tokonabi, on the Rio 
Colorado, and that they migrated southward and built a pueblo 
about f^fty miles west of the present Hopi towns, which they 
called Wukoki. This pueblo, it is said, still has high standing 
walls. The direction and distance of the Black Falls ruins from 
Walpi correspond pretty closely with the legend, and while it 
may not be possible to identify any single ruin of this cluster as 
Wukoki, the traditional Wukoki of Hopi legend is not far from 
that point. The tradition that these people came from the north 

AM. ANTH. N. S., 2— 2Q. 

450 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

is supported by the close resemblance between the character and 
the decoration of their pottery and that of the San Juan ruins. 

It might naturally be supposed that there would be a close 
likeness between the pottery of the Black Falls ruins and that of 
Homolobi, and that kinship once existed between the inhabitants 
of these two pueblos on the same river. Close study, however, 
shows marked difference, and I am led to the belief that while 
both were Pueblo people and therefore similar in culture, the 
clans which inhabited Homolobi were not the same as those 
which lived at the Black Falls villages. The clans which lived at 
Homolobi came from the far south, through Chaves pass, while 
those at Wukoki came from the opposite direction. Both event- 
ually sought refuge in the Hopi pueblos, where their descendants 
now live together. The clans from Homolobi were the Patki, 
Tuwa {Kukutc), and Tabo {Piba), whose route to the Hopi towns 
was by a trail which goes directly north past the " Giant's chair." 
The clans from Wukoki were the Tcica, Patufi, and others who 
migrated almost eastward when they sought their home in 

The traditions of these clans will be compared at length in a 
final report. The preceding pages give only a summary of many 
notes, and but few of many photographs obtained during a com- 
paratively brief visit to these remarkably well-preserved ruins. 




The first chapter in the history of Spanish colonial policy did 
not begin with the much-suffering Americas, where Cortes, Bal- 
boa, Pizarro, and Weyler have held their revels of blood. The 
earliest victims of these most Christian conquests were the re- 
markable aboriginal race of the Canary islands, which was so com- 
pletely destroyed or assimilated by the Spaniards that not all the 
ingenuity of modern anthropological study has been able to solve 
the riddle of its origin nor to decide its ethnic relationships. 
Legend tells how a terrific cataclysm reduced a magnificent conti- 
nent to the few isolated islands of today. Plato has described 
the sensations of a man on being first brought into the sunlight, 
having always lived in darkness ; but the poet is yet to sing whose 
theme shall be the peasant of the inland mountain-tops sudflenly 
become a dweller by the sea, — his craggy home sunk to the level 
of the ocean, — the thunder of the waves taking the place of forest 
silences. But scarcely less startling was the transformation 
wrought in the Canary islanders by the Spanish conquest. In the 
guise of Christianity they received slavery ; for civilization, exter- 
mination ; while their simple, strong, and wholesome life was 
superseded by the empty pomp and groveling superstition of the 

Writers have carried the story of the archipelago back to times 
preceding Plato. In its isles have been located the gardens of the 
Hesperides, the Elysian fields, the remnants of the continent of 
Atlantis, the "Fortunate isles" of the old Romans, and even the 
Paradise of the early Christians. They were supposed to be at 


45- AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

the end of the world, — " there where the ocean refuses to carry 
vessels, where the sun buries itself in the waves, in the empire of 
night, "^and to constitute a sort of intellectual gymnasium where 
the minds of poets and philosophers performed remarkable feats 
of imagination. 

Pliny says that the " Fortunate islands produce all the goods 
of the earth as all the fruits, without sowing nor planting," and 
that "the pagans of the Indies believe that their souls after death 
fly away to these islands and there live eternally on the perfume 
of the fruits, and they think that there is Paradise." But, he con- 
cludes, " to speak the truth, this is fable." 

Lucian writes : "Always in the fields of the Fortunate islands 
is the seat of Spring. The vines yield fruit twelve times in the 
year and every one of the months pays the tribute of its grapes. 
. . . In the place of wheat the ears shed bread prepared in 
their tops and crown, like mushrooms. The fountains are 375 of 
water, as many others of honey, and 500 of oil, balsam, and divers 
odorous liquors. And these fountains are the lesser, for of milk 
there are seven rivers and eight of wine." In 1344 Jacques Fer- 
rer made a curious map of the archipelago and declared that 
these were called Fortunate islands because they " abound in all 
— as grains, fruits, herbs, and trees." From them the Phenicians 
are supposed to have brought the famous Tyrian purple dye which 
Solomon sought for the adornment of his temple. 

Ideas of the people were as vague and exaggerated as of the 
country. Sallust tells us that Quintus Sertorius wished to go to 
the Fortunate islands " where were men no higher than some 
cubits and whose bones were flexible like nerves, and who were 
so strong that what they once held in their fingers could not be 
taken from them by the greatest force ; . . . They had no hairs 
except on the head — no eyebrows, eyelashes, nor beards," and the 
tongue was " split at the root so that in the same time they could 
ask with one half and answer with the other." (What a boon this 
would be to modern children !) " They lived 400 years, and the 

cook] the aborigines OF THE CANARY ISLANDS 453 

earth of its own good grace produced everything. When tired 
of life they dipped their faces in an herb, and after a short sleep, 
passed to the other life. The recently-born children were tied to 
birds, and those who survived the flight without nausea were 
allowed to live, the others being considered unfit to raise. They 
knew not what is discord, neither were they unhealthy or sick." 

Francis Barret in Natural Magic says that " Guanche mum- 
mies are monsters, the result of marriages between devils and 
men. . . . They were dried, dead carcases, almost three-footed, 
and so small that a boy might easily carry one of them on the 
palm of his hand, and they were of an exact human shape, but 
clear and transparent, and their bones flexible like gristles. . . . 
I considered that to this day the destroyed race of the Pygmies 
was there ! " These dried corpses were brought by shiploads to 
Europe in the seventeenth century to be used in magic and medi- 
cine. A piece of Guanche mummy and the so-called " dragon's 
blood," also a Canary product,' were ingredients in the most 
powerful charms and quite indispensable in compounding the 
"philosopher's stone." 

In contrast to the pygmy view, we read in other old books that 
the Fortunate islands were inhabited by a race of giants, one of 
whom is described as 14 feet high and having 80 teeth. M. Julien 
Danielo considers that the Odyssey is a compendium of Phenician 
travel, and that Polyphemus was a gigantic Guanche. Another 
writer says that every Guanche at one meal " took one little goat 
and twenty rabbits." 

So fancy ran riot over this prolific field and the Spaniards did 
their utmost to augment the confusion of truth and fiction. They 
made no effort to preserve to history a knowledge of the customs, 
traditions, or characteristics of the race which they subdued for 
the glory of the church. The conquest was completed about the 
time of the discovery of the New World, and, very shortly after, 
the native families not exterminated had been absorbed by 

' A resinous exudation from the so-called dragon tree, Draarva draco. 

454 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

intermarriage with the victors and quickly lost all trace of their 
former habits of life. 

Some rare old Spanish and French books which evaded inquisi- 
torial vigilance in the fine library at Laguna de Teneriffe, contain 
much valuable information regarding the islanders which has 
hitherto remained almost unknown to English-speaking people. 

The inhabited islands of the archipelago at the time of their 
discovery, as now, were seven in number ; by name, beginning 
with the most easterly, Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Grand Canary, 
Teneriffe, Palma, Gomera, and Hierro.' The natives had no com- 
munication with one another, for the use of boats was unknown. 
The only recorded exception is the story derived from the island 
legends that the knowledge of making fire by friction was brought 
to Hierro by a woman who swam from Gomera, 33 miles distant, 
on two leather bags filled with air. This is most significant and 
hardly reconcilable with theories of the original migration by sea 
from northern Africa; for what maritime people ever lost the 
knowledge of boats? Admitting the possibility for the settlers of 
one island, is it not curious that such a useful art should have 
been forgotten seven distinct times? This ignorance is to us 
perhaps the strongest argument in favor of the hypothesis that 
the present archipelago is all that remains of a more extensive con- 
tinent. Moreover, the inhabitants of Teneriffe could not swim — 
a strange lack in an island people, — while those of Palma ate no 
fish and did not know how to catch them, and the methods of 
fishing on the other islands seem to have been independently de- 
veloped. Bows and arrows were also unknown in any of the 
islands until the time of the Spanish conquest. All of these facts 
become less mysterious in the light of the submergence theory. 
The dwellers on the inland mountains of a vast country, if 

' The Canaries were the only Atlantic islands which were inhabited at the time of 
their discovery, Madeira, the Azores, and the Cape Verde group having no aborigines. 
There are six rocky islets in the Canary archipelago, without water and unpeopled. 

cook] the aborigines of the canary islands 455 

suddenly dropped, as it were, into mid-ocean, would be and might 
remain without means or desire to cross the unknown barrier of 
water. Have not the savage tribes in other lands inhabited a 
single valley for untold centuries, oblivious of the world beyond 
their mountain-locked home ? 

The residual origin of the Guanches, as the indigenes of the 
Canaries are commonly called, is not, however, generally accepted. 
Nuftez de la Pena truthfully says : " There are many opinions con- 
cerning the origin of the Canaries and each upholds his own as 
best he can, and, of all, which is the most certain God alone 
knows." An old man replied to the conquerors who asked whence 
came his people, " Our ancestors have told us that God put us in 
this island and that He has forgotten us, but that from the east 
would come the light which should enlighten us." This the Span- 
iards, of course, applied to themselves and the wonderful gifts of 
civilization and extermination which they brought. Some of the 
medieval clerical writers would have us believe that we have here 
the descendants of the lost tribes of Israel or of the scattered 
builders of Babel. Others trace the genealogy of the islanders to 
Noah himself, whose sons and grandsons are made responsible for 
their colonization and even for their names. 


It has been expected that cranial studies would serve as a key 
to the affinities of the Guanches, though here again there is evi- 
dence of long isolation, for Dr Chil claims to be able to recognize 
the inhabitants of each of the islands by the skull alone. In all 
cases this is of the dolicocephalic (Cromagnon) type. Crania of 
the same class are still found among the Basques, in the Landes 
of southern France, and especially in Africa. According to Henry 
Gilman, these islanders, in common with the moundbuilders and 
Peruvians of America and the neolithic people of France, had the 
custom of boring a hole in the top of the skulls of the dead that 

456 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

the soul might readily pass in and out. We do not recollect hav- 
ing seen any such perforations in the skulls in Las Palmas 
Museum, where the best collection exists. 

The skeletons of the primitive Canarians' are of a very old 
type, with the much-flattened tibia, such as occurs also among 
the men of Cromagnon and the ancient inhabitants of Wales, and 
the perforation of the bone of the arm which is not found in that 
of modern man. Professor Retzius concludes that there was 
close relationship between the Guanches and the Moors, Tuaricks, 
Copts, and the people of the West African coast and the Carib 
islanders of the opposite shores of the Atlantic ; while Webb and 
Berthelot think that the islands, at about the time of the troglo- 
dytes, were occupied by a prehistoric race whose traces remain in 
the sepulchral caves. " Upon this race were grafted several 
others, — first Berbers of Libyan origin whose various tribes gave 
names to the various islands and who remained in the ascendency 
in the five western islands. The Arab element afterwards gained 
the supremacy in Lanzarote and Fuerteventura." There was 
evidence of the existence of at least two distinct races in the 
great resemblance to each other of the people of the two most 
easterly islands and their difference from the remaining islanders 
in physique, customs, and language. Even in the one island of 
Teneriffe the swarthy men of the south seem to have little rela- 
tionship with the blonds of the north. Dr Chil, on the contrary, 
is emphatic in his opinion that the Guanches were all of one race, 
" the real Dolman people such as they existed in primitive times," 
and " the most ancient race known," which, notwithstanding in- 
vasions by Libyans, Phenicians, and Romans, " preserved until 
the conquest some of its purity" and even today is represented 
by fine types with all of its distinctive characteristics. As to the 
degree of culture reached in historical times, students agree that 
it was that of neolithic southwestern Europe and northern Africa. 

' " Canarians " is used for the inhabitants of all the islands, " Canarios " for those 
of Grand Canary, the latter being the customary Spanish designation. 



Writing was probably unknown to the Guanches. Hiero- 
glyphic cuttings, as yet undeciphered, have been found in Lanza- 
rote, Fuerteventura, Palma, Canary, and Hicrro, but it seems 
possible that they are the work of Phenicians who may have 
touched the islands for commercial purposes. The conquerors 
might easily have preserved the various languages, which would 
have formed valuable sources of information, but, careless of all 
not pertaining to personal gain or aggrandizement, they let slip 
the great opportunity. Some time after the conquest dawned 
the brilliant idea that a knowledge of the almost vanished tongues 
might prove valuable, consequently science and literature were 
enriched by fragmentary vocabularies of words spelled at the 
pleasure of the compilers. There is a story that one of the 
Roman governors of a North African province ordered the insti- 
gators of a rebellion with their wives and children to be deprived 
of their tongues and set adrift in an oarless boat. These muti- 
lated families arrived at the island of Gomera, and the curious 
guttural language of their descendants, who are described as 
speaking as if they had no tongues, was supposed to have resulted 
from learning to talk from such dismembered ancestors. 

The inhabitants of the archipelago had been so long isolated 
that the indigenes of one island could hardly be understood at all 
on some of the others, though Galindo and Viera state that the 
speech of Gomera and Hierro was identical, as was also that 
of Lanzarote and Fuerteventura, while captive Canarios were 
taken as interpreters to Teneriffe. From the lists collected from 
all available sources by Dr Chil, we have selected several words 
for objects necessarily familiar on all the islands. The names for 
kid, vulture, and gofio are practically identical. It is noteworthy 
that the name for " moon " in Palma, Teneriffe, and Lanzarote is 
so closely similar to the word for " month " in Hierro and Gomera 
(the year was reckoned by moons on several of the islands), while 
the Palma and Lanzarote name for month is merely a modification 


of the same root. The table shows some other interesting 
resemblances and also indicates that a native of Hierro 
would not feel completely at home in Grand Canary. Yet com- 
munity of origin is evident. The root of the word for " sheep 
leather " is evident in the Gomeran word for " leather skirt," and 
there is a common root in the word for "sun" on five of the 
islands. The word for " kid " {chivato) throughout the archi- 
pelago is apparently related to the Palma word for "sheep" or 
"goat" {te quevite, — cJi being probably interchangeable with que 
as the representative of the k sound). The similarity between the 
word for " man " on Lanzarote and that for " son of," so common 
in compounds, on five of the islands is significant. 


The Guanches as the Europeans found them were of fine 
physical development. They had the keen eyesight and hearing 
of primitive peoples, but the senses of touch and taste were blunt. 
The peasants of today seem to have inherited these latter quali- 
ties, for they walk with ease over the stoniest of mountain paths, 
traverse fields of hot scoriae which burn the feet of booted Euro- 
peans, and eat with complacency viands much too highly seasoned 
even for the Spanish palate. 

Esdrisi, in 1 154, described the inhabitants of Canary as " white, 
tall, with long straight hair, the women of rare beauty." The 
chaplains who chronicled the adventures of Bethencourt, who led 
the first successful invasions, say, " Go over all the world and you 
will find in no part more beautiful people, neither better formed 
than those of these islands, men and women, and they are of great 
intelligence if they had one to instruct them." Father Galindo, 
on the other hand, voices what was evidently the Spanish idea : 
" As all the creation in the heavens as on the earth i^ subject to 
the will of God, when I would treat of the nature and of the in- 
clinations of the Guanche race, I would regard them as of the 
inferior order, made to serve, because the divine will has declared 




































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460 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST [n. s., 2, 1900 

itself in this sense upon their souls and made them for servitude, 
in the same way that certain stars exercise their influence upon 
others." The chaplains of Bethencourt found in Fuerteventura 
" men of extraordinary stature and very much attached to and 
pertinacious in their laws and beliefs. . . . They can scarcely be 
taken alive, for they run like rabbits, and if one of them is cap- 
tured and afterwards returns to his people, they put him to 
death." They were by some supposed to be a race of giants, and 
were, at least, a tall and strong people. Among the dead after a 
certain battle the Spaniards found a warrior nine feet in height, 
and the size of the tombs indicated bodies of large dimensions. 
Guardafia, king of the country, was a hero of heroes. Tied and 
held by three Spaniards, he broke his bonds, overthrew the men, 
and escaped. Thrice captured, he each time burst his chains and 
freed himself. 

Many feats of strength and skill are recorded of the ancient 
race. Fray Espinosa, who wrote twenty-four years after the con- 
quest, was shown an enormous stone which no European could 
lift, but which the Guanches were accustomed to raise above 
their heads. The Spanish told the following tale illustrative of 
their skill : Three soldiers, each with a basket of oranges, stood 
before an islander, who, with one hand, caught all the oranges 
thrown to him, while with the other he returned to each soldier 
oranges from his own basket. One Canario was so strong, and 
at the same time so agile, that no one with the force of both 
hands could prevent his lifting a glass of water to his lips and 
drinking it without spilling a drop. Another was taken to Seville, 
where, for a cnarto (less than half a cent), he would stand and 
dodge stones thrown at him from a distance of eight paces. It 
was a favorite sport in Canary and Teneriffe to " climb a cliff, 
which only to behold makes the specta